Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'United states, relations, puerto rico'

Thesis (M.A.) -- Central Connecticut State University, 2008.
Thesis advisor: Antonio García-Lozada. "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Spanish." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96-103). Abstract available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 11, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 185-196).

The focus of my study is on two history textbooks intended for the 7th grade, one retired from the Puerto RicanDepartment of Education (PRDE) in 2002, titled “Puerto Rico: Tierra Adentro, Mar Afuera” (Picó & Rivera, 1991) and the textbook that replaced it, “Historia y Geografía de Puerto Rico 7” (Cardona, Mafuz, Rodríguez, et al. 2002), currently in use within of the PRDE. Using critical pedagogy as my theoretical lenses, I analyzed how the Puerto Rico-United States historical relationship is conceptualized within these two history textbooks, released under the administration of two different political parties. The historical events chosen for analysis match the beginning of the Puerto Rican-United States’ political relations until its current state of affairs. These events are: the United States’ invasion to Puerto Rico in 1898; the Foraker Act of 1900; the Jones Act of 1917; and the Organic Law 600 (or “Estado Libre Asociado”) in 1952, which defines today’s political relations between the two countries. I refer to the work of three historians (Alegría et al, 1988; Silvestrini & Luque de Sánchez, 1988; and Scarano, 2000) as a mirror to explore how the events are conceptualized within the analyzed textbooks and how these are conceived and written by historians. I analyzed the selected textbooks utilizing the Norman Fairclough’s (1989, 2003) approach to critical discourse analysis. Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is the study of written and spoken texts to reveal the discursive sources of power, dominance, inequality and bias. I compared how the selected historical events are described within the work of Puerto Rican historians, versus how these are conceptualized within the textbooks selected for analysis. During the process I examined the wording used, events included, events omitted, and the nature and extent of details provided for each, among other linguistic features. The analysis suggest that the conceptualization of the Hispanic-American War and the 54 years after US invasion to Puerto Rico correlates to the political agenda of the political parties in power at the moment of the production of each history textbook. Moreover, I aimed to explore how the conceptualization of the PR-US relations might participate in the self- destructive discourses among the Puerto Rican population, as identified by other researchers on the field of psychology and sociology
Mi estudio analiza dos libros de texto para estudiantes del 7mo grado, uno retirado del Departamento de Educación de Puerto Rico (DEPR) en año 2002, titulado “Puerto Rico: Tierra Adentro, Mar Afuera” (Picó & Rivera, 1991) y el texto que le remplazó, “Historia y Geografía de Puerto Rico 7” (Cardona, Mafuz, Rodríguez, et al. 2002), actualmente en uso dentro del DEPR. Utilizando la pedagogía crítica como el marco teórico de mi investigación, analizo cómo se conceptualiza la relación histórica entre Puerto Rico y Estados Unidos en ambos libros de texto, ambos distribuidos bajo la administración política de partidos políticos diferentes. Los eventos históricos analizados pretenden abarcar el comienzo de las relaciones políticas entre ambos países hasta su relación actual. Estos eventos son: La guerra Hispano-Americana en 1898; la Ley Foraker, en 1900; la Ley Jones, de 1917; y la Ley Orgánica 600 (o “Estado Libre Asociado”) en 1952. Como ventana hacia los eventos históricos analizados, me refiero al trabajo de tres historiadores puertorriqueños (Alegría et al, 1988; Silvestrini & Luque de Sánchez, 1988; y Scarano, 2000) y comparo cómo estos eventos son escritos y conceptualizados por historiadores, versus cómo son representados en los libros de texto escolares. El análisis se llevó a cabo utilizando el modelo de análisis de discurso crítico de Norman Fairclough (1989, 2003). Análisis del discurso crítico es es el estudio de texto escrito o hablado a fin de de-construir discursos de poder, dominancia, inequidad y prejuicio. Durante el proceso se examinó el lenguaje utilizado en ambos textos, eventos incluidos, eventos omitidos, y la naturaleza y detalles provistos para cada uno de ellos, entre otras características lingüísticas. El estudio sugiere que la conceptualización de la Guerra Hispano-Americana y los 54 años posteriores a la invasión estadounidense en Puerto Rico están correlacionados con la agenda política de los partidos políticos en el poder al momento de la distribución de los libros de texto analizados. Adicionalmente, exploro cómo la percepción de las relaciones políticas entre PR y EEUU pudiera participar en discursos auto-destructivos presentes en la población puertorriqueña, como han identificado otros investigadores en el campo de la psicología y la sociología

Cette thèse vise à décrire les transformations en matière de discours et de pratiques sociales survenues dans le cadre d’une reformulation de la situation coloniale de l’île vis-à-vis des États-Unis. L’ethnographie au cœur de ce travail, fut réalisée dans la municipalité rurale d’Orocovis. Elle offre un regard nouveau sur les expériences quotidiennes de la vulnérabilité rurale, produites par les changements politiques et économiques survenus au cours du XXe siècle avec le statut du Commonwealth, la réforme agraire et l'industrialisation. Pour saisir au mieux cette situation actuelle, un dialogue est établi entre les données ethnographiques et les archives policières et journalistiques. En mobilisant notamment la perspective de la gouvernance de Michel Foucault, Orocovis s’offre à nous comme un exemple paradigmatique de la présence de l’État dans le quotidien et le corps des individus – un État présent par son absence. L’usage de drogue, l’expérience de la violence, la dépression et le suicide sont alors des sujets récurrents dans les discours et les échanges quotidiens. C’est pourquoi, dans un second temps, nous appréhendons cette intériorisation du politique au travers du fonctionnement d’une institution publique de santé mentale dont la principale solution apportée aux patients est celle de la médication de la souffrance. Enfin, cette ethnographie nous fait découvrir l’envers d’une autre institution – cette fois-ci privée : une « communauté thérapeutique » (modèle de la ‘‘réhabilitation sociale’’ issu des États-Unis). En prenant comme fer de lance une ethnographie du parcours de vie, ou de mort, à Orocovis, nous découvrons comment l’État gouverne nos corps
This thesis aims to describe the transformations in discourse and social practices that have taken place as part of a reformulation of the colonial situation of the island due to its relation to the United States. Ethnography, at the heart of this work, was carried out in the rural municipality of Orocovis. It offers a new perspective on the daily experiences of rural vulnerability, as a product of political and economic changes with the Commonwealth status and the agrarian and industrialization reforms throughout the twentieth century. To better understand this current situation, a dialogue is established between the ethnographic data and the police and journalistic archives. By using, in particular, the perspective of the government of Michel Foucault, Orocovis is presented as a paradigmatic example of the presence of the State in the daily life and the body of people; a State present through its absence. The use of drugs, the experience of violence, depression, and suicide are recurrent topics in the speeches and daily exchanges with the people. That is why, in a second part of this thesis, we apprehend this internalization of politics through the administration of a public mental health institution whose main solution for patients is that of the prescription of painkillers. Finally, this ethnography reveals rural vulnerability from another institution, this time private, a “therapeutic community” (social rehabilitation model of the United States). Taking as a spearhead for this ethnography the fate for life, or death, in Orocovis, we discover how the State governs our bodies
Esta tesis tiene como objetivo describir las transformaciones en el discurso y las prácticas sociales que se han producido como parte de una reformulación de la situación colonial de la isla con respecto a su relación con los Estados Unidos. La etnografía, corazón de este trabajo, se llevó a cabo en el municipio rural de Orocovis. La misma ofrece una nueva mirada sobre las experiencias cotidianas de la vulnerabilidad rural, como producto de los cambios políticos y económicos—con el estatus del Estado Libre Asociado, la reforma agraria y la industrialización—que se han sucedido a lo largo del siglo XX. Para comprender mejor esta situación actual, se establece un diálogo entre los datos etnográficos y los archivos policiales y periodísticos. Al movilizar, en particular, la perspectiva del gobierno de Michel Foucault, Orocovis se nos presenta como un ejemplo paradigmático de la presencia del Estado en la vida cotidiana y el cuerpo de las personas; un Estado presente por su ausencia. El uso de drogas, la experiencia de violencia, la depresión y el suicidio son temas recurrentes en los discursos e intercambios diarios con los interlocutores. Es por esto que, en un segundo término, aprehendemos esta internalización de la política a través del funcionamiento de una institución pública de salud mental cuya solución principal para los pacientes es la de la prescripción de sedantes. Finalmente, esta etnografía revela la vulnerabilidad rural desde otra institución, esta vez privada, una “comunidad terapéutica” (modelo de rehabilitación social de los Estados Unidos). Tomando como punta de lanza para esta etnografía el curso de la vida, o de la muerte, en Orocovis, descubrimos cómo el estado gobierna nuestros cuerpos

In November 2020, Puerto Rico, currently a territory of the United States, held a referendum and the majority voted to become a state of the United States of America. Statehood is decided by the U.S. Congress in Washington, D.C. For the 2020 Presidential Election, the Democratic Party platform expressed support for Puerto Rican statehood. Although the official stance on the Republican Party is to support whatever choice the electorate of Puerto Rico votes on in their referendum, many party leaders and members of the Republican Party have spoken out about their opposition to supporting the statehood of the territory. I will be investigating why these party leaders and general party members are against its statehood by looking at the Republican Party’s ideologically derived positions rooted in conservativism and the electoral incentive perspective to not have Puerto Rico as a state. How do leading Republican Party representatives justify their position against the addition of Puerto Rico as a U.S. state? How can the members of the Republican Party’s position on Puerto Rico statehood be understood by both party incentives and disincentives on expected electoral outcomes? It is noteworthy to look at what causes this paradox between the Republican Party’s official stance on Puerto Rican statehood and party leaders’ open opinions on the matter.

The United States Military is currently organized along the lines of regional combatant commands (COCOMs). Each COCOM is responsible for all U.S. military activity in their designated area of responsibility (AOR). They also deal with diplomatic issues of a wide variety with the countries within their respective AORs. Among these COCOMs, Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), whose AOR encompasses all of Central and South America (less Mexico) and the Caribbean, is one of the smallest in terms of size and budget, but has the longest history of activity among the COCOMs as it is the successor to the first joint command, the United States Caribbean Defense Command (CDC 1941-1947). Existing from 1941 to 1947, the CDC was tasked with protecting the Panama Canal, the Canal Zone, and all its access points as well as defending the region from Axis aggression and setting up a series of U.S. bases throughout the Caribbean from which to project U.S. military power after World War II. Throughout its short history, however, the CDC was plagued with the same types of resource scarcity that its successor commands would later experience. Early successes, as well as the progress of the war saw to it that the original mission of the Command was quickly rendered moot. Ironically, it was partially the success of the U.S. war effort that kept the CDC from ever reaching its full potential. Nevertheless, the CDC evolved into something different than had originally been envisioned. In the end, it became the model that other COCOMs would follow after November 1947 when the system of regional combatant commands was formally established. Although some research has been conducted into the history of these commands, this dissertation is the first academic attempt to chronicle the history of the United States Caribbean Defense Command. Research into this topic involved combing through the Archives of the United States Southern Command in its offices in Miami, Florida (SOUTHCOM Archives), as well as the CDC archives in Record Group 548 in the U.S. National Archives II in Suitland, Maryland. Secondary sources as well as references regarding treaties and international agreements were also consulted as necessary.

Orientador: Oliveiros da Silva Ferreira
Banca: Rafael Duarte Villa
Banca: Reginaldo Matar Nasser
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituido em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: Após a guerra hispano-americana de 1898, os Estados Unidos instalaram bases navais em Cuba e Porto Rico, e começaram a construir um canal interoceânico no Panamá. O objetivo de nossa pesquisa, portanto, é analisar como os Estados Unidos conseguiram essas bases, a importância delas para a defesa do canal do Panamá e como elas se relacionaram com a política externa dos Estados Unidos para o Caribe estabelecida pelos presidentes William McKinley e Theodore Roosevelt.
Abstract: After the 1898 Spanish-American War, the United States established naval bases in Cuba and Porto Rico, and started to build an interoceanic canal in Panama. The purpose of this research is, therefore, to analyze how the United States obtained these bases, their importance to the defense of the Panama Canal and how they connected with the American foreign policy for the Caribbean set up by presidents William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt.
Mestre

The long-standing claim that migrating individuals are uniformly positively selected (i.e. possessing labor market skills of higher economic value than those who do not migrate) has been challenged in recent years. Research suggesting that some immigrants to the United States possess below average skills has generated debate over both the nature of migrant self-selection as well as the impact of immigration policy on the stock of immigrant flows. This debate has raised important theoretical questions about the relationship between the attributes of sending and receiving areas and the characteristics of migrants. This dissertation addresses the selectivity debate using a conditional logistic regression model of migrants' location choice. The model identifies the individual characteristics and location attributes that determine location choice and provides a unique approach to the issue of selectivity. The analysis tests two theoretical perspectives that have figured prominently in the economic and sociological literature on migration. The data are taken from the 1980 and 1990 U.S. Census Public Use Microdata Samples on Puerto Ricans living in the United States and Puerto Rico. A review of the growth and geographic dispersal of migration originating from Puerto Rico suggest a notable amount of human capital selectivity across migrant destinations. Recent data on metropolitan populations of Puerto Ricans in the United States and Puerto Rico reveal that the migratory process has lead to wide variation in the characteristics of individuals at different locations. The location choice analysis finds support for both theories of migrant self-selection. The results indicate that more competitive labor markets encourage positive selection and that larger migratory social networks encourage negative selection. This research makes important methodological and theoretical contributions to the literature. The analytical strategy taken in this study represents an original approach to the question of migrant self-selection. The location choice model provides the first simultaneous assessment of multiple causes of selectivity. The conceptualization of self-selection as the interaction between individual characteristics and location attributes is also innovative. The policy implications of this research are far-reaching. The results suggest that immigration criteria based on family reunification have a negative impact on immigrant selectivity by reinforcing the operation of migratory social networks. Further, the migration process examined in this analysis suggests that selectivity contributes to socio-economic segregation across geographic space.

This dissertation explores the topic of migration focusing on science fiction works created by artists from Mexico, Puerto Rico, and the United States during the latter half of the twentieth century. My analysis investigates the four most common science fiction themes used to represent migration: space exploration, alien invasions, dystopian states, and virtual reality. The dissertation is in part a recovery project, demonstrating the significance (and even existence) of science fiction works created by U.S. Latinas/os. The dissertation is also a work of genre historical analysis, locating these Latina/o and Latin American writers and artists in the history of science fiction. Science fiction emerged in its current form during European colonialism-- its exploration, invasion, and colonization of places already settled. In my dissertation I have found that Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Latina/o writers and artists work against the coloniality of science fiction. I argue in my dissertation that the dominant plot in mainstream science fiction arose out of a particular form of colonial literature, the "going native" narrative in which a colonizer adopts characteristics of or is identified with a colonized people. In science fiction, the "going native" narrative is translated into what I call the "going alien" narrative. One can "go alien" in regard to issues other than colonialism, for example, race, gender, or nationality. In my dissertation I explore how Latina/o and Latin American science fiction writers and artists respond to and work against the "going alien" narrative system that has long been the foundation of mainstream science fiction.

Puerto Rico has been a United States territory since 1898. Since then, our identity and culture has been threatened by the impositions of the colonizer. The so-called “identity crisis” caused by the relationship with the U.S. government, is felt not only at a personal level, but also in our economy, politics and sociability. With the theme Decolonizing Architecture I explore our condition of colony, the struggles of the Puerto Rican people in favor of our emancipation and the role of architecture and memory to transcend our insular circumstance. My thesis focuses on the island of Vieques, a Puerto Rican Municipality that was invaded in 1941 by the U.S. Navy. The navy expropriated 2/3 of the island. The East was used as a weapons training facility and the West for ammunition storage. The Viequense community, of approximately 10,000 inhabitants, was left in the middle of training zones for war. In 2003, after more than five decades of relentless bombings and the many protests and civil disobedience acts against it from the local community, Puerto Ricans from the main island and in the diaspora, the navy withdrew from Vieques. Currently the previous Live Impact Area on the East side of Vieques is inaccessible due to cleanup from contamination but the land can be used to provide a renewable source of energy that would benefit the municipality. The intervention in the West is located on the former Naval Ammunition Storage Detachment where hundreds of abandoned bunkers are located. These bunkers will be rehabilitated to promote eco-tourism, to provide a space in memory of those who have died at the hands of the navy, and to commemorate Vieques’ triumph. The design proposal is my approach on how to return the land to the community. With this thesis I intend to recognize the collective memory of a people who are still struggling to control their destiny. We should never forget how the Viequenses got together and fought to defend their land and their dignity against the most powerful military in the world; in hopes that the rest of Puerto Ricans can someday understand Vieques as the beggining of the end of colonization.

The assassination of the Dominican dictator Rafael Leonidas Trujillo in 1961 marked the beginning of many rebirths for the Dominican Republic. Confronted with the growing pains of an emerging democratic national consciousness, the island was also faced with an unprecedented circumstance: a massive exodus that displaced thousands of Dominicans to the United States and Puerto Rico. My dissertation focuses on contemporary narrative representations of Dominican migrations to the United States and Puerto Rico. In chapter 1, "A Product of Exiles, Travels and Displacements: The Constructions of an Ethnic and Racial Consciousness in the United States in Pedro Henríquez Ureña's Memoir," I propose my own working definition of a Dominican transnational subjectivity at the beginning of the 20th century as I see it surfacing in Henríquez Ureña's memoir. In chapter two, "With Floating (Intranational) Borders: Displaced Dominicans in Puerto Rican Narratives," I explore the narrative representation of Dominican migrations to Puerto Rico and the challenges they bring about to the Puerto Rican national discourse constituted in the late 1930s. This chapter analyzes José Luis González's La luna no era de queso: memorias de infancia (1988), Ana Lydia Vega's "El día de los hechos" from her short story collection Encancaranublado y otros cuentos de naufragio (1982) and Magali García Ramis's "Cuatro retratos urbanos" from the short story collection Las noches del riel de oro (1995). In chapter three, "Of Absent (nomadic) Fathers and Boys in Construction: Dominican Diasporic Subjectivities in Junot Díaz's Drown," I analyze the short story collection titled Drown (1993) by Junot Díaz. My reading of Diaz's work interprets his characters as gravitating towards communities in which they become active components of multi-racial and multi-ethnic communities fostered by global migrations. In the last chapter, "Crooked City Women: A Reading of Race, Ethnicity and Migration in Narratives of Late 20th and 21st Century Dominican Women writers," I focus on Loida Martiza Pérez's novel Geographies of Home (1999) and Josefina Báez's performance piece Dominicanish (2000) to illustrate how their work challenges patriarchal forms of expression that are rooted in the homeland and then disseminated in U.S. diasporic Dominican communities.
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