Journal articles: 'United States – Relations – Japan'

1

Cohen, Stephen D. "United States-Japan Trade Relations." Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 37, no. 4 (1990): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1173777.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Rix, Alan, and Richard Finn. "United States-Japan Relations: Learning From Competition." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 3 (1987): 509. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758904.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Barnhart, Michael A., Chihiro Hosoya, Yumi Hiwatari, Yoshihisa Hara, and Sadao Asada. "Historical passages in Japan-United States relations." Journal of American History 83, no. 4 (March 1997): 1477. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953037.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Adams, L. Jerold. "The Law of United States-Japan Trade Relations." Journal of World Trade 24, Issue 2 (April 1, 1990): 37–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1990011.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

CHIANG, Min-Hua. "Japan-US Economic Relations in the Post-Trans-Pacific Partnership Era." East Asian Policy 09, no. 03 (July 2017): 38–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000241.

Full text

Abstract:

Japan and the United States have agreed to discuss a post-Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) bilateral trade framework during the Abe-Trump meeting in February 2017. The bilateral trade talks will be a significant step for Japan to remain economically connected to America. To reward Japan’s support of Trump’s economic agenda, the United States has promised to defend Japan, including the disputed Senkaku islands.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Miller, Jennifer M. "The Struggle to Rearm Japan: Negotiating the Cold War State in US-Japanese Relations." Journal of Contemporary History 46, no. 1 (January 2011): 82–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410383296.

Full text

Abstract:

The Cold War brought forth an unprecedented level of global interactions, creating relationships that not only brought states together but altered the trajectories of societies. To explore the impact of the Cold War on postwar Japan, this article examines the negotiations between the United States and Japan over Japanese membership in the Mutual Security Program, the United States’ postwar military assistance program. It considers debates over Japanese rearmament and their effect on Japan’s economy and democracy, both within Japan and between Japan and the United States, the negotiations that resulted in Japan’s membership in the program, and Japanese reactions to this membership. It argues that Japanese rearmament both brought the United States and Japan together, and created tensions between them, highlighting the complicated Cold War dynamics between domestic and international politics. Further, it asserts that the Cold War altered the nature of the state by fostering a multilayered relationship between government policy-making, international negotiations, institutional developments, and socio-political mobilizations, creating a new political relationship that it calls the Cold War State.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Lee, Sam K. "United States‐Japan security relations: A need for realism." Comparative Strategy 9, no. 2 (April 1990): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495939008402802.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Chudinova, Кsenia O. "Studies of USA and Japan economic relations: new theoretical approaches and some promising developments." Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no. 5 (December 15, 2023): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869049923050039.

Full text

Abstract:

In the post-war period economic relations between the United States and Japan were the subject of research by many economists due to their complexity, versatility, and sometimes contradictory nature. Such topics as export of technologies, bilateral intra-industry trade and trade in intermediate goods growth, the gradual internationalization of the economies of the United States and Japan, the fragmentation of production in East Asia, the development of value chains were studied in many works. One of the most productive are P. Krugman’s new trade theory as well as some other promising approaches and methods that provide an opportunity to study trade and investment relations between the United States and Japan in more depth.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Angelo, A. H. "Laws and Politics of the International Relations of Japan and the United States." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 27, no. 1 (April 1, 1997): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v27i1.6130.

Full text

Abstract:

This article is a book review of Makitaro Hotta Laws and Politics of the International Relations of Japan and the United States (published jointly by the School of International Service, American University, Washington, and the College of International Relations, Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto, 1996) 195 pages. The book is a compendium of documents and materials relating to Japan and United States relations from the Cairo Declaration of 1 December 1943 to the Japan/US Joint Declaration on Security Alliance for the 21st Century of 17 April 1996. Angelo praises the book’s versatility, as it can be used for comparative law classes and for international relations programmes, for constitutional law teaching, and for aspects of public international law.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Zagoria, Donald, Gerald L. Curtis, and Michael Mandelbaum. "The United States, Japan, and Asia." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 4 (1995): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047274.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

MARTIN, CURTIS H. "The Sinking of the Ehime Maru: The Interaction of Culture, Security Interests and Domestic Politics in an Alliance Crisis." Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, no. 2 (November 2004): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109904001525.

Full text

Abstract:

The loss of life that resulted from the sinking of the fisheries training vessel Ehime Maru by the nuclear submarine USS Greeneville off Hawaii in February 2001 exemplifies the risks to United States–Japan alliance relations posed by US global military deployments. Following a pattern of incidents involving the US military in Japan itself, the collision violated Japanese expectations of benevolence from its stronger partner and put considerable pressure on the government to seek public apology and reassurance. This article examines the interplay of culture, national security interests and domestic politics in framing both perceptions and diplomacy during the crisis. While differences at both the cultural and security levels complicated diplomacy, asymmetry in the respective domestic political stakes, combined with overriding and largely congruent security interests, helped the United States to provide Japan with the requisite reassurance. After a decade of alliance drift, both Japan and the United States were determined to forestall defection by their alliance partner.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Iriye, Akira, and Yasuko Kouno. "The Reversion of Okinawa: Politics and United States-Japan Relations." Journal of American History 83, no. 2 (September 1996): 680. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945065.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Wartick, Steven L. "Comparative Government-Industry Relations: Western Europe, United States and Japan." Journal of International Business Studies 20, no. 1 (March 1989): 170–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jibs.1989.13.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Huang, Wentao. "Research on China-Japan Bilateral Relations——A Stable and Fragile Bilateral Relationship." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 35 (June 16, 2024): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ve1pwf70.

Full text

Abstract:

After the end of World War II, since the surrender of the Japanese militarist Empire, Japan had political reform with the help of the United States. It was the beginning of Japan's diplomatic normalization after the end of militaristic diplomacy. Since the new century, from the “Follow America and give priority to economic development” to the “New capitalism and realism diplomacy in the new era” foreign policy with domestic and foreign coordination, Japan's diplomatic strategy towards China has handled resoundingly on the delicate relationship of competition between China and the United States. Japan has a lot of deep cooperation with the United States, Japan maintains a relatively harmonious relationship at the same time. This paper focuses on the important strategic changes in Japanese diplomacy from the beginning of the 21st century to the present and the leading ideas and lines of Japanese diplomacy in different periods. According to Japan's various strategic changes, domestic and foreign factors have proved that Sino-Japanese relations are both stable and fragile.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Zagoria, Donald S., and Hideo Ibe. "Japan Thrice-Opened: An Analysis of Relations between Japan and the United States." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 4 (1992): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045387.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Fukui, Haruhiro, Hideo Ibe, Lynne E. Riggs, and Manabu Takechi. "Japan Thrice Opened: An Analysis of Relations Between Japan and the United States." Political Science Quarterly 109, no. 1 (1994): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151690.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Cha, Victor D. "Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (February 2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.

Full text

Abstract:

The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Pan, Siyu, Weitao Wang, and Qianhong Ye. "Based on Japan’s Indo-Pacific strategy, explore the development path of China-Japan relations." SHS Web of Conferences 180 (2023): 01013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202318001013.

Full text

Abstract:

Japan was the first country to propose the concept of “Indo-Pacific strategy” and was also a staunch supporter and active promoter of it. The formation of Japan’s Indo-Pacific strategy has gone through four stages of evolution: initial appearance, initial formation, extension, and all-round development, and has continuously promoted the development of the Indo-Pacific strategy in a more institutionalized and mature direction from many fields, It has formed a strategic layout in many fields such as comprehensive value sharing, economic and trade competition, maritime security, and multilateral mechanisms. Under the influence of the increasingly fierce competition between China and the US and the policy of putting the United States first, Japan has changed from a proposer of the Indo-Pacific strategy to a promoter, and the Japanese government actively seeks Japan and the United States to jointly dominate the Indo-Pacific economic security order. The accession of the United States has made international relations in the Indo-Pacific region more complex and changeable, and it will have a significant impact on China’s national interests and strategic orientation in the Indo-Pacific area. Sorting out the Japanese Indo-Pacific strategy will help explain the mechanism, rationale, and implementation effect of Japan’s policy choices under the China-US competition, and can also provide a reference for China’s decision-making.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Kawasaki, Tsuyoshi. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Japan Challenges America." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800114.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Grant, Richard. "Reconcilable differences? United States—Japan economic conflict." International Affairs 70, no. 3 (July 1994): 552. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623750.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Hasegawa, Tsuyoshi. "The Soviet Factor in U.S.-Japanese Defense Cooperation, 1978–1985." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 2 (April 2013): 72–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00338.

Full text

Abstract:

In the crucial period from 1978 to 1975, Japan jettisoned its “omnidirectional” foreign policy and embraced a closer and more integrated defense alliance with the United States. Concern about the Soviet threat was the chief motive for this shift. The deployment of Soviet troops in the Northern Territories (Southern Kuriles), the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the deployment of Soviet Backfire bombers and SS-20 nuclear missiles in the Far East all provided impetus toward closer U.S.-Japanese defense cooperation. As Japan closely aligned its defense policy with the United States, Soviet-Japanese relations correspondingly deteriorated. Normal channels of communication were broken off. As the Japanese government elevated the Northern Territories issue to the forefront of Soviet-Japanese relations, Soviet criticism of Japan escalated. By the time Mikhail Gorbachev took power in 1985, Soviet-Japanese relations had sunk to their lowest point.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Podoba, Z., and V. Gorshkov. "“Path-Dependency” Effect in Japan-U.S. Trade." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-31-39.

Full text

Abstract:

The paper addresses current issues in Japan-U.S. foreign trade following the signing of the Japan-U.S. Trade Agreement and the Japan-U.S. Agreement on Digital Trade in October 2019. By providing an overview of Japan-U.S. trade relations, analyzing current trends in bilateral foreign trade and outlining basic terms of new bilateral agreements, the authors conclude that “path-dependency” in Japan-U.S. contemporary foreign trade persists and trade relations between the two countries are to a greater extent influenced by the U.S. trade policy which aims to assure a broader access of American companies to Japanese markets – the situation that was typical for bilateral trade relations since the 1980s. “Path-dependency” in Japan-U.S. trade relations, conventionally categorized by the existence of numerous trade contradictions, is pronounced in the unchanged goals, strategy and tactics of foreign trade negotiations. The United States maintains its “attacking” role and dominates in the bilateral trade negotiations, while Japan, despite its enhancing influence in the multilateral trading system and regional trade agreements, is forced to “self-defend” and make concessions to a more dominant partner in order to maintain its automobile exports to the United States at the expense of its national interests in other industries, particularly in the agricultural sector. Thus, new trade agreements are unlikely to cause significant structural changes in Japan-U.S. bilateral trade in the shortterm as the problem of persistent trade deficits remains. In order to break the vicious circle of “path-dependency” Japan is to actively cooperate with the economies of the European Union which have large amounts of trade deficits with the U.S., can serve as a mediator in the U.S. – China trade conflicts, as well with other Asian countries via mega-FTAs which possess potential risks to the United States. Further development of foreign trade cooperation will depend on the initiatives of new governments in both countries.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Timoshenko, Valery N., and Natalia V. Kurkova. "DEVELOPMENT OF THE JAPANESE-AMERICAN MILITARY-POLITICAL ALLIANCE DURING 1990–1996." HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL STUDIES IN THE FAR EAST 20, no. 2 (2023): 199–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.31079/1992-2868-2023-20-2-199-205.

Full text

Abstract:

The end of the Cold War and the subsequent collapse of the bipolar international political system forced all participants in international relations to begin the process of reforming the usual tools of foreign policy communication. The moderator of the new collective security conjuncture was the United Nations under the auspices of the United States. Japan, as an ally of the United States and a direct member of the UN, needed to adapt the principles of its foreign policy to effectively integrate into the new system of international relations. Military conflicts around the world have challenged not only the fledgling system of collective response, but also its participants. This article attempts to determine the impact of new security challenges on the transformation of Japan's foreign policy and interaction with the United States within the framework of the Japan-U.S. politicalmilitary alliance. It uses materials declassified by the U.S. National Security Archive.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

OTHMAN, Suha Adel. "NOBUSUKE KISHI AND HIS ROLE IN JAPANESE POLITICS (1957- 1960)." Rimak International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.15.4.

Full text

Abstract:

The study touched on an important topic in Japan, which is (Prime Minister of Japan Nobusuke Kishi from 1957-1960) and he also had an "important political role because of his great importance to Japan, where in this year (1957) he became the Prime Minister of Japan and had a great role in his proximity It was also characterized by a policy of establishing good relations with European countries for joint cooperation in order to establish friendly relations and establish security agreements, especially with the United States of America. Nobusuke Kishi was the great statesman, especially in the field of economy, and he was loved by the United States of America because of its strong and reassuring relations with him. The study was divided into an introduction, a conclusion, and three sections. The first topic dealt with Nobusuke Kishi, his life and political role until 1957. While the second topic spoke to Nobusuke Kishi's internal policy in Japan, as well as regarding the third topic, it shed light on it, dealing with Nobusuke Kishi's foreign policy. Finally, it should be noted that Nobusuke Kishi's political role still needs more studies and research, especially since this modest effort touched on one aspect of the political aspect. We hope that later studies will address the economic, social and cultural aspects that had an important impact on Japan's policy and in In conclusion. Key words: Nobusuke Kishi, Japan, Political, United States of America, Foreign Policy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Verbitsky, Semyon, Tsuyoshi Hasegawa, and Gilbert Rozman. "Misperceptions Between Japan and Russia." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1503 (January 1, 2000): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2000.88.

Full text

Abstract:

The twentieth century has witnessed repeated occasions when Japan and Russia have taken each other's measure and decided on policy accordingly. In the years 1985 to 1999 such mutual testing occuned again amidst adjustments in the direction of each country's global role. As has often been the case, the RussoJapanese relationship was not the main event on the world stage. Both countries placed higher priority on relations with the United States and with China. But to rank this bilateral relationship below two others is not to belittle the stakes involved. For Russia, Tokyo's strategy to look east or west and within Asia to focus in the northeast or the southeast has throughout the century made a great difference in war or peace, in development or isolation. For Japan, Moscow's strategy to balance west and east, and in the east to concentrate on China or Japan, has had telling consequences for other foreign policy choices. At stake in this bilateral relationship have been the development of Siberia and the Russian Far East; the security environment in Northeast Asia including Korea; the prospects of triangular or quadrangular relations with China and the United States; and the balance of power among the world's great powers.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Yukawa, Hayato. "U.S.–Japan Economic Contention in Manchukuo: What did Manchukuo’s Economic Control Bring to the U.S.–Japan Relationship?" Journal of American-East Asian Relations 30, no. 1 (March 29, 2023): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30010005.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This article examines the impact of Japan’s economic control of Manchukuo on U.S.-Japan relations. From 1933 to 1935, ties between the two countries came to a temporary standstill. However, during these years, Washington and Tokyo waged a diplomatic war in the background over Japan’s control of Manchukuo’s economy. Although the United States accused Japan of violating the Nine Power Treaty it had signed endorsing the Open Door Policy, Japan established several special companies in Manchukuo, and some American firms withdrew from Manchuria. What kind of diplomatic negotiations developed between the United States and Japan during this period? What impact did they have on the relationship between the two countries? This article examines Japan’s development of economic control in Manchukuo and considers its impact, while situating the matter within the history of U.S.-Japan relations during the interwar period. In doing so, it will show how Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs implemented measures that prevented Japan’s economic domination of Manchukuo from immediately worsening U.S.-Japan relations. At the same time, it demonstrates that Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as its army, played an important role in the process of Japan asserting dominance over Manchuria.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Arase, David, Peter Gourevitch, Takashi Inoguchi, and Courtney Purrington. "United States-Japan Relations and International Institutions after the Cold War." Journal of Japanese Studies 24, no. 1 (1998): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/132956.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Hart, Michael, and Robert M. Stern. "Trade and Investment Relations among the United States, Canada, and Japan." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 17, no. 1 (March 1991): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551209.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Turner, Louis. "Comparative government-industry relations: Western Europe, the United States, and Japan." International Affairs 64, no. 2 (1988): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621873.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Edgington, David W., and Robert M. Stern. "Trade and Investment Relations Among the United States, Canada, and Japan." Pacific Affairs 64, no. 1 (1991): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760377.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Aitbach, Phihp G., and Toru Umakoshi. "Asymmetry and Imbalance: The Knowledge Network in Japan-United States Relations." Journal of Studies in International Education 1, no. 2 (June 1997): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102831539700100201.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Beegan, Catherine Ann. "Trade and investment relations among the United States, Canada, and Japan." Business Horizons 33, no. 6 (November 1990): 72–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0007-6813(05)80182-x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Zagoria, Donald, Peter Gourevitch, Takashi Inoguchi, and Courtney Purrington. "United States-Japan Relations and International Institutions after the Cold War." Foreign Affairs 75, no. 3 (1996): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047637.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Fukui, Haruhiro. "Partners or rivals?: toward a reappraisal of Japan–United States relations." Asian Studies Review 15, no. 1 (July 1991): 176–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539108712765.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Merriman, David. "Trade and investment relations among the United States, Canada, and Japan." Journal of the Japanese and International Economies 6, no. 2 (June 1992): 199–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0889-1583(92)90014-u.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Korniyuk, M. V. "THE ROLE OF THE JAPAN-AMERICAN ALLIANCE IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF MODERN JAPAN." Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 24, no. 2 (2024): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2024-2-24-33.

Full text

Abstract:

An analysis of the dynamics of Japan’s foreign policy and defense strategies in the last decade is presented. Key changes in security legislation, economic agreements are studied. Economic agreements and the dynamics of relations between Japan and the United States in recent years are considered.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Aruga, Tadashi. "Foreign Policy and Social Change: Japan and the United States." Tocqueville Review 16, no. 2 (January 1995): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.16.2.79.

Full text

Abstract:

In the second half of the nineteenth century, Japan moved from isolation and pacifism towards a militarized foreign policy. It relumed to pacifism after its defeat in World War II. The United States discarded its pacifist stance as it entered World War II and reaffirmed its commitment to a militarized foreign policy at the onset of the Cold War. Because both Japan and the United States had been outside or at the periphery of international relations for such a long time, these shifts tended to be far more dramatic than those experienced by European nations, accustomed as they were to an international milieu where peace and war coexisted.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Okuda, Kenzo. "Britain’s Atomic Energy Strategy toward Japan: The Anglo-American “Special Relationship,” 1945–1959." Journal of World History 35, no. 1 (March 2024): 85–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2024.a920672.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract: Atomic energy has played an important role in international relations as a means of state power. From 1945 to 1959, Japan was significantly influenced by developments in atomic energy as a result of the Anglo-American “special relationship.” During World War II, Britain and the United States cooperated to develop atomic weapons to use against Japan. In the ensuing Cold War era, the two countries advanced peaceful uses of atomic energy for Japan to counter the influence of the Soviet Union through psychological warfare. The U.S. Atomic Energy Peace Mission visited Japan in May 1955. However, the Japanese government altered its nuclear policy to solicit support from Britain because the United States was falling behind in atomic energy development. A British nuclear reactor was used as the first commercial nuclear power station, in 1959, whereby Britain earned parity with the United States in the context of nuclear power.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Nishizaki, Sumiyo. "The United Arab Emirates and Japan: Diversifying Bilateral Relationships and Challenges in the Context of Japan’s New Foreign Policy Focus and US-Japan Relation." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2012): 269–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.269.

Full text

Abstract:

In this article, I analyze the Japan-Middle East-U.S. triangle relationship. Japan’s Middle East policies, the author contends, have been influenced by its energy needs and relationship with the United States. Fully aware of its status as a country with hardly any energy resources, Japan has engaged in energy diplomacy and investment in oil fields in the Middle East. This article describes how, despite pursuing an energy strategy largely independent of the United States, Japan has constantly needed to take into account its relationship with the Americans, and Japan has slowly shifted toward more frequent support for American policy especially after the Gulf War in 1990. At the same time, Japan’s Middle East policies have been influenced by its domestic politics. For example, former Prime Minister Koizumi’s post-September 11 plan to let Japan’s military forces play a more prominent role in the War on Terror was crushed by his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). This article explains that LDP politicians were afraid that supporting the war would undermine Japan’s economic interests in the Muslim world and how the Democratic Party of Japan which took office this September has attempted to pursue a more independent position in its relations with the United States. This article also explores the shifts in Japan’s Middle East policies under the new administration and their implications on US-Japan relations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "Introduction to Special Issue: Japan–China Fragile Partnership: At Fortieth Anniversary of Diplomatic Normalization." Japanese Journal of Political Science 14, no. 1 (February 5, 2013): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810991200031x.

Full text

Abstract:

The rise of China was not an issue in 1971 or 1972. Therefore, neither the United States nor Japan thought about the consequences of US–China and Japan–China rapprochement in the early 1970s (Kissinger, 2011). The diplomatic normalization between Japan and China took place in 1972 as an appendage of the United States–China rapprochement in 1971, at least in American eyes. At this time, the United States was waging war in Vietnam, while the Cold War was still at the heyday of massive nuclear buildups by the United States and the Soviet Union. China was in the midst of domestic turmoil called the Cultural Revolution, while facing the hostile Soviet Union. To ease their burdens, both countries concluded the surprising rapprochement. It was a great surprise to Japan because it had not been notified about this rapprochement even a couple of days before. In 1971, China entered the United Nations. Japan went ahead of the United States and had achieved diplomatic normalization by 1972. Japan wanted to develop a new market in China when its economy was booming whereby Japan wanted to alleviate the extreme of ‘leaning to one side’ (to the United States). China wanted to alleviate security threats coming from the Soviet Union (‘anti-hegemonism’) and to have Japan involved in the development of the half-frozen economy, especially with the massive Japanese official development assistance. On the disputed islands called Senkaku Islands/Diaoyu Islands, the Japanese government wanted to settle the issue, but the Chinese government saw no immediate urgency to do so. In 1978, both the United States and Japan consolidated their ties with China, again with Japan going ahead of the United States. In December 1978, Deng Xiaoping came back into power, paving the road to ‘economic reform and the opening to the world’. His famous sentence, yangguan taohui (keep low profile, nurture strength), was propagated as the new Chinese policy line, both internally and externally (Vogel, 2011). He focused on economic development while keeping peace on all borders. China started to grow in the 1980s in a strident fashion, although voices for political reform were also on the rise. Such voices culminated in 1989 after the death of former Secretary General Hu Yaopang, a reformist who was dismissed from office in 1987 by Deng Xiaoping. On 4 June 1989, large numbers of demonstrators assembled in Tiananmen Square, Beijing, demanding more freedom and democracy. Deng Xiaoping ordered the all-out suppression of the dissidents. The Tiananmen Square massacre led to embargos by the West and by Japan. The embargos were lifted in 1991. Both Japan and Europe were keen on this. The Chinese economy then registered a two digit annual growth rate for two decades until 2011. Meanwhile the terms of the Japan–China Friendship Treaty of 1978 − that is China forgiving Japan for not paying indemnity − became known in China, giving rise to opposition to the Friendship Treaty in the 1990s. The United States was preoccupied with anti-terrorism after 9/11 in 2001, and the thought of growth in China in the 2000s scarcely came to mind. But by 2011, the growth of China was visible and tangible; a fact that no one can deny is that China is expected to surpass the United States in terms of Gross National Product sooner or later.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

CHOO, Jaewoo. "Rocky Road Ahead for South Korea." East Asian Policy 07, no. 01 (January 2015): 142–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000124.

Full text

Abstract:

The year 2015 kicked off with South Korean President Park Geun-hye's approval rate taking a dive. Economically, for 2015 forecast, government-related think tanks offer favourable forecasts, but private institutions showed greater pessimism. Inter-Korean relations are likely to remain tumultuous. South Korea's relations with the United States are likely to remain strong and unshaken as the two had already kicked off the New Year by materialising the United States' long-sought military strategy involving Japan.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Volkov, S. V. "Japan in the Russia - U.S. Relations." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(40) (February 28, 2015): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-35-42.

Full text

Abstract:

The article examines the impact of the crisis in Russia - U. S. relations in connection with the events surrounding Ukraine on the world system and its key component - the Asia-Pacific region where Japan plays a crucial role. The author assumes that the international relations have no common understanding of the rules of engagement between the USA, the Group of Seven, Russia and the BRICS countries. As a result, the leading countries of the world are guided by conflicting scenarios. The article deals with the American scenario in relation to China and the Russian Federation and the Russian one in relation to polycentric and the U. S. - centered world orders. The most important element of the American scenario in relation to Beijing is Japan. This country is central to Washington's policy to contain China. Tokyo is headed for the rapid rejection of pacifist principles of its foreign policy. Russian scenario for the international system is in an active course to establishing a polycentric world order. United States' scenario against Russia in this regard is a containment strategy of Moscow. The central component of this strategy, as it can be assumed, is a violation of the strategic balance in US - Russian relations. However, Ukraine has become a major springboard to contain Russia. Instead of establishing equal Russian - American relations United States and their allies (under American pression) have chosen a policy of isolating Moscow, but such actions are blocking the Russian - Japanese rapprochement beneficial both for Tokyo and Kremlin, which is interested in deepening its ties with Japan in order to diversify its relations with Asia-Pacific area. The author concludes that the long-term interests of Russia and Japan dictate both sides to move closer, but the policy of the U.S. administration towards Russia on the Ukranian question blocks this possibility.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Daniels, Gordon. "The United States and Japan: a troubled partnership." International Affairs 62, no. 1 (1985): 165–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618153.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Cooper, Richard, C. Fred Bergsten, and Marcus Noland. "Reconcilable Differences? The United States-Japan Economic Conflict." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 4 (1993): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045738.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

CHRISTENSEN, RAY. "Redistricting in Japan: Lessons for the United States." Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, no. 2 (November 2004): 259–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109904001513.

Full text

Abstract:

Japan is regularly criticized for the malapportionment of its election districts. In contrast, the United States has problems with gerrymandered election districts, even though district boundaries are crafted with meticulous attention paid to population equality among its districts. Japanese redistricting practices prevent gerrymandering of district boundaries, but at a cost of tolerating higher levels of malapportionment than would be allowed in the United States. I analyze the effects of Japan's redistricting rules and find that they have effectively prevented any malapportionment or gerrymandering that benefits a specific political party. I also show that in terms of actual votes cast, the Japanese system produces greater equality between districts than the results obtained in the United States, suggesting that US redistricting practices could be improved by modeling them after the Japanese example.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Poplavska, Myroslava. "Main Directions of Cultural Diplomacy of the USA and Japan." Socio-Cultural Management Journal 5, no. 2 (November 22, 2022): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31866/2709-846x.2.2022.267520.

Full text

Abstract:

Introduction. The relevance of the research is determined by the growing role of culture and cultural diplomacy as a tool of special (“soft”) power in foreign policy and economic relations between countries in the conditions of globalization, virtualization and digitalization of society. Purpose and methods. The purpose of the article is to identify the features of international exchanges and the spread of popular culture as the main directions of cultural diplomacy in the United States and Japan, in historical retrospect and at the present stage. The methodological basis of the study is a dialectical, systematic and interdisciplinary approach to the study of the phenomenon and processes of cultural diplomacy in developed countries. Results. The essence of the concept of “cultural diplomacy” is revealed. The peculiarities of the cultural policy of the developed countries of the West and the East are analyzed using the example of the foreign policy of the United States of America and Japan. The main tools and mechanisms of cultural diplomacy are considered in historical retrospect and at the present stage. The specifics of the implementation of the main directions of cultural diplomacy by the leading countries of the world in the first decades of the 21st century have been revealed. Conclusions. Based on the analysis of the main directions of cultural diplomacy of the United States and Japan, it can be stated that the states pay special attention to the spread of popular culture abroad and international exchanges in order to arouse the interest of the younger generation in their own culture around the world. Cultural exchange in this context is a form of dialogue between states and can contribute to improving the climate of interstate relations, creating preconditions for the develop-ment of interaction in the long term.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Gilson, Julie. "Emerging from Washington's shadow: Japan's new relations with Europe." European Review 8, no. 4 (October 2000): 521–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700005081.

Full text

Abstract:

On the rare occasions when Japan's relations with Europe are examined, they tend to be fixed within a trilateral structure at whose apex is the United States. This triangular framework was established in the aftermath of World War II, as a result of direct American involvement in the socio-economic reconstruction of Japan and the major countries of Western Europe. The current article examines how the very nature of the triangular relationship has changed over time, with the result that the trilateralism of the 1990s – in contrast to its earlier form – has served to facilitate the development of bilateral relations between Japan and the European Union and its member states.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Yuan, Zhengqing, and Qiang Fu. "Narrative Framing and the United States’ Threat Construction of Rivals." Chinese Journal of International Politics 13, no. 3 (2020): 419–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poaa008.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Constructing a credible foreign threat is a key activity in the US national security community. By adopting a narrative approach to threat formation, we attempt to delineate the contours of the Soviet Union, Japan, and China in the US threat discourse spectrum. The Soviet threat is constructed through a story of two ideologically opposed rivals competing for world domination and the Japan-bashing narrative is of victimisation due to Japan’s unfair competition. China threat stories, however, are now more complex, conflating a story of US victimhood at the hands of China’s unfair competition, advocated by President Trump, with a widely embedded but malleable epic tale of power competition between a rising power and the ruling power, and a new Cold War script propagated by the 'deep state' hawks. We have found that as long as a country may potentially threaten the United States’ hegemonic identity, be it a formidable power with an antagonistic outlook like the Soviet Union, an ally from inside like Japan, or a rising peer competitor like China, the United States will invariably construct a diametrical self-other story in a zero-sum mindset and resort relentlessly to its superior Self while customising its threat story scripts in accordance with the rival’s characteristics and dimensions of challenges.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Smith, Robert J., and Masao Miyoshi. "Off Center: Power and Culture Relations between Japan and the United States." Journal of Japanese Studies 18, no. 2 (1992): 565. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/132842.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Lippit, Akira Mizuta, and Masao Miyoshi. "Off Center: Power and Cultural Relations between Japan and the United States." MLN 107, no. 5 (December 1992): 1054. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2904837.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Journal articles on the topic 'United States – Relations – Japan'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles