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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'United States Senate'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Campbell, Andrea C. "Party government in the United States senate /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3064456.

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2

White, David Richard. "The institutionalization of the United States Senate, 1789-1996." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289137.

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The research presented here fills a gap in the congressional literature by documenting the historical institutionalization of the U.S. Senate. After an extensive review of the institutionalization literature in Chapter Two, Chapters Three through Six qualitatively document the Senate's institutionalization over four chronological time periods: 1789-1860; 1861-1900; 1901-1946; 1947-1996. Using both primary and secondary sources, these chapters provide a comprehensive historical analysis of Senate development, covering key aspects such as committees, leaders, personnel and operations. Chapters Seven and Eight chart the Senate's institutionalization in a more systematic manner. Chapter Seven presents multiple indicators for each of four components of institutionalization: adaptability; autonomy; complexity; and coherence. Chapter Eight then models the process of Senate institutionalization. Using ordinary least squares and weighted least squares regression, it tests the model for each component of institutionalization. Political party opposition in the presidency, federal government activity, the Seventeenth Amendment and continuous majority control of the Senate by one political party all prove significant in one or more components of Senate institutionalization. Chapter Nine summarizes the Senate institutionalization process, and suggests how the Senate's post-World War II "transformation" fits into this larger, historical process.

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3

Bratcher, Christopher Nicholas. "Negative campaigning in U.S. Senate elections /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008286.

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4

Zhang, Kan. "The Sino-American Cold War in the US senate a study of the role of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations in the making of China policy, 1953-1972 /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2004. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31463381.

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5

Brown, Jason. "Trends in Recent United States Senate Elections: Incumbency, Finance, Gender and Race." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/243873.

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Though Senate elections are less studied than their House equivalency, there is still significant evidence that explains various trends occurring in the upper chamber of Congress in the past several decades. The Senate, like the House, falls victim to various biases including gender and race. In addition, there is an incumbency advantage in the Senate that proves almost as significant as in House competitions. Despite these similarities, there are noteworthy disparities between House and Senate elections, many of which stem from the differences in term lengths and magnitude of constituencies. However, there are political scientists who believe the electoral outcomes are quite similar, despite these fundamental differences. One of the main contentions is the significance of House and Senate races as a referendum on the president. While it may be more noteworthy in House competitions, it certainly is influential in the Senate. A significant facet of Senate elections studied extensively is the amount of funds needed to win the race. It should be no surprise that a significant majority of winners in the 20 I 0 Senate race far outspent their competitors. There are several elections, however, where this proved false and the candidate with lesser funds defeated his Or her competitor.

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6

Gershtenson, Joseph Arthur. "The determinants and consequences of U.S. Senate candidates' ideological locations /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008335.

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7

Dolgin, Anthony Shane. "The expanding role of the United States Senate in Supreme Court confirmation proceedings." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ37201.pdf.

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8

Willey, Elaine Ann. "Explaining the Vote: Claiming Credit and Managing Blame in the United States Senate." Connect to this title online, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1015617172.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2002.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 175 p.). Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Kathleen M. McGraw, Dept. of Political Science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 167-175).

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9

Maloney, Christopher John. "Lights, Cameras, Quorum Call: A Legislative History of Senate Television." W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625611.

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10

Beggs, Alvin Dwayne. "Ernest Gruening, Wayne Morse and the Senate Debate Over United States Participation in Vietnam 1965-1969 and Its Affect on United States Foreign Policy." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1124482196.

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11

Klimas, Joshua E. "Balancing consensus, consent, and competence Richard Russell, the Senate Armed Services Committee & oversight of America's defense, 1955-1968 /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1196275808.

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12

Miles, Sandra Y. "A three case study : how the media portrays women senate candidates." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2003. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/329.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

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13

Simon, Marsha Jean. "The real rules of the budget game : minority fiscal decision making in the United States Senate." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/33708.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2005.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 121-127).
This study examines the consequences of the Gramm-Rudman super-majority budget rules on fiscal decision making in the Senate. It attempts to determine the efficacy of these rules as defined by those who advocate them, Public Choice scholars and conservative activists, by testing both whether they restrain spending overall and, second, whether they more often block spending benefiting concentrated special interests than other types of spending. The study concludes that super-majority budget rules do not restrain spending, much less spending on special interest legislation. The Gramm-Rudman rules were not responsible for the budget surplus that emerged in the late 1990s, and public choice scholars have no credible explanation for the surplus. Further, I argue that these rules have had the unintended effect of strengthening the hand of the leadership of the committees responsible for spending and tax legislation and diminished the ability of other Senators to influence money bills. These rules have compounded the anti-democratic bias of the Senate, increased hold-out costs, and generally made the legislative process less transparent and understandable to the public and even to the Senators themselves.
by Marsha Jean Simon.
Ph.D.

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14

Craig, McKinzie. "Rubber Stamps and Litmus Tests: The President, the Senate, and Judicial Voting Behavior in Abortion Cases in the U.S. Federal District Courts." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3985/.

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This thesis focuses on how well indicators of judicial ideology and institutional constraints predict whether a judge will vote to increase abortion access. I develop a model that evaluates a judge's decision in an abortion case in light of ideological factors measured at the time of a judge's nomination to the bench and legal and institutional constraints at the time a judge decides a case. I analyze abortion cases from all of the U.S. Federal District Courts from 1973-2004. Unlike previous studies, which demonstrate that the president and the home state senators are the best predictors of judicial ideology, I find that the Senate Judiciary Committee at the time of the judge's nomination is the only statistically significant ideological indicator. Also, contrary to conventional wisdom, Supreme Court precedent (a legal constraint) is also a significant predictor of judicial voting behavior in abortion cases.

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15

Coulter, Matthew Ware. "Beyond the Merchants of Death: the Senate Munitions Inquiry of the 1930s and its Role in Twentieth-Century American History." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279357/.

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The Senate Munitions Committee of 1934-1936, chaired by Gerald Nye of North Dakota, provided the first critical examination of America's modern military establishment. The committee approached its task guided by the optimism of the progressive Social Gospel and the idealism of earlier times, but in the middle of the munitions inquiry the nation turned to new values represented in Reinhold Niebuhr's realism and Franklin D. Roosevelt's Second New Deal. By 1936, the committee found its views out of place in a nation pursuing a new course and in a world threatening to break out in war. Realist historians writing in the cold war period (1945-1990) closely linked the munitions inquiry to isolationism and created a one-dimensional history in which the committee chased evil "merchants of death." The only book-length study of the munitions investigation, John Wiltz's In Search of Peace, published in 1963, provided a realist interpretation. The munitions inquiry went beyond the merchants of death in its analysis of the post-World War I American military establishment. A better understanding emerges when the investigation is considered not only within an isolationist framework, but also as part of the intellectual, cultural, and political history of the interwar years. In particular, Franklin Roosevelt's political use of the investigation becomes apparent. Sources used include the committee's hearings, exhibits, and reports, the Gerald Nye Papers, the Franklin Roosevelt Papers, the Cordell Hull Papers, the R. Walton Moore Papers, the Henry Stimson Papers, the Homer Cummings Diaries, and the State Department's decimal files.

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16

Muston, Justin D. "The end of exceptionalism in the foreign affairs debate? : Resistance to internationalism in the United States Senate, 1944-52." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285356.

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17

Niday, Jackson Arnold. "Governance at midnight : a rhetorical and contextual analysis of the 1995 U.S. Senate hearing The militia movement in the United States /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008406.

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18

Nesi, Edward A. "Lion in winter : Edward M. Kennedy in the Bush years : a study in senate leadership /." Norton, MA : Wheaton College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/787.

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19

Beggs, A. Dwayne. "Ernest Gruening, Wayne Morse and the Senate debate over United States participation in Vietnam, 1965-1969, and its affect on U.S. foreign policy." Connect to this title online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1124482196.

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20

Klimas, Joshua. "Balancing consensus, consent, and competence: Richard Russell, the senate armed services committee & oversight of America’s defense, 1955-1968." The Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1196275808.

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21

Canody, Miranda E. "Presidential-Legislative Relations and Presidential Scandal." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32657.

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Studies on Presidential-Executive relations fails to empirically analyze whether or not modern presidential scandal can impact presidential-congressional relations. Meinke and Anderson (2001) find that presidential scandal impacts House of Representatives voting behavior on key votes cited by Congressional Quarterly. A slight revision and replication of Meinke and Andersonâ s research finds presidential scandal impacts Senate aggregate key votes reported by Congressional Quarterly. In addition, political party plays a more important role than scandal in determining the logged odds of Senate key votes and presidential agreement.
Master of Arts

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22

Harpuder, Brian Eric. "Electoral behavior in U.S. senate elections, a simultaneous choice model." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1069347453.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xvi, 209 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 201-209). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

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23

Busher, Amy Beth. "Framing Hillary Clinton a content analysis of the New York Times news coverage of the 2000 New York senate election /." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04282006-110950/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.
Cynthia Hoffner, committee chair; Mary Stuckey, Mchael Bruner, committee members. Electronic text (65 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 26, 2007; title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 54-59).

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24

Gendreau, Marc-Antoine. "Le heavy metal érigé en contre-culture dans le cadre du Record Labeling Hearing : une sous-culture en émergence entre stigmatisation et reconnaissance." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30973.

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La thèse analyse un document intitulé Record Labeling Hearing (RLH) (1985), qui reprend dans son intégralité une séance qui s’est tenue au Congrès des États-Unis à propos du contenu jugé problématique de certains albums de musique. Au cœur de cette séance, se retrouve le Parents Music Resource Centre (PMRC), un groupe de pression qui voit le jour en 1984. D’après le PMRC, les albums avec des paroles traitant de sexe, de violence, d’occulte, de drogues et d’alcool méritent l’autocollant du « Parental Advisory : Explicit Lyrics » afin d’avertir les parents des thématiques abordées. La séance réunit des sénateurs du Congrès américain, les membres du PMRC et des alliés de ces derniers, dont la National Parent/Teacher Association (NPTA), ainsi que des représentants de l’industrie de la musique et trois artistes. Nous verrons dans la thèse qu’en fait, c’est le heavy metal que le PMRC et ses alliés visaient lors du RLH et non par exemple certains contenus transversaux à divers types d’albums de musique. A cette époque, la sous-culture du heavy metal était encore en émergence et pour tout dire bien fragile. En 1985, elle était même menacée de fragmentation en raison de la popularité de certains de ses sous-genres. Or, en présentant le heavy metal comme une contre-culture, le RLH a aidé ce genre musical à se constituer en véritable sous-culture.

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25

Pitts, Stanley Thomas. "An unjust legacy: A critical study of the political campaigns of William Andrews Clark, 1888-1901." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5251/.

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In a time of laissez-faire government, monopolistic businesses and political debauchery, William Andrews Clark played a significant role in the developing West, achieving financial success rivaling Jay Gould, George Hearst, Andrew Carnegie, and J. P. Morgan. Clark built railroads, ranches, factories, utilities, and developed timber and water resources, and was internationally known as a capitalist, philanthropist and art collector. Nonetheless, Clark is unjustly remembered for his bitter twelve-year political battle with copper baron Marcus Daly that culminated in a scandalous senatorial election in January 1899. The subsequent investigation was a judicial travesty based on personal hatred and illicit tactics. Clark's political career had national implications and lasting consequences. His enemies shaped his legacy, and for one hundred years historians have unquestioningly accepted it.

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26

Davis, Ashley. "The benefits and pitfalls of participating in a corporate inversion: a case study of two companies on two different paths." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/15056.

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Submitted by Daniele Santos (danielesantos.htl@gmail.com) on 2015-12-22T14:11:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ashley.pdf: 3717036 bytes, checksum: fc187a3c5d98cd64509bdbad08f8362e (MD5)
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Even though the term corporate inversion has been heard globally for decades, it has only become more prevalent in the United States during the past two years. This case study examines two United States companies that recently had very high profile and public corporate inversion experiences. Complicated tax laws and high tax rales have long eroded the ability of United States companies to remain competitive on a global scale. During the past two years, tax reform has been elevated to the Presidential and Congressional levei. Because these reform efforts have stalled, however, and in the constant search for ways to become more competitive and profitable, United States dorniciled companies have begun to more aggressively explore corporate inversion. This case study of Walgreens Alliance Boots and Mylan N.V., is undertaken because while the reasons to pursue a corporate inversion for both companies were very similar and done during the same time period, the internai process and final outcome were dramatically different. The other dynamic studied is the role both internai and externai politics had on these two cornpanies and how they influenced the decisions made by the executives. Lastly, the Obama Administration continues to threaten so called 'corporate America' to remain in the country through regulatory pressure, but this has not stopped companies frorn pursing corporate inversions. Legislatively, attempts at corporate tax reform, another way to encourage Untied States companies to remain, have also failed. I will not try to determine i f a corporate inversion is the right path for a company to take. I am examining how the rise o f the practice o f corporate inversions has been elevated in boardroorns, on Wall Street, in Congress and at the White House during the past two years.

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27

Gaskin, Thomas Mayhew. "Senator Lyndon B. Johnson and United States foreign policy /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10353.

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28

Leahy, Patrick J. "Remarks of Senator Patrick Leahy." Department of Journalism, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/581661.

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29

Meyer, Alix. "Le Congrès républicain (1994 – 2006)- Révolutions conservatrices, contradictions électorales, évolutions institutionnelles." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO20083.

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Le Congrès des Etats-Unis est une institution méconnue, mal comprise et souvent dénigrée, y compris par ses propres membres. On le dit en crise, inadapté aux exigences du monde moderne. L’objectif est donc d’évaluer les forces et les faiblesses objectives du Congrès contemporain pour le réinsérer dans la dynamique des freins et contre-pouvoirs au coeur du système politique américain. La période retenue s’étale de la victoire des Républicains menés par Newt Gingrich en 1994 jusqu’aux élections de mi-mandat de 2006 et au retour des Démocrates. De la présidence Clinton à Bush, ces douze années offrent un contexte institutionnel varié. Elles forment une trajectoire historique fascinante de la rhétorique révolutionnaire qui accompagne les victoires de 1994 à la résignation d’une défaite marquée par une certaine corruption institutionnelle, partisane et idéologique. Le cœur de notre étude vise à étudier les conséquences institutionnelles du retour à un équilibre partisan dans les deux chambres du Congrès. La compétition entre les deux partis a été accompagnée par la polarisation du système politique. Notre étude retrace les débuts de l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère sur la colline du Capitole. On cherchera à combiner une approche politique et institutionnelle en analysant plus particulièrement trois domaines de l’action politique particulièrement révélateurs: les finances via la procédure budgétaire, la réforme de l’Etat providence, et les relations avec le judiciaire via les nominations des Juges d’Appel fédéraux, lieu privilégié de frictions entre la Maison-Blanche et le Sénat. À cette perspective institutionnelle, il s’agira d’ajouter une étude sociologique de cohorte des membres du Congrès, nécessaire pour comprendre les ressorts de l’action institutionnelle. Au-delà des membres de la chambre, l’étude d’une période dominée par le parti de l’éléphant nous permettra de plonger au cœur du mouvement conservateur. Après avoir présenté les racines historiques de l'idéologie conservatrice qui domine au sein du Parti républicain, il s'agira de révéler comment un mouvement contestataire a transformé l’institution du Congrès mais aussi comment l’institution a transformé le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain. Dans un contexte international de renforcement du pouvoir exécutif, l’étude du Congrès doit permettre de redécouvrir certaines leçons sur les modalités de fonctionnement d’un système démocratique. Il s’agit de montrer qu'au-delà des questions techniques, des jeux de procédures obscures, dans la tension qui anime le Congrès, se joue l’avenir du concept de démocratie représentative ; de rétablir un certain équilibre dans la perception du système américain : système plus complexe qu’il n’apparaît dans les médias et même parfois la littérature. On ne peut se contenter d’étudier la présidence impériale sans prêter attention au vortex qui siège, toujours, au coeur de la constitution. Ainsi, sans faire un panégyrique du pouvoir législatif, il s’agira de remettre en cause la tentation d’un Césarisme plus ou moins démocratique qui chercherait à faire du Congrès une chambre d’enregistrement des volontés de l’exécutif
The United States Congress is often disparaged including by its own members. The critics of the institution decry the gridlock on Capitol Hill and Congress's alleged inability to deal with the challenges of the modern world. The unpopularity of today's Congress calls into question its ability to represent the American people. In that context it is necessary to try to assess whether or not Congress is truly dysfunctional. To that end, this study proposes to study a period of twelve years from 1994 to 2006 during which the Republican party dominated the institution. In 1994, under the leadership of Newt Gingrich, the Republicans returned to the majority in the House of Representatives for the first time in forty years. In 2006, after another midterm election, the Republican majorities in the House and the Senate were soundly defeated. Drawing on the long and tortuous history of the relationship between the Republican party and conservatism, the new majorities proposed large-scale change that amounted to a conservative revolution. They had initially laid out a clearly conservative agenda that insisted on balancing the budget and reducing the size of government. A detailed study of their fiscal policy and their attempts at entitlement reform over the period actually leads us to conclude that they eventually governed over ever larger deficits and a growing federal government whose policies were adjusted to favor different portions of the population. It is therefore necessary to try to account for the discrepancy between the initial goals and the eventual results. This entails studying first the evolution of the Republican members of Congress themselves to see whether the policy changes can be explained by the members becoming more moderate. Another explanation centers on the relationship between the members of the Congress and their constituents. The Republican majorities could have been forced to moderate their positions by the voters themselves in the elections of 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002 and 2004. Here the complex interplay that implies the interpretation of election results comes into play. Over the past decades, the American political system has been polarizing clearly. The growing ideological gap between the two parties and their bases calls into question the institutional stability of an institution built on the necessity to compromise. Especially since both parties have polarized while the margins of the majorities have grown more narrow. It is thus essential to look at the constraints set up by the institutional system. The arcane nuances of the legislative process directly impinges on the content of legislation. Indeed, if the majority rules decisively over the House of Representatives, in the Senate, the minority can very easily block most initiatives. The growing recourse to procedural shortcuts offered by the budget process is a testament to that fact.Finally, the relationship with the president of the United States is very much a factor in the equation. The twelve years of Republican domination in Congress covers two very different periods. Until January 2001, they had to battle with President Clinton in a context of divided government. Following George W. Bush's election in 2000, they started working under the command of the White House. The stark contrast in the way Senate republicans dealt with the two presidents when it came to their judicial nominees for the Federal Courts of Appeal offers an excellent opportunity to evaluate the continuing yet variable strength of the system of checks and balances set up by the U.S. Constitution. A deeper understanding of the workings of the contemporary Congress might allow for a more nuanced vision of the institution as much more than a roadblock on the road of presidential leadership and, perhaps, lead to a better appreciation of the way its members are trying or failing to fulfill their constitutional duty

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30

Cook, Jonathan Harry. "Senator Henry M. Jackson and the Cold War, c. 1953-1983." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709377.

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31

Sato, Chitose. "Senator Harry F Byrd and the New Deal Reform Policy in Virginia, 1933-1938." W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625690.

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32

Tolley, Rebecca. "Jan. 5, 1950: Senator Estes Kefauver Proposes Government Commission to Investigate Organized Crime in the United States." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2009. https://www.amzn.com/1587654695.

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Contains 400 of the most important and publicized scandals throughout the world since the beginning of the twentieth century. This title contains topics that include scandals that rocked the worlds of banking and finance, education, government and politics, health and medicine, publishing and journalism, and sports and entertainment.

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33

Wickre, John J. "Indiana's Southern Senator: Jesse Bright and the Hoosier Democracy." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/12.

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Without northern doughface Democrats, and northern states like Indiana, the South could not have held dominance in American politics during the sectional crisis. Anchoring the extreme end of the doughface North was Indiana’s slaveholding senator Jesse Bright (his holdings were in Kentucky). Yet, he was no flailing radical pushed to the margins of northern politics. Bright was the chief party boss who by the mid to late 1850s controlled the state of Indiana. He was one of the most influential leaders getting James Buchanan into the presidency. He did this, in part, because Indiana was a conservative state that disliked anti-slavery agitators. Still, most Hoosiers were not partisans in favor of slavery. Bright was able to lead Indiana politics during the 1850s because he had become a powerful political boss. American politics in the 1840s and 1850s was built around state level organizations. With elections going through constant and irregular cycles, hopeful candidates needed a strong organization capable of providing money, press literature and mobilization of voters. They needed someone with grit, savvy and energy to organize various groups, and no one was more successful at this in Indiana than Bright. Bright did this, in part, by understanding the baser motives of men, and more importantly, could satisfy these wants with graft, bribery, patronage and other inducements. If that was not enough to motivation, he used fear, bullying and good old fashioned steam rolling tactics to bludgeon his enemies into submission. Bright’s extreme doughface attitudes did not make him popular, but his organizing skills made him a powerful leader. He helped prop the slave-power in American politics through the 1850s, but his efforts also alienated a wide swath of northerners, especially in Indiana. By 1860, a northern Republican Party took control of American politics, as northerners came to reject the slave-masters and the slave-power. This dissertation argues that Bright played a pivotal role in propping the slave-power. But ultimately Bright’s political downfall was part of a larger rejection of southern politics.

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Chae, Young Mi Lim. "Development of a behavioral nursing intervention strategy in grooming performance of elders with cognitive impairments." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186183.

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The purpose of the study was to develop a behavioral nursing intervention strategy for specific deficits in grooming performance of elders with dementia. A quasi-experimental two-group design using switching replications with removed intervention was employed. Three residents with severe cognitive impairments and three residents with mild cognitive impairments were chosen from a special dementia care unit of a long-term care facility. Three residents among six residents were randomly selected to receive the behavioral intervention early. Baseline and post-intervention assistance was provided by nurse aides. Each resident was asked to wash hands, brush teeth, wash face, and comb hair in a sequence. Ten intervention sessions were conducted by the trained intervener for two consecutive weeks. The intervention consisted systematic prompting and social reinforcement. A total of 21 sessions were collected in the morning using videotape recordings. Interobserver agreement for the instruments designed by the investigator was measured by the trained observers. Data were analyzed in two phases. First, the quantitative data were analyzed to determine the independent functional behaviors of individuals, and the change in the intensity of nursing effort associated with grooming of elders with dementia. Data were examined by individual graphic display throughout the three phases (baseline, nursing intervention, post-intervention). Second, the qualitative data were analyzed to determine the antecedents, consequences, and resident responses associated with grooming, the caregiver problem behaviors, and resident problem behaviors associated with grooming performance. The results show that the functional behaviors of even severely demented elders can be promoted, indicating the effectiveness of nursing care strategies on the ADL task of grooming. The data in this research suggest that maintaining or improving functional ability is possible with a behavioral nursing intervention, which was a highly structured and systematic approach that involved modifying the environmental and behavioral context, through strategies such as prompting and social reinforcement, when necessary. Furthermore, through the qualitative analysis, the functional relationships between antecedents, consequences, and behaviors of demented elders allowed the investigator to analyze the caregiver problem behaviors and resident behavior problems associated with grooming.

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Swenson, Benjamin J. "Rewriting the "Detestable" Rules of War: The "Guerrilla System" and Counterinsurgency in Napoleonic Spain and the Mexican-American War, 1808-1848." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/673475.

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During the Peninsular War (1808-1814) the Spanish launched an unprecedented guerrilla insurgency that undermined Napoleon’s grip on that state. The advent of this novel and illegal “system” of warfare ushered in an era of military studies on the use of unconventional strategies in military campaigns – and changed the modern rules of war. A generation later during the Mexican-American War (1846-1848), Henry Halleck and Winfield Scott used the knowledge from the Peninsular War to implement an innovative “conciliatory” counterinsurgency program directed at the Mexican people – which set the U.S. doctrinal standard informing an international consensus on the proper conduct for occupation. The Spanish war against the French influenced both belligerents in Mexico: the Mexicans tried to mount a guerrilla war modeled along Spanish lines, and the Americans adapted their tactics, rules, and laws of war between 1808 to 1848 to avoid the disastrous imperial overreach exemplified by the French in Spain.
Durante la Guerra de la Independencia (1808-1814), los españoles lanzaron una insurgencia guerrillera sin precedentes que socavó el control de Napoleón sobre ese estado. El advenimiento de este “sistema” de guerra novedoso e ilegal marcó el comienzo de una era de estudios militares sobre el uso de estrategias no convencionales en campañas militares, y cambió las reglas modernas de la guerra. Una generación más tarde, durante la Guerra México-Estadounidense (1846-1848), Henry Halleck y Winfield Scott utilizaron el conocimiento de la Guerra Peninsular para implementar un innovador programa de contrainsurgencia "conciliador" dirigido al pueblo mexicano, que estableció el estándar doctrinal de los Estados Unidos informando a un consenso internacional sobre la conducta adecuada para la ocupación. La guerra española contra los franceses influyó en ambos beligerantes en México: los mexicanos intentaron montar una guerra de guerrillas siguiendo el modelo español, y los estadounidenses adaptaron sus tácticas, reglas y leyes de guerra entre 1808 y 1848 para evitar la desastrosa extralimitación imperial ejemplificada por los franceses en españa.

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Razo, Eliana. "Media construction of U.S. Latina/o identity as dIfference : the rhetoric of Arizona Senate Bill 1070." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-2769.

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This thesis focuses on the rhetorical formations of identities of people of color through news media coverage. Specifically, I investigate news media coverage of the Arizona immigration legislation, Senate Bill 1070. Major commercial media and Spanish-language media systems associate the immigrant identity to the U.S. Latina/o identity and position U.S. Latina/os as second-class citizens in American society. The language of the legislation, in addition to media coverage of it, works to reinforce race relations and the ideologies of meritocracy and cultural difference in the United States. Chapter one presents up-to-date demographic data, stressing the continuing growth of a diverse American people. Specifically, I use data on the U.S. Latina/o population as a way to establish this reality given that the data are recent. This chapter also presents the argument that current norms and standards in political opinions, such as those considered by policy makers, excludes opinions deriving from people with distinct cultural backgrounds. I present this argument in order to define and exemplify contemporary U.S. culture. The next chapter is a comparative close-textual analysis of news media coverage of Arizona SB 1070. Chapter two also outlines a theoretical framework in order to understand the functions of the media in society in relation to the rhetorical forms of reinforcing dominant ideological values. Chapter three utilizes survey data that speaks to the identity of U.S. Latina/o college students. As part of the questionnaire, I pose questions regarding language preference, generational status, media consumption and political knowledge. The results exemplify the prevailing bicultural component of U.S. Latinas/os and suggest that this ethnic group draws from different and contrasting ideologies. When comparing the identities presented by the media to the results of the questionnaire, discourse analysis suggests the notion that bicultural Americans are not acknowledged fully as citizens.
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37

Johnson, Deborah Kay. "A discourse analysis of the United States Senate debate on the question of war with Iraq: Pearlfishing for Elshtain's chastened patriot in contemporary public discourse." 1994. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI9434494.

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This study explored the extent to which contemporary public discourses, as instantiated by the January, 1991 United States Senate debates on the question of war with Iraq, show evidence of what Jean Bethke Elshtain refers to as chastened patriotism: a new politics unencumbered by traditional war and peace discourse and its totalizing aspects. Discourse analyses revealed many examples of chastened patriotism constructions in the texts of these debates, embedded in a range of discursive formations. The analyses revealed, also, that the structure of the debates had no determining influence on displays of such constructions. As a whole, the study presented that Elshtain's chastened patriotism vocabulary is accessible to pragmatic appropriation, and is sufficiently rich of ethical content and political possibility as to lend to the making of a less dangerous and deadly world.

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Thomas, Herschel Fred. "A source of new information? the market effects of corporate testimony in congressional hearings (2000-2005)." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3238.

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Given that Congressional hearings are established legislative and political information generating tools for committee members engaging in oversight, fact finding, and agenda setting, I examine whether or not hearings provide information to actors outside of government. More specifically, does testimony by corporate representatives provide new information to the stock market about the future profitability of certain firms? In this paper, I utilize a new dataset collected by Workman and Shafran (2009) that includes 3,300 witnesses (and their affiliations) who testified in business regulation hearings between 2000 and 2005. I identify 99 publicly traded firms with representatives testifying in 117 hearings, and utilize event study methodology to estimate the effects of testimony events on the daily stock returns of corresponding firms. I find that, even with the ‘expectedness’ of Congressional hearings, such events negatively impact stock returns both generally as well as with greater magnitude under certain conditions. This event effect is largest for politically sensitive firms and for hearings held in the Senate. When selecting a portfolio of firms that combines all significant conditions, I determine that the ‘upper bound’ of the effect is one-half a standard deviation in daily returns (or a change of -1.6% in prices). Congressional hearings with corporate testimony do, in fact, generate information for external actors.
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39

Giles, Clark Andrew. "Regime fatigue : a cognitive-psychological model for identifying a socialized negativity effect in U.S. Senatorial and Gubernatorial elections from 1960-2008." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4649.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This research project proposes to try to isolate and measure the influence of “regime fatigue” on gubernatorial elections and senatorial elections in the United States where there is no incumbent running. The research begins with a review of the negativity effect and its potential influence on schema-based impression forming by voters. Applicable literature on the topics of social clustering and homophily is then highlighted as it provides the vehicle through which the negativity effect disseminates across collections of socially-clustered individuals and ultimately contributes to changing tides of public opinion despite the fact that the political party identification can remain relatively fixed in the aggregate.

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Švajda, Michal. "Celková imigrační reforma zastavena Poučení z vývoje v americkém Senátu 2004-2010." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-313907.

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The M.A. thesis "Comprehensive Immigration Reform Postponed: Lessons from the Senate 2004- 2010" elaborates upon the causes hindering in the years 2004 to 2010 the adoption of a comprehensive immigration reform in the United States of America. The main goal of the thesis is to assess the consequences of the polarization of the American political scene on the immigration reform and to evaluate the party divide on the matter upon the floor remarks made by the members of Senate Committee on the Judiciary taking in account the differences in between the 109th and 111th Senate. The focus on the Committee on the Judiciary is justified by the role played by its members in the drafting process of particular reform proposals. The scope of the polarization of the Committee is assessed upon the aggravated means attributed to the most dominant narratives used by the senators. The remarks used in the evaluation are addressed in the context of the most significant contemporary factors influencing the polarization of American political scene as well as under the light of the development surpassing the domestic affairs.

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Dopieralla, Jakub. "Role senátního filibusteru ve fungování politického systému USA." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-347975.

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This thesis deals with legislative obstruction in the United States Senate. It presents the filibuster as one of the key procedural tools in the hands of a legislative minority during the consideration of legislative proposals, presidential nominations and international treaties. At first it presents the main theoretical approaches to the topic and the historical development of Senate procedures. A key theme of the work is the necessity to distinguish between formal and informal provisions that determine how Senate business is conducted, since the formal text of the Standing Rules of the Senate is rutinely bypassed by alternative strategies. The last part of the thesis confronts the existing theoretical approaches with the important procedural changes of the last several years and assesses whether these models are still valid in light of the new Senate procedures.

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Brown, Kenny L. "Robert Latham Owen, Jr. his careers as Indian attorney and progressive senator /." 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48199573.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Oklahoma State University, 1985.
Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 359-379).

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Ewert, Sara Elizabeth Dant. "The conversion of Senator Frank Church evolution of an environmentalist /." 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/49608216.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Washington State University, 2000.
eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references. "Bibliographic essay": p. 242-249.

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Flynn, Matthew J. "Reconsidering the China Lobby : Senator William F. Knowland and US-China policy, 1945-1958 /." 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3124927.

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Tadashi, Fujii, and 藤井正. "United State Senate\'s Attitudes on Arm Sales to Taiwan: A Case Study of the Issues related to Arm Sales in 2011." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/5q6q4y.

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碩士
國立政治大學
政治學系
107
This thesis explores the atttiudes of US Senators on arms sales to Taiwan by analyzing the related issues in 2011. It first describes the evolution of the 2011 arms sales to Taiwan, followed by explaining the US Senate's influence and restrictions on US foreign affairs. This thesis finds that for the arms sales issues, two Senators not only dominate other members, but also use various political tactics to exert pressure on the executive branch, which makes the US government change its foreign policy toward Taiwan. In other words, we found that certain Senators play a very important role in Taiwan issue. Our empirical study focuses on four related issues and analyze Senators’attitudes toward Taiwan from four perspectives—namely, ideology, constituent economic interests, committee participation, and participation of Congressional Taiwan Caucus. Regarding the four issues explored here, different formations of the motions lead to different thresholds for the Senators to support the issues. Based on the abovementioned four variables, this thesis found that when the US Senators make political decisions on the Taiwan issue, the higher the threshold, the lower the influence of the four variables on Senators’ attitudes on Taiwan issues. In other words, even if the Senators have strong incentives and motivations to support Taiwan, if the threshold for supporting Taiwan becomes high, they will not support Taiwan. For example, they may be affected by external factors such as US-China trade issues and change their attitudes toward Taiwan. In short, most US Senators do not maintain stable and consistent attitudes towards Taiwan.

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Rainesalo, Timothy C. "Senator Oliver P. Morton and Historical Memory of the Civil War and Reconstruction in Indiana." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/10859.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
After governing Indiana during the Civil War, Oliver P. Morton acquired great national influence as a Senator from 1867 to 1877 during Reconstruction. He advocated for African American suffrage and proper remembrance of the Union cause. When he died in 1877, political colleagues, family members, and many Union veterans recalled Morton’s messages and used the occasion to reflect on the nation’s memories of the Civil War and Reconstruction. This thesis examines Indiana’s Governor and Senator Oliver P. Morton, using his postwar speeches, public commentary during and after his life, and the public testimonials and monuments erected in his memory to analyze his role in defining Indiana’s historical memories of the Civil War and Reconstruction from 1865 to 1907. The eulogies and monument commemoration ceremonies reveal the important reciprocal relationship between Morton and Union veterans, especially Indiana members of the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR). As the GAR’s influence increased during the nineteenth century, Indiana members used Morton’s legacy and image to promote messages of patriotism, national unity, and Union pride. The monuments erected in Indianapolis and Washington, D. C., reflect Indiana funders’ desire to remember Morton as a Civil War Governor and to use his image to reinforce viewers’ awareness of the sacrifices and results of the war. This thesis explores how Morton’s friends, family, political colleagues, and influential members of the GAR emphasized Morton’s governorship to use his legacy as a rallying point for curating and promoting partisan memories of the Civil War and, to a lesser extent, Reconstruction, in Indiana.

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