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1
Yaguchi, Yujin. "The Ainu in United States-Japan relations." W&M ScholarWorks, 1999. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539720321.
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This study reevaluates the significance of the Ainu in U.S.-Japan relations. Specifically, the study emphasizes a trilateral configuration of relations among the Japanese, Americans, and the Ainu in Hokkaido, the northern island of Japan, in the period since the middle of the nineteenth century. By analyzing a wide range of documentary, visual, and material sources available in the United States and Japan, the study discusses specific connections that existed between the Ainu, Americans, and the Japanese in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Some were direct encounters. Other forms of relationship involved indirect connections. These encounters affected the social and historical consciousness of the Japanese and Americans in the past and which continue to do so today.;By reclaiming the presence of the Ainu in the vision of the past, this dissertation enlarges the terrain of the intercultural history of the United States and Japan. It recognizes the Ainu as a significant third party in third history of U.S.-Japan relations and questions the conventional historical framework used in the understanding of the U.S.-Japan relationship, a framework which has marginalized and even excluded the Ainu. By inserting the Ainu into our constructions of past and present human relationships in Hokkaido, the dissertation complicate and problematizes the very framework of the conventional understanding of the relationship between the two nations by pointing to the integral role the Ainu have continuously played on the various stages of cultural interaction in the northern island of Japan.
2
Ye, Jong Young. "Cooperation beyond rivalry : world system evolution and U.S.-Japan relations since 1945 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10790.
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Helper, Susan R., and Mari Sako. "Supplier Relations in Japan and the United States." MIT-Japan Program, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/7577.
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Zoerlein, Timothy A. "United States-Japan security relations : scenarios for the future /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1996. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA307205.
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Chan, Man Clara. "An American perspective on security relations with the Republic of Korea and Japan in the 1990s." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42574584.
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Kim, Nam G. (Nam Gyun). "US-Japan Relations during the Korean War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278651/.
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During the Korean War, US-Japan relations changed dramatically from the occupation status into one of a security partnership in Asia. When North Korea invaded South Korea, Washington perceived Japan as the ultimate target. Washington immediately intervened in the Korean peninsula to protect the South on behalf of Japanese security. Japanese security was the most important objective of American policy regarding the Korean War, a reality to which historians have not given legitimate attention. While fighting in Korea, Washington decided to conclude an early peace treaty with Japan to initiate Japanese rearmament. The issue of Japanese rearmament was a focal point in the Japanese peace negotiation. Washington pressed Japan to rearm rapidly, but Tokyo stubbornly opposed. Under pressure from Washington, the Japanese government established the National Police Reserve and had to expand its military forces during the war. When the Korean War ceased in July 1953, Japanese armed forces numbered about 180,000 men. The Korean War also brought a fundamental change to Japanese economic and diplomatic relations in Asia. With a trade embargo on China following the unexpected Chinese intervention in Korea, Washington wanted to forbid Sino-Japanese trade completely. In addition, Washington pressed Tokyo to recognize the Nationalist regime in Taiwan as the representative government of the whole Chinese people. Japan unsuccessfully resisted both policies. Japan wanted to maintain Sino-Japanese trade and recognize the Chinese Communists. The Korean War brought an economic boom to Japan. As a logistical and service supporter for United States war efforts in Korea, Japan received a substantial amount of military procurement orders from Washington, which supplied dollars, technology, and markets for Japan. The Korean War was an economic opportunity for Japan while it was a military opportunity for the United States. The Korean War was the beginning of a new era of American-Japanese military and economic interdependence. This study is based on both American and Japanese sources--primary and secondary.
7
Solomon, Russell Keith. "The role of Japan in United States strategic policy for Northeast Asia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25529.
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The role of Japan in any U.S. strategic policy will be decided from the outcome of two debates. These two debates, the Japanese security policy debate and the American strategic policy debate, have been conducted within the leading groups of each country. The debates, both independently and at their points of interaction, illustrate the dynamic nature of the problem of forecasting the kind of security role Japan will perform in any future American strategic policy for the Northeast Asian region.
Against a background of a Soviet regional military build-up and increasingly strident American calls for Japan to improve its defence capabilities, the Japanese debate signals a growing consensus for an enhanced security role. However, this trend must be severely qualified by the enduring impact of certain constitutional, political and economic constraints upon security policy-making. The importance that certain leading Japanese groups give to the domestic determinants of policy seems to have been discounted by many leading Americans.
Any enhancement of Japan's security role must be accommodated by the Japanese domestic political environment; an environment which retains strong pacifist sentiments. The recent movement towards a military alliance between the two countries needs to be balanced against the continuing relevance that a good proportion of leading Japanese and the Japanese public hold for a minimum defence posture supported by the American security commitment, as embodied in the U.S.-Japan treaty.
The American strategic policy debate is concerned with two main policy arguments. The unilateralist/maritime supremacy argument sees the world in essentially bipolar terms and seeks to augment American power so as to be able to overcome a potential enemy, solely through the use of U.S. power. The coalition/defence argument views the world in multipolar terms and believes that deterrence against an enemy should suffice and that this can best be achieved through the utilization and management of allied as well as American forces.
The examination of the policy arguments within each of the debates reveals that each is in an insufficiently developed stage to greatly assist our predictions as to Japan's future security role in any American strategic policy. Arguments that Japan is willing to accept specific regional security are easily countered by equally valid ones which foresee no direct security role within any American strategic policy of the near future.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
8
Gui, Yongtao. "Restoring the dialogue with Japan--Edwin O. Reischauer and the U.S.-Japan intellectual relations /." Electronic version of summary Electronic version of examination, 2005. http://www.wul.waseda.ac.jp/gakui/gaiyo/3949.pdf.
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Traylor, John Christopher 1960. "American business and United States foreign economic policy in East Asia, 1953-1960." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276538.
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The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)
10
Anderson, Andrew Richard. "A relationship under strain : the FSX fighter and the Japan-US alliance." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114564.
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On the 3rd of March 1990, Japanese Prime Minister Toshiki
Kaifu and President George Bush met in Palm Springs,
California, to discuss ways to ease the strained Japan-US
relationship. They discussed the fate of both the security
alliance and the trade relationship. Central to the
discussion were concerns to reduce the American $49 billion
trade deficit with Japan and plans to reduce the US troop
numbers in Asia by ten percent (from 120,000) or about 5,000
troops in Japan. The trade relationship, currently in a
"showdown" stage, faces considerable friction ahead because
under the Super "301" clause of the 1988 Omnibus trade bill
retaliatory action is required against specified countries
(Japan) if progress is not made towards the importation of
designated products (lumber, satellites, and supercomputers)
by a specified date (June 16, 1990). The Super "301" clause
sets deadlines in an ongoing dispute that has years of "no-results"
precedents. Setting deadlines creates possible
flash points in the Japanese-American relationship.
11
Katahara, Eiichi. "The U.S.-Japan security relationship, 1975-1985 : a Japanese perspective." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112048.
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Japan and the United States, two bitter wartime
enemies, have become two of the closest and perhaps most
important allies in the world today. Given the
dissimilarities between the two countries, the U.S.-Japan
alliance is, indeed, a remarkable achievement. In spite of
the marked differences in culture, tradition, language and
ethnicity, the two countries share a basic similarity in
that they are now industrial democracies, embracing
democratic values and a free economy. Although the post-war U .S .-Japanese relationship can be
viewed as a remarkable success, diverging national interests
and differing perceptions have troubled the relationship
from time to time. These create an ever-present potential
for mishandling and misunderstanding, as were the textile
dispute in 1969-71 and the "Nixon shocks" of 1971. Although
Japan has been the cornerstone of the U.S. strategy of
forward deployment in the Asia-Pacific region, recent
U .S .-Japanese relations have been strained by chronic
economic friction and U.S. demands for an increased Japanese
defence effort. This paper deals with the strategic aspects of the
current U .S .-Japanese relationship. It focusses on the
period from 1975 to the present because since the late
1970s, the U . S .-Japanese security relationship has entered a new phase. Recent trends indicate that Japan seems to be
increasingly integrated into the U.S. global alliance
system. Some indications of this are joint defence planning,
military technology cooperation and joint military
exercises. But questions which need to be answered remain.
Is Japan really prepared to meet the U.S. demands? What are
the implications of the deepening military ties between the
U.S. and Japan for the security of Japanese interests, or
for the stability of the Asia-Pacific region? How can a more
stable U,S.-Japanese security relationship be developed?
12
McKevitt, Andrew C. "Consuming Japan: Cultural Relations and the Globalizing of America, 1973-1993." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2009. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/37645.
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HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation explores the U.S. encounter with Japanese goods in the 1970s and 1980s. It argues that this encounter transformed social and cultural life in the United States by ideologically and materially introducing Americans to their first intense, sustained engagement with the processes of contemporary globalization. The dissertation proceeds thematically, first outlining the ideological transformation of American life. While some groups in the United States interpreted Japan's ascendency to economic supremacy as a threat to U.S. national power, others imagined Japan as the harbinger of of globalized future of economic prosperity and cultural homogeneity. Popular cultural representations of Japan reflected such understandings but also addressed the postmodern nature of the Japanese future, framing it as a borderless future in which Japanese corporations limited American political and economic freedoms. The second half of the dissertation examines the material globalizing of America--the U.S. consumption of Japanese goods like automobiles, VCRs, and Japanese animation (anime). The author argues that the popular image of the U.S.-Japan trade conflict during the 1980s obscures the nuances in the relationship that developed at the local level, where Americans consumed goods that transformed their lives, introducing them to new ways of thinking about the world and interacting with other societies engaged in global economic and cultural exchange.
Temple University--Theses
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Walter, Jason Michael. "Determinants of Bilateral Trade between the United States and Japan." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2010. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29311.
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The objective of this study is to evaluate the effects of macroeconomic policy variables on bilateral trade between the United States and Japan. An auto-regressive distributed lag model is developed to estimate the effects of government economic policies on four commodity groups: agriculture; materials and chemicals; machinery and transport equipment; and manufactured goods. Results indicate that monetary policy significantly affects U. S. and Japanese imports of manufactured goods and transport equipment. The results also show that changes in government expenditure have a significant long-run effect on U.S. imports of manufactured goods and Japanese imports of materials and chemicals, while the long-run
effects of income and exchange rates are significant for most commodity groups.
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Johnson, Christopher S. "The United States-Japan Security Treaty of 1951: An Essay on the Origins of Postwar Japanese-American Relation." PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4596.
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The early September day in 1951 that brought the Pacific War to an official end, with the signing of a treaty of peace, concluded as representatives of Japan and the United States signed the Bilateral Security Treaty. The security treaty symbolized new realities of international relations, just as the peace treaty had buried the old. By cementing into place a strategic alliance between the former Pacific antagonists, the treaty represented the great and lasting achievement of postwar American diplomacy in Asia. Nevertheless, the treaty was both the outcome and the perpetuation of a stereotyped and lopsided relationship, now fixed firmly into place, as a Japan diminished by defeat acceded to the necessity of a security embrace with its former conqueror, and the United States enlisted a most valued, albeit a most reluctant ally for the ongoing struggle to meet and defeat the Soviet threat. At the end of the Pacific War such an outcome had been beyond the pale. The security treaty was the product of years of crisis adaptation. Hopes that the U.S. could make China the great power of Asia were dashed by revolution. As cherished verities of U.S. diplomacy fell by the wayside, new truisms, based upon strategic interests inherited from victory in the Pacific and the cold war policy of containment, staunchly rose to assume their place. As a result, U.S. attitudes towards Japan underwent a tortuous reassessment. The initial occupation policies of disarmament and reform were replaced by the urgent need to enlist Japan as a vital cold war asset. However, this reorientation was not easily accomplished. Competing interests within the U.S. Government clashed over the means necessary to insure Japan's security and stability, while also guaranteeing the creation of a reliable ally -- a debate that became ever more heated as the cold war intensified. The Japanese, at great disadvantage, skillfully attempted to negotiate a role for themselves in the postwar world, eager for an alliance, yet fearful of domination. The goal of this thesis is to chart and document the evolution of this policy transformation, in all its twists and odd turns. To accomplish this task I turned to an older tradition of political science, one widely practiced at the dawn of the discipline. To be sure, judicious use was made of many of the theories and methodological approaches prevalent currently. Yet while useful at times, these methods often failed to adequately explain those indeterminate moments of idiosyncratic chance and contingency of events upon which so much, to my mind, the final outcome depended. I turned therefore to a more historical approach. My primary sources became the diplomatic record as revealed in the Foreign Relations of the United States and the memoirs of those who participated in the fashioning of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. By the time the security treaty was concluded, the agreement reached was not one of shared joint purpose, but one which defined and gave sanction to diverging national aims that could not, nonetheless, be realized in isolation. The continued U.S. military presence in Japan had been the goal of a policy process ultimately defined in military terms, as the final bastion of cold war containment on the rim of Asia. The Japanese understood the need for security in a volatile world, but not the necessity of providing it for themselves, as the postwar political system slowly organized around emerging economic priorities. It was an odd arrangement, but one which met respective needs and desires. Yet its lack of reciprocity and mutual commitment has ensured through the years the continuation of an ambiguous and uncertain alliance.
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Duho, Drapeau Dann. "The parameters of Japan's political economic strategy : impact of national identity, national interests, and role conceptions on Japanese foreign policy (1980-97)." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28266.
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Research on Japanese current foreign policy suffers from neglect of the influence of domestic factors on Japan's decisions and behaviour in world politics. The question of the nature of Japanese foreign policy needs to go beyond the exogenous cause of state behaviour in international affairs. The object of inquiry of this thesis is the influence of social factors on the orientation of Japan's foreign policy. The central concern is: "how" and "why" Japan behaves as it does in world affairs. This examination addresses the question of the interaction of endogenous and exogenous factors on the foreign economic policy of Japan, and postulates that Japanese national identity, national interests, and role conceptions, are the essence of Japan's defensive attitudes in world affairs on the one hand, and that Japanese behavioural patterns in international relations are in conformity with the ends of Japan's foreign policy: economic security and growth under the Japan-US alliance. Japanese response to US pressure and trade adjustment to the changing framework of the world economy from the 1980s up to the present give a relevant outlook to the defensive character of Japan's foreign policy. For Japanese policy-makers, the stability of Japan's economic performance in the world economy, its pacifist attitude in world affairs, its trade relations with the United States, and its protectorate status as a result of the Japan-US Security Treaty, are beyond question.
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Mori, Naoko. "Role of public relations in management: Japanese corporations in the United States." Thesis, Boston University, 1988. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/38082.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Boston UniversityPLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
This study explores how Japanese corporations operating in the U.S. accommodate their management systems to an American work environment, and examines the role of public relations activities in the management systems. Nine interviews were conducted with American and Japanese executives at five Japanese corporations in Massachusetts and Connecticut. The major research questions were: What are the management policies and how is the management structured at each company? What kind of communication method is used for employee and community relations programs? How do the differences between American and Japanese cultures, such as languages and work values, affect the corporations? How do public relations activities support management objectives? All the executives concluded that cultural differences between the U.S. and Japan do not become communication barriers once people from both nations gain mutual understanding. Due to differences in the nature of employees and communities in which they operate, the types of management systems and the communication methods adopted by the five companies vary. Public relations can help management monitor these environmental differences and establish its goals according to the environment. To implement these goals, organizations need active managers who are willing to understand the cultural differences of their organizations and to get involved with employee and community activities. In this way, the managers can facilitate two-way communication among the organizations and between the organizations and the communities.
2031-01-01
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Dalsky, David Jerome. "Relational self-enhancement in the United States and Japan /." Full text available from ProQuest UM Digital Dissertations, 2005. http://0-proquest.umi.com.umiss.lib.olemiss.edu/pqdweb?index=0&did=1264606711&SrchMode=1&sid=9&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1184868368&clientId=22256.
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Murayama, Mimi. "Silence: A Comparison of Japanese and U.S. Interpretation." PDXScholar, 1995. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4935.
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It is commonly argued that silence is an important Japanese communication strategy, with the goal of making oneself understood without words; on the other hand, in the U.S., silence tends to be filled by speaking, and speaking up clearly and the facilitation of talking is preferred. However, our knowledge about how silence is interpreted in the U.S. and Japan is weak and based on anecdotal evidence. Therefore, this study examines how people in the U.S. and Japan interpret silence according to contexts, examining what kinds of social rules underlie their interpretation. Interpretation is guided by how people connect ideas. One of the ways to observe how people connect ideas is to have subjects sort words related to silence and compare the way they arrange the words into groups. Multidimensional scaling was used to estimate the underlying dimensions in the way each group sorts the words, and then these dimension were compared. In the comparison of how Japanese and the U.S. associate words related to silence, the most significant difference between Japanese and U.S. subjects was found in the way subjects associate groups of words with contexts. The U.S. subjects had a tendency to interpret silence more positive than Japanese in most contexts. Japanese revealed the tendency to interpret silence more active than the U.S. subjects in most contexts. For Japanese, silence has particular symbolic meaning, and the communicator is often expected to figure out the underlying meaning of silence. When silence is used to intentionally communicate something, it can create uncertainty if the listener is unable to figure what underlies the silence. In U.S., silence is interpreted as positive and less active, that is to say, more internal and reflective. In conclusion, the findings suggest that Japanese interpret silence as a communicative symbol that must be actively interpreted, and this is consistent with most literature, however, they emphatically contradict the stereotype of "vocal Americans", commonly depicted in the literature.
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Pettibon, Jonathan E. "Capabilities of the Japanese Self-Defense Force and its impact on United States-Japan relations." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5796.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.Determining the capabilities of the Japanese Self-Defense Force (JSDF) is necessary to understand its impact on U.S. Japan relations. Few scholars have done the due diligence needed to truly determine the capabilities of this force. For example, general descriptions of the capabilities of the JSDF overall ignore wide variation in the capabilities of its three branches. Additionally, Japan has increased its involvement in international security affairs during the past two decades, but its involvement in areas such as the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UN PKO) or Humanitarian Aid/Disaster Relief operations is often exaggerated, overstating the experience of the JSDF. The lack of accurate or complete assessments of the capabilities of the JSDF affects both American and Japanese policymakers. With a better understanding of the JSDF, we can make more precise assessments of Japan's future intentions in its foreign policy, allowing us to address broader questions: how will this evolution continue into the future and how do JSDF capabilities affect the United States' security relationship with Japan? This thesis analyzes the history and structure of the JSDF in order to understand its actual capabilities and its future role in the international security environment.
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Barnes, Dayna. "Armchair occupation : American wartime planning for postwar Japan, 1937-1945." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/855/.
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By the late 1930s, it became clear to informed Americans that the international system in East Asia had failed. The outbreak of war between Japan and China in 1937 demonstrated that the current system could no longer provide stability in the region. Four years later, Japan’s surprise attack on Pearl Harbor ended American neutrality and united the regional conflict with the World War. Even as war raged, Japanese aggression raised questions for the future. If Imperial Japan, the most powerful country in Asia, were defeated, what might replace its regional dominance? What would become of its colonies? What had caused Japanese militarism, and how could its resurgence be prevented? If America were to emerge from the war powerful enough to reshape global politics, what future for Japan would best serve American interests? The story of how these questions were answered and why a particular set of responses became American policy is the subject of this dissertation. This work provides an account of the post-war planning process and the deliberative period which shaped American policy towards Japan after surrender in 1945. It will look at how these questions came to be answered, both in terms of the formulation of actual policies implemented after the war and the inputs and environment in which responses developed. Much has been written on the outcome of these choices, there have been many histories of the postwar occupation of Japan and postwar US-Japan relations. But very little attention has been given to where the eventual policy came from. By bringing the aims and intentions of the planners to light, this work provides a new perspective on the policy that the United States imposed on Japan during the occupation period and after.
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Nukumi, Tetsuro. "Political Economy of Industrial Keiretsu Groups in Japan and their Impact on Foreign Trade with the United States." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278301/.
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The postwar transformation of the international environment has caused economic issues to become a main source of contention among industrial states. The trade imbalance between Japan and its trading partners became a major source of conflict. Reciprocity of access and opening the market of Japan became the main point of debate and the major issue affecting relations between Japan and the United States. While the distinction between the domain of domestic and international politics increasingly is blurred, different domestic political economies create bilateral political and economic conflict. The structure and politics of intercorporate groups or vertical keiretsu are a major feature of Japan's industrial structure and political economy. This case study examines how vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries affect the Japanese political economy and international trade. A political economy approach focuses on the political context of economic phenomena by analyzing both political and economic variables. Case studies of keiretsu were used in order to gain an understanding of Japan's political economy. A number of propositions or assumptions about the political economy and the dynamics of keiretsu were examined in these studies. It was found that vertical keiretsu influences the industrial sector, trade, and foreign policies in Japan. Japan's industrial policies cannot fully be understood without taking keiretsu into consideration. Scholars have not yet fully considered vertical keiretsu as major actors in the Japanese political process. Their political influence on industrial policies has largely been overlooked. Vertical keiretsu in the automobile and home electric appliance industries were found in the case studies to have been shaping industrial policies since the early post war years. Findings about the nature of Japan's political economy help to explain the conflictive bilateral relationships between Japan and the United States. The findings also show that understanding political economies of nations is increasingly important as the world economy grows and greater trade interaction is imminent.
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Bowers, Tammy A. "Foreign aid and the national interest : the cases of the United States and Japan." FIU Digital Commons, 1996. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1751.
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Developed countries give foreign assistance for many reasons, one of which is the protection of national interests. Foreign aid gives a donor country leverage in international relations and is used as a tool of foreign policy. The United States and Japan are the two largest aid donors in the world. Each of these countries exert influence over specific regions through foreign assistance. Although the national interests of each country are different, both use foreign aid to protect these interests. This thesis discusses the means by which the United States and Japan use foreign aid in foreign policy. It looks specifically at U.S. food aid to Central America and Japanese aid to Asia.
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Kimura, Masami. "Cultures of Modernity in the Making of the United States-Japan Cold War Alliance." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/305865.
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This dissertation explores the cultural and intellectual factors in the remaking of US-Japan relations which transformed as the two countries transitioned from enemies to allies after 1945. Diverging from the traditional approaches of diplomatic and political history that, focusing on state actors, describe policymaking processes, I comparatively study public discourses in 1940s-early 1950s America and Japan where various groups and actors - politicians, bureaucrats, journalists, scholars, and intellectuals - participated and created. Both peoples shared a similar discourse concerning modernization and, indeed, developed parallel ideas about modern Japanese history and the causes of Japanese militarism, the postwar democratization of Japan, and the making of a postwar Asian peace. They believed in the European progressive view of history, variously interpreted, and judged Japan to be "underdeveloped," compared with the "advanced West," having become an unlawful aggressor nation in the 1930s. Such views of a "failed" modernity and subsequent war rationalized Allied occupation and democratization reforms in post-surrender Japan. The more influenced by Marxian theories, the more critical they were of Japan's incomplete modernization, and the more enthusiastic for Allied - or American - intervention in postwar reforms. American and Japanese discourses on the reform of Japan's political organization, namely constitutional revision, show similar reformist plans from reconstruction of the constitutional monarchy to republican options. Those adopting Marxist analyses found the root cause of Japan's undemocratic and aggressive nature in the emperor system called for its elimination; those who did not believe that democratization required the overthrow of monarchy suggested reforming Japan's imperial institution to make democratic government function better. In addition, both Americans and Japanese shared the Wilsonian idea of internationalism, and they expected Japan to reenter the postwar Asia-Pacific as a totally demilitarized, democratic, and pacifist country that could contribute to peace and development of the region. With the Cold War, the US policies for Asia and Japan altered. So did the internationalist visions, causing political debates in the United States and Japan. My work ultimately shows such parallel and intersecting cultures where US-Japan relations were rehabilitated in the immediate-postwar years.
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Park, Jin. "South Korea's relations with the United States and Japan during the Park Chung-Hee government, 1961-79." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358528.
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Kim, Hyun-Wook. "Critical junctures and alliance cohesion : the post-Cold War US-Korea and US-Japan alliances." View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318340.
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Kinuhata, Hitomi. "Hugh Borton : his role in American-Japanese relations /." [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2004. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0629104-174631/unrestricted/KinuhataH072004f.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A.)--East Tennessee State University, 2004.Title from electronic submission form. ETSU ETD database URN: etd-0629104-174631. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via Internet at the UMI web site.
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Hachem, Daniel R. (Daniel Raymond). "A Study on U.S. Japanese Foreign Trade." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278155/.
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This research presents an in depth discussion and analysis on U.S. Japanese foreign trade. It is divided into two parts. The first hypothesis states that the appreciation of the dollar in the early eighties is positively correlated with the U.S. trade deficit, especially with Japan. The second hypothesis states that Friedrich Von Hayek's Theory of Social Order applies to the development of capitalism in that country. This can also be divided into two parts, a) this generation of Japanese consumes, saves, and invests differently than previous generations, and b) Japanese consumption and investment patterns follow U.S. consumption and investment patterns with a lag.
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Matthews, Aaron Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "Japan's approach to missile defence cooperation from 1993 to 2003 : examining the structure of cooperation to determine the relative influence of key security objectives." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40520.
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The intent of this study is to assess the role of fundamental Japanese security policy objectives in driving the significant shifts in Japan???s approach towards missile defence cooperation with the United States from 1993 to 2003. In studying the relative influence of the objectives that guided Japan???s approach towards missile defence cooperation, this thesis seeks to address a gap in the literature. A debate has occurred over the direction of Japanese security policy that is based on widely different assumptions on the importance attached to various fundamental security objectives. At the same time, Japan???s approach to missile defence has been the subject of considerable analysis that identified the crucial importance of the issue for the attainment of these fundamental security policy objectives. But no linkage has been established between these two levels of analysis. In particular, there has been an absence of assessments of what Japan???s decisions on missile defence cooperation indicate about the relative influence of the various objectives. This thesis developed an analytical framework to enable such an assessment by examining the structure of missile defence cooperation undertaken. Japan possessed a range of options in the level and type of involvement in missile defence cooperation. That involvement would determine the eventual type of benefits and costs incurred against the affected objectives. Cooperation agreed to (or rejected) over the ten year period thereby provides a means to determine the influence of key objectives on Japan???s approach, and in particular those objectives that restrained involvement. The thesis finds that a clear hierarchy existed in the influence of the various objectives on Japan???s approach with changes in their influence explaining the evolution of Japan???s commitment. The desire to strengthen the alliance, weakening domestic political constraints, and disregard of China???s opposition provide the key explanations. These findings not only point towards the respective strengths and weaknesses of the various approaches employed to explain Japanese security policy, but they also suggest the value of greater attention to the state???s ability to overcome domestic constraints in determining policy in order to fully understand the broader transformation of Japanese security policy.
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Jordan, Caroline Mackenzie. "Measuring Social Ecology: Comparing Perceptions Of Personal And Societal Relational Mobility In Japan And The United States." W&M ScholarWorks, 2020. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1616444349.
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Relational mobility, i.e., the degree to which individuals are afforded opportunities to voluntarily form and terminate relationships in a given society, is proposed in previous research to underlie many cultural differences in psychology. However, questions remain about how to best measure the construct of relational mobility, and whether to consider relational mobility as a construct existing on the environmental or individual level. In this study, we test the measurement invariance of one proposed alternate measure, the personal mobility scale across the United States (n = 1,698) and Japan (n = 2,224). We then compare correlations between personal mobility and individual difference variables to the correlations between relational mobility and these traits within the US and Japan. Finally, within both countries we model the number of new acquaintances that participants report meeting as a function of their individual-level relational mobility and personal mobility, and their state or prefecture’s average relational mobility using a series of multilevel negative binomial regressions. In Study 1a, we found the personal mobility scale to be partially invariant across the United States and Japan. In Study 1b we found support for our hypothesis that the personal mobility scale is more closely associated with individual differences (e.g., extraversion, self-esteem, and popularity) than is the relational mobility scale. We found in Study 1c that even when accounting for an individual’s personal mobility, the locality’s average relational mobility significantly predicts how many new acquaintances participants met, providing evidence that the relational mobility scale does quantify the socioecological construct of relational mobility. Taken together, the results of these three studies support the use of the relational mobility scale over the personal mobility scale to measure the socioecological construct of relational mobility.
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Matsubara, Nao. "The prospect for Okinawa's initiative : towards getting rid of the U.S. Military presence in Okinawa." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm4344.pdf.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves [56]-[62]) Focusses on issues concerning the U.S. military presence on the island. Elaborates on Okinawa's suffering due to the military bases which have hindered Okinawa's economic development, created serious pollution and encouraged crime
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Park, Sun-Won. "The dynamics of triangular intra-alliance politics : political interventions of the United States and Japan towards South Korea in regime transition 1979-1980." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4369/.
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The focus of this study is the political dynamics of the alliance relations between the United States, Japan and South Korea during the Cold War period. It proposes the concept of "triangular alliance security system" (TASS) as a new theoretical framework for the understanding of intra-alliance politics in Northeast Asia. It identifies the different perspectives on regional relations of the US, Japan and South Korea and it argues that the main operational principle of the US in its dealings with Korea at that time was active intervention to democratise the latter's polity, whilst the Japanese imperative was defensive intervention to preserve stability and the status quo. It also presents a new body of empirical facts concerning the US and Japanese interventions in South Korea's regime transition during 1979 and 1980, utilising primary materials from US, Japanese and South Korean sources and in-depth interviews with diplomatic actors and policy-makers. The empirical findings concerning Japanese intervention in the South Korean regime challenge conventional views of Japanese foreign policy. They suggest a much more active role for Japan in the emergence of the regime of Gen. Chun Doo-hwan, whilst the Carter administration was increasingly preoccupied with the Iran hostage crisis.
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Shimazu, Naoko. "The racial equality proposal at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference : Japanese motivations and Anglo-American responses." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8fd0f80b-a0be-42df-a1a0-7441fb27616b.
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This thesis is a study of the racial equality proposal at the Paris Peace Conference. It explores Japanese motivations for submitting the proposal, and the responses of the British and American governments which eventually defeated it. The thesis uses an analytical framework based on five categories of possible explanations for the proposal: immigration, universal principle, great power status, peace conference politics and bargaining, and domestic politics. The thrust of the analysis contained in the thesis is as follows. For Japan, the proposal meant three things: a means of reaffirming its great power status by securing racial equality with the western great powers in the League of Nations; a justification for Prime Minister Hara whose pro- League position was maintained by a fragile domestic consensus against sceptics in the government and the wider public; and a means of resolving Japanese immigration problems in the United States and British Dominions. But for Japan the proposal was not originally intended as a demand for universal racial equality. For Britain, the proposal was unacceptable because it meant "free immigration" of non-white immigrants into the Dominions. In particular, Australia adamantly opposed it also because of its political significance for Australian public opinion. For the United States, Wilson's determination to create the League of Nations at almost any cost led him to impose a unanimity ruling at the crucial vote on llth April 1919. Other explanations worked in the background. The proposal highlighted the importance of the link between race and great power status for Japan, Japan's insecurity concerning the League of Nations and the West, and Japan's different approach to international relations. Moreover, the failure of the proposal revealed the limits of Wilsonian idealism in that neither Britain nor the United States at that time seriously considered the possibility of universal racial equality.
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Minami, Hiroko. "Newspaper Work in a Time of Digital Change: A Comparative Study of U.S. and Japanese Journalists." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11980.
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xi, 272 p. : ill. (some col.)This is a qualitative comparative study about perspectives and experiences of contemporary journalists at three newspapers in the United States and Japan. The newspaper industry in both the United States and Japan is going through an unprecedented transitional period driven by economic forces and technological changes. One purpose of the study is to shed light on everyday journalists who are exposed to industry-wide structural changes. Based on interviews with journalists of the three newspapers, this study explores journalists' experiences about economic and technological impacts and their perspectives about their work. Another purpose of this study is to compare and contrast these perspectives and experiences. By doing so, it is possible to examine how the interconnected economies of the countries and globally standardized technology influence the views and behavior of U.S. and Japanese journalists. Journalists of the three newspapers are confronting a dilemma between their journalistic ideals and increasing economic pressures that limit their activities. They are increasingly feeling insecure about employment in the newspaper industry. They show different attitudes toward employment with their newspapers. Journalists at the U.S. newspaper think of changing careers for better job security, while Japanese journalists seek solutions within the company, rather than leaving. This indicates that U.S. journalists have more freedom to choose, while Japanese journalists are bound to their company partly because of hiring and training practices specific to Japanese newspapers. Journalists have contradictory views about technological development. While they appreciate increased productivity brought by digital technology, they feel their labor has been cheapened partly because of the same technology. Similarities in journalists' experiences beyond newspapers and national borders occur as a result of homogenous impacts of interconnected economies of the two countries and globally standardized technology. However, shared ideas, values and norms specific to the workplace play an important role in determining journalists' perspectives and social behavior. This is why journalists' perspectives and attitudes vary by newspaper. This study concludes by emphasizing the importance of labor studies of newspaper journalists as information providers who are expected to make democracy function.
Committee in charge: Dr. John Russial, Chairperson; Dr. Gabriela Martinez, Member; Dr. Janet Wasko, Member; Dr. Jeffery Hanes, Outside Member
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Olson, Cassandra A. "Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands Dispute—Trilateral Policy Responses Between China, Japan, and the US." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1429761310.
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Berry, Chad Michael. "Looking for a Friend: Sino-U.S. Relations and Ulysses S. Grant's Mediation in the Ryukyu/Liuqiu Dispute of 1879." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1397610312.
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Cheong, Onn Kee. "A Study of the Interdependence of Four Major Stock Markets Using a Vector Autoregression." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500682/.
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The question for this thesis is whether the four major stock markets--the United States, Great Britain, West Germany, and Japan are interdependent or segmented. The study period runs from February 1979 to June 1987, with the Wall Street Journal as a source of data. The Granger causality test is used to test for relationships among the four major stock markets. The thesis is divided into five chapters-- 1) statement of the problem; 2) survey of literature; 3) methodology; 4) results and 5) conclusions. The overall findings of this thesis indicate that there are few or no comovement similarities among all the four stock markets. However, the findings do point out the significant influence of the United States stock market on the other three stock markets.
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Sinkkonen, Marja E. "Rethinking Chinese national identity : the wider context of foreign policy making during the era of Hu Jintao, 2002-2012." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:89137b0a-ab44-45ee-b1e0-32c251a967a3.
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This thesis analyses China's national identity construction and its foreign policy implications especially towards Japan and the United States during the Hu Jintao period 2002-2012. The vast literature on China's rise takes “rising nationalism” in China as one of the key indicators of increased likelihood for aggressive behaviour in the future. This work problematizes some of the simplified assumptions made in this literature by emphasising the domestic context from which foreign policies rise. I argue that culture specific values deriving from national identities shape attitude structures and affect the whole thinking and conceptualisation related to foreign policy with wide-ranging consequences. Thus, in this research national identity is operationalised through values and attitudes deriving from it. With empirical evidence, I show in my thesis that most things discussed as "nationalism" in China studies literature can be analytically separated into at least two components, each with different foreign policy relevant correlates. Analysing two sets of survey material with statistical methods I show that the type of national attachment in China constrains foreign policy preferences in a different way than often assumed in the literature: "patriots" support an internationalist stance in contrast to "nationalists" who favour more assertive behaviour towards Japan and the US as well as generally protectionist economic policies. In addition to analysing the associations between core values and foreign policy preferences, I also provide other examples of cultural factors shaping Chinese foreign policy context including the role of historical legacies and their political use, and the role of the media in the formation of foreign threat perceptions and foreign policy preferences. The need to better understand these national identity dynamics is emphasised because of the ongoing pluralisation of Chinese foreign policy establishment, which gives more space to domestic input from various levels of society.
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Funaiole, Matthew. "History and hierarchy : the foreign policy evolution of modern Japan." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5843.
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This thesis examines the foreign policy evolution of Japan from the time of its modernization during the mid-nineteenth century though the present. It is argued that infringements upon Japanese sovereignty and geopolitical vulnerabilities have conditioned Japanese leaders towards power seeking policy objectives. The core variables of statehood, namely power and sovereignty, and the perception of state elites are traced over this broad time period to provide a historical foundation for framing contemporary analyses of Japanese foreign policy. To facilitate this research, a unique framework that accounts for both the foreign policy preferences of Japanese leaders and the external constraints of the international system is developed. Neoclassical realist understandings of self-help and relative power distributions form the basis of the presented analysis, while constructivism offers crucial insights into ideational factors that influence state elites. Social Identity Theory, a social psychology theory that examines group behavior, is integrated to conceptualize the available policy options. Surveying Japanese foreign policy through this framework clarifies the seemingly irreconcilable shifts in Japan's foreign policy history and clearly delineates between political groups that embody distinct policy strategies and norms. Consequently, the main contribution of this thesis lies in the development of a theoretical framework that is uniquely positioned to identify historical trends in foreign policy. Owing to the numerous shifts in modern Japan's foreign policy history, this research identifies and examines three distinguishable Japanese “states”: Meiji Japan (1868 - 1912), Imperial Japan (1912 - 1945), and postwar Japan (1945 - present).
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Cezar, Rodrigo Fagundes. "Constrangimentos domésticos à política externa comercial dos Estados Unidos no Governo Clinton (1993-2001)." Marília, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/127875.
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Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Ferreira de CarvalhoBanca: Filipe Almeida do Prado Mendonça
Banca: Tullo Vigevani
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: A dissertação analisa as dificuldades domésticas apresentadas à formulação e à aprovação de política externa comercial nos EUA durante o governo de Bill Clinton (1993-2001) e a forma pela qual o Executivo se ajustou a esses obstáculos. Faz-se uma narrativa analítica, tendo com ênfase 1) a aprovação do NAFTA (1993), 2) os entraves ao processo de renovação do fasttrack (1997), 3) as relações comerciais com a China (1993-1996) e com o Japão (1993-1995), 4) a normalização das relações comerciais com a China e reunião ministerial da OMC em Seattle (1999-2000). O quadro analítico contém elementos de distintas abordagens, como a das unidades de decisão e da política burocrática, partindo da premissa de que o processo decisório em política externa comercial se dá por meio de coalizões. Argumenta-se que a forma como se elaborou a política comercial durante o governo Clinton foi essencial para que se chegasse aos resultados obtidos, sendo que os entraves no processo foram resultado das divisões no Congresso, na sociedade e no Executivo e das dificuldades de coordenação entre esses atores. Conclui-se que a análise oferecida, ao considerar os principais atores e seu relacionamento no processo decisório, permite entender com mais clareza os entraves domésticos à política externa comercial, bem como o modo pelo qual o Executivo se ajustou a tais entraves.
Abstract: This dissertation analyzes the domestic constraints that arose during the formulation and voting of US trade policy throughout Bill Clinton's administration (1993-2001) and the manner in which the Executive adjusted to these obstacles. An analytical narrative is undertaken with emphasis on: 1) the approval of NAFTA (1993); 2) the constraints to the renewal of fast-track authority (1997); 3) trade relations with China (1993-1996) and with Japan (1993-1995), 4) the normalization of trade relations with China and the WTO ministerial conference in Seattle (1999-2000). The analytic framework contains elements of different approaches such as decision units approach and bureaucratic politics model, based on the assumption that decision is made through coalitions. We argue that the way trade policy was formulated was essential for the results achieved and that the constraints were the result of divisions in the Congress, society and Executive and the difficulties related to the coordination of these actors. We conclude that the analysis provided allows us to understand more clearly the domestic constraints to the US trade policy and the manner in which the Executive adjusted to these obstacles by considering the relationship among the main actors within the decision-making process.
Mestre
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Bristow, Alexander. "The 1969 Summit within the Japan-US security treaty system : a two-level approach." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2e25b695-def3-4854-a04a-033566034384.
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This thesis reviews the significance of the 1969 Japan-US Summit between Prime Minister Satii Eisaku and President Richard Nixon in light of official documents that have been disclosed in Japan since 2010 and in the United States since the 1990s. Based on newly available sources, this thesis shows that the 1969 Summit should be considered a Japanese-led initiative with two aims: firstly, to announce a deadline for Okinawa's return with all nuclear weapons removed; and secondly, to reform the Japan-US security treaty system without repeating the kind of outright revision concluded in 1960. The Japanese plan to reform the security treaty system involved simplifying the prior consultation formula by making a public commitment to the security of South Korea of sufficient strength that the United States would agree to the dissolution of the 1960 secret 'Korea Minute'. The Japanese Government achieved its first aim but only partially succeeded in its second. Whilst the return of Okinawa was announced, the status of US bases in Okinawa and mainland Japan continued to be governed by an elaborate web of agreements, public and secret, which damaged public confidence and hampered an improvement in relations between Japan and its neighbouring countries. This thesis shows that commonly held academic opinions about the 1969 Summit are incorrect. Firstly, there was no quid pro quo in which Japan linked its security to South Korea in exchange for Okinawa: both these outcomes were in fact Japanese objectives at the beginning of the summit preparations. Secondly, the success of the summit did not depend on 'backchannel' negotiations between Wakaizumi Kei and Henry Kissinger: it is likely that an announcement on Okinawa's reversion would have been achieved in 1969 even if preparations for the summit had been left to the Japanese Foreign Ministry and the US State Department. Word Limit: Approx. 98,000 words, excluding Bibliography
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Dutridge-Corp, Elizabeth Anne. "Reconciling the Past: H.R. 121 and the Japanese Textbook Controversy." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1250099908.
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Lehmann, Timothy Carey. "For profit or power? : the strategic purpose of economic exchange in the U.S.-Japan great power rivalry /." The Ohio State University, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/54765459.html.
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Mikhalkina, Ekaterina. "Taxation in the United States." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-114465.
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The content of this thesis is the evaluation of the United States' tax system. The paper describes particular taxes, its influence on the government budget and the tax policy in the states. The work includes an international comparison of various tax systems among OECD countries, Japan and the U.S. The first part observes general economic indicators of the U.S. The second part describes the historical development of particular taxes since the U.S. Declaration of Independence. The third part is dedicated to tax legislation, description of main taxes, its structures and concepts where all taxes are divided for the simplicity into direct, indirect, property and others taxes. The next part reflects framework for tax analysis. And the last part of the thesis consists of basic comparison between the United States, Japan and OECD counties. The analysis in the last chapter is applicable for the last decade. The conclusion presents main results of analysis and description performed in the work.
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Rousselot, Lucie. "Des idées de nature : appréhender la diversité pour refonder l'action collective." Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSEN026/document.
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Cette thèse cherche à explorer le rôle que les perceptions culturelles peuvent jouer pour redéfinir collectivement l’action humaine envers la nature. Dans le temps long, de manière accidentelle ou intentionnelle, l’homme a globalement modifié puis progressivement détruit de manière exponentielle la nature. Or, l’étude de l’idée de nature démontre la multiplicité et la force des attachements culturels à la nature. Cette thèse cherche donc à étudier plus précisément la diversité, la multiplicité des perceptions culturelles, et dans quelle mesure celles-ci pourraient aider à redéfinir l’activité humaine envers la nature. A cette fin, les idées de nature et leurs évolutions à travers l’histoire sont étudiées dans plusieurs pays cultures afin de déterminer si et comment la diversité peut devenir un facteur de changement de paradigme. Trois pays sont étudiés à cette fin : la France, le Japon et les États-Unis, afin de dégager les perceptions culturelles uniques et d’envisager comment cette unicité peut servir à refonder l’action collectiveThis thesis aims at exploring the role cultural perceptions of nature could play in redefining in depth human action towards nature. Whether on purpose or as an incidental result, humankind has since the dawn of humanity first modified then destroyed nature. Yet, when looking at cultural perceptions of nature it appears that cultures developed a strong attachment to some representations of nature. The presumption explored here is that these cultural perceptions, in their diversity, in their multiplicity, could be key to redefining our whole relation towards nature. To that effect, this thesis studies the idea of nature and its evolutions throughout history in different cultures in order to render it effective in international negotiations. Three countries are explored: France, Japan and the United States in order to isolate cultural perceptions and to understand how they can be mobilized to redefine collective action
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Cheung, Hei-yee Anthea. "United States security policies towards China and Japan : a post-cold war comparison /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B4212847X.
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Al-Jebarin, Abdulqadir Schapsmeier Edward L. "The United States-Egyptian relations, 1945-1958." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1988. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p8818706.
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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 1988.Title from title page screen, viewed September 2, 2005. Dissertation Committee: Edward L. Schapsmeier (chair), Joseph H. Grabill, Lawrence W. McBride, Earl A. Reitan, Hibbert R. Roberts. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 258-264) and abstract. Also available in print.
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Ketkamon, Mattana Grabill Joseph L. "United States-Southeast Asian relations, 1780s-1980s." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1988. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p8907676.
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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 1988.Title from title page screen, viewed September 22, 2005. Dissertation Committee: Joseph L. Grabill (chair), Robert W. Hunt, Lawrence W. McBride, Louis G. Perez, L. Moody Simms. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 153-165) and abstract. Also available in print.
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Morris, Narrelle. "Destructive discourse: 'Japan-bashing' in the United States, Australia and Japan in the 1980s and 1990s." Thesis, Morris, Narrelle (2006) Destructive discourse: 'Japan-bashing' in the United States, Australia and Japan in the 1980s and 1990s. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2006. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/745/.
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By the 1960s-70s, most Western commentators agreed that Japan had rehabilitated itself from World War II, in the process becoming on the whole a reliable member of the international community. From the late 1970s onwards, however, as Japan’s economy continued to rise, this premise began to be questioned. By the late 1980s, a new ‘Japan Problem’ had been identified in Western countries, although the presentation of Japan as a dangerous ‘other’ was nevertheless familiar from past historical eras. The term ‘Japan-bashing’ was used by opponents of this negative view to suggest that much of the critical rhetoric about a ‘Japan Problem’ could be reduced to an unwarranted, probably racist, assault on Japan.
This thesis argues that the invention and popularisation of the highly-contested label ‘Japan-bashing’, rather than averting criticism of Japan, perversely helped to exacerbate and transform the moderate anti-Japanese sentiment that had existed in Western countries in the late 1970s and early 1980s into a widely disseminated, heavily politicised and even encultured phenomenon in the late 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, when the term ‘Japan-bashing’ spread to Japan itself, Japanese commentators were quick to respond. In fact, the level and the nature of the response from the Japanese side is one crucial factor that distinguishes ‘Japan-bashing’ in the 1980s and 1990s from anti-Japanese sentiment expressed in the West in earlier periods.
Ultimately, the label and the practice of ‘Japan-bashing’ helped to transform intellectual and popular discourses about Japan in both Western countries and Japan itself in the 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, in doing so, it revealed crucial features of wider Western and Japanese perceptions of the global order in the late twentieth century. Debates about Japan showed, for example, that economic strength had become at least as important as military power to national discourses about identity. However, the view that Western countries and Japan are generally incompatible, and share few, if any, common values, interests or goals, has been largely discarded in the early twenty-first century, in a process that demonstrated just how constructed, and transitory, such views can be.
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Morris, Narrelle. "Destructive Discourse: 'Japan-bashing' in the United States, Australia and Japan in the 1980s and 1990s." Murdoch University, 2006. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20061116.153222.
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By the 1960s-70s, most Western commentators agreed that Japan had rehabilitated itself from World War II, in the process becoming on the whole a reliable member of the international community. From the late 1970s onwards, however, as Japans economy continued to rise, this premise began to be questioned. By the late 1980s, a new Japan Problem had been identified in Western countries, although the presentation of Japan as a dangerous other was nevertheless familiar from past historical eras. The term Japan-bashing was used by opponents of this negative view to suggest that much of the critical rhetoric about a Japan Problem could be reduced to an unwarranted, probably racist, assault on Japan.
This thesis argues that the invention and popularisation of the highly-contested label Japan-bashing, rather than averting criticism of Japan, perversely helped to exacerbate and transform the moderate anti-Japanese sentiment that had existed in Western countries in the late 1970s and early 1980s into a widely disseminated, heavily politicised and even encultured phenomenon in the late 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, when the term Japan-bashing spread to Japan itself, Japanese commentators were quick to respond. In fact, the level and the nature of the response from the Japanese side is one crucial factor that distinguishes Japan-bashing in the 1980s and 1990s from anti-Japanese sentiment expressed in the West in earlier periods.
Ultimately, the label and the practice of Japan-bashing helped to transform intellectual and popular discourses about Japan in both Western countries and Japan itself in the 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, in doing so, it revealed crucial features of wider Western and Japanese perceptions of the global order in the late twentieth century. Debates about Japan showed, for example, that economic strength had become at least as important as military power to national discourses about identity. However, the view that Western countries and Japan are generally incompatible, and share few, if any, common values, interests or goals, has been largely discarded in the early twenty-first century, in a process that demonstrated just how constructed, and transitory, such views can be.
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Koga, Takashi. "Archives in the United States and Japan: Executive Session Summary." Society of American Archivists, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/105398.
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The conference's website: http://www.archivists.org/publications/proceedings/accesstoarchives/index.aspThe author's role in the Japan-U.S. Archives Seminar (at the University of Tokyo, Japan, May 9-11, 2007) was to summarize the discussions from the closed session and to evaluate the overall issues in the seminar. This paper offers two ways in which the author satisfies this role: 1) Picking up the similarities and differences in the Japan and U.S. archives identified through the discussions in the closed session, rather than summarizing each speech in the session; and 2) Suggesting topics that should be shared and discussed by people in Japan and the United States.