Journal articles: 'United States Senate'

1

Porter, John Edward. "United States Senate." Biotechnology Law Report 16, no. 3 (May 1997): 377–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/blr.1997.16.377.

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Miller, Michael T. "The State of Faculty Involvement in Governance in the United States." International Research in Education 8, no. 2 (May 26, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ire.v8i2.17096.

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The purpose of the study was to profile the state of faculty governance in US higher education. The survey was based the National Data Base on Faculty Involvement in Governance. Using a similar protocol, the study used survey research with a sample of research university faculty senate presidents. Results include a growing use of non-tenure track faculty and faculty with little senate experience being elected to lead senates. The presidents indicated that the skills most necessary to them are problem analysis, judgement, sensitivity, and oral/written communication skills. They perceived their primary task as developing a sense of direction for the senate, and the most critical issue they face is one of determining institutional priorities. The study was limited to only one type of institution (research-centered) in one country (the United States), and with a 38% response rate to the survey. A growing number of non-tenure track faculty have been identified as leading senates and that there is a group of ‘fast-track’ senators with limited experience being elected into leadership positions. This means that there may be significant changes in how shared governance is being socially constructed. The study re-establishes the annual survey of faculty senate leaders, and longitudinal data will be critical in determining the future of faculty senates. Findings have immediacy in helping senate presidents and administrators understand the changing role of senates, how they see themselves, and what they value.

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Jordan, Larry. "Federal Trauma Legislation: The 101st United States Congress." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 5, no. 3 (September 1990): 255–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00026923.

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The United States Congress presently is considering comprehensive legislation regarding emergency medical services (EMS) and trauma systems planning. This legislation amends the Public Health Service Act and, if enacted, would represent the federal government's first significant statutory mandate to exercise a leadership role in EMS since the federal EMS program was abolished in the early 1980s. On 14 November 1989, the House passed House Resolution (H.R.) 1602, Trauma Care Systems Planning and Development Act of 1989, authored by Representative Jim Bates. The Senate is considering similar legislation (S. 15) by Senator Alan Cranston, titled the Emergency Medical Services and Trauma Care Improvement Act of 1989. The Senate Bill is awaiting final action by the full Senate. If the Senate approves S. 15, a joint House and Senate conference committee will meet to present its own conference report to each of those bodies for consideration and passage.

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Wright, Gerald C., and Michael B. Berkman. "Candidates and Policy in United States Senate Elections." American Political Science Review 80, no. 2 (June 1986): 567–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958274.

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This analysis demonstrates that policy issues play an important role in the selection of members of Congress. We differ with the conclusion of much of the existing research on congressional elections, which indicates that policy considerations are of minor importance. We have conducted an analysis of the 1982 U.S. Senate elections, drawing on data from the CBS News/New York Times 1982 congressional poll and from 23 statewide exit polls. We demonstrate that (1) candidates behave as though they believe issues are important to voters; (2) candidates' policy positions systematically influence voters' decisions; and (3) candidates' issue positions and voters' evaluations of the president and the economy interact to provide clear patterns of policy effects on Senate election outcomes. Policy effects are substantial and systematic in Senate elections, and cannot be omitted if we are to appreciate the importance of congressional elections in the national policy-making process.

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Hartigan, J. A. "Bloc Voting in the United States Senate." Journal of Classification 17, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s003570000003.

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6

Volden, Craig, and Alan E. Wiseman. "Legislative Effectiveness in the United States Senate." Journal of Politics 80, no. 2 (April 2018): 731–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/697121.

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7

Archer, J. Clark, Stanley D. Brunn, Kenneth C. Martis, and Gerald R. Webster. "United States Senate malapportionment: A geographical investigation." Political Geography 113 (August 2024): 103129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103129.

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8

Patterson, Samuel C., and Gregory A. Caldeira. "Party Voting in the United States Congress." British Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (January 1988): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000497x.

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By the standard of most European parliaments, levels of party voting in the United States Congress are relatively low. Nevertheless, party voting does occur in the House of Representatives and the Senate. In the American context, a party vote occurs when majorities of the two congressional parties, the Democrats and the Republicans, oppose one another. The authors construct measurements of levels of party voting in Congress in the years after the Second World War. They then develop a model to test the effects of a number of independent variables that influence fluctuations in party voting levels over time. The study models the time series for party voting and demonstrates striking differences between the House and Senate in the correlates of partisan cleavage.

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9

Ruipérez Alamillo, Javier. "¿Podría suprimirse el senado español mediante la técnica de la reforma constitucional? (Una primera aproximación al problema práctico desde las Ciencias Constitucionales) (I) = Could Spanish Senate be suppressed by the reform process? (an early appr." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 34 (July 1, 2014): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.34.2014.14083.

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El presente ensayo estudia, a propósito de las propuestas de eliminación del Senado en España e Italia, la naturaleza jurídica de esta Cámara en los Estados Políticamente Descentralizados, confrontando, en concreto, las tesis de Zorn, Le Fur, Smend y Mouskheli y las de Durand para llegar, finalmente, la conclusión, con La Pergola, de que en Alemania y Estados Unidos el Bundesrath y el Senado son un residuo confederantista, prescindible en los demás Estados.This essay studies, regarding the proposed elimination of the Senate in Spain and Italy, the legal nature of this House in the political decentralized States, confronting the thesis of Zorn, Le Fur, Smend y Mouskheli and that the Durand, to arrive, finally, to a conclusion, with La Pergola, that in Germany and the United States the Bundesrath and the Senate are a waste of their confederal past, dispensable in other States.

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Ruipérez Alamillo, Javier. "Podría suprimirse el senado español mediante la técnica de la reforma constitucional? (una primera aproximación al problema práctico desde las ciencias constitucionales) (II)." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 36 (July 1, 2015): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.36.2015.16070.

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El presente ensayo estudia, a propósito de las propuestas de eliminación del Senado en España e Italia, la naturaleza jurídica de esta Cámara en los Estados Políticamente Descentralizados, confrontando, en concreto, las tesis de Zorn, Le Fur, Smend y Mouskheli y las de Durand para llegar, finalmente, la conclusión, con La Pergola, de que en Alemania y Estados Unidos el Bundesrath y el Senado son un residuo confederantista, prescindible en los demás Estados.This essay studies, regarding the proposed elimination of the Senate in Spain and Italy, the legal nature of this House in the political decentralized States, confronting the thesis of Zorn, Le Fur, Smend y Mouskheli and that the Durand, to arrive, finally, to a conclusion, with La Pergola, that in Germany and the United States the Bundesrath and the Senate are a waste of their confederal past, dispensable in other States.

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11

Nash, Marian, and Leich. "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 4 (October 1996): 647–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203992.

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On June 27, 1996, the Senate voted its advice and consent to ratification of the Agreement for the Implementation of the Provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 10 December 1982 Relating to the Conservation and Management of Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks, with Annexes, adopted at New York on August 4, 1995, by consensus of the UN Conference on Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly Migratory Stocks, and signed by the United States on December 4, 1995, subject to one declaration, which read as follows:It is the Sense of the Senate that “no reservations” provisions as contained in Article 42 have the effect of inhibiting die Senate from exercising its constitutional duty to give advice and consent to a treaty, and die Senate’s approval of this treaty should not be construed as a precedent for acquiescence to future treaties containing such a provision.

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12

Brant, Hanna K., and L. Marvin Overby. "Female Appointed Successors in the United States Senate." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 41, no. 4 (April 23, 2020): 527–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2020.1743121.

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13

Dauster, Bill. "The Monster that Ate the United States Senate." Public Budgeting Finance 18, no. 2 (June 1998): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.0275-1100.1998.01136.x.

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14

Bradsher, James Gregory. "Records management handbook for United States Senate committees." Government Publications Review 16, no. 2 (March 1989): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9390(89)90031-9.

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15

HIGHTON, BENJAMIN. "Senate Elections in the United States, 1920–94." British Journal of Political Science 30, no. 3 (July 2000): 483–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000020x.

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16

Rogova, Natalia. "Midterm Elections in the United States." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 6 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760023481-6.

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The article deals with the midterm elections of 2022 in the United States. It analyses the race, ethnic, gender and age composition of the electorate of the two main political parties. It also discusses priorities of the supporters of the Democratic and Republican parties. The article provides analyses of the outcome of the elections of members of the Senate and the House of Representatives, and of the new balance of power in the US Congress.

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17

Mongeau, Deborah. "The senate 1789–1989; Addresses on the history of the United States Senate." Government Information Quarterly 7, no. 1 (January 1990): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0740-624x(90)90021-f.

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18

Mair, Judith. "Access and Confidentiality of Medical Records: A Legislative Response in the United States." Health Information Management 26, no. 1 (March 1996): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/183335839602600118.

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The Bennett Bill was introduced to the US Senate with the intention by its sponsors to ensure personal privacy with respect to medical records and health care-related information in the United States. The Bennett Bill has been passed into legislation by the US Senate as the Medical Records Confidentiality Act of 1995.

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19

Tobias, Carl. "Confirm Judge Irma Carrillo Ramirez to the Fifth Circuit." SMU Law Review Forum 76, no. 1 (October 26, 2023): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.25172/slrf.76.1.7.

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The United States Senate must expeditiously confirm United States District Court for the Northern District of Texas Magistrate Judge Irma Carrillo Ramirez, who has definitely earned appointment to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit and will become the appellate court’s initial Latina member. This regional circuit effectively resolves substantial appeals, enjoys a large judicial complement, and certainly possesses a reputation as the nation’s most conservative appellate court. Ramirez, whom President Joe Biden nominated in mid-April, decidedly provides remarkable gender, experiential, ideological, and ethnic judicial diversity and has rigorously served as a Magistrate Judge and Assistant United States Attorney in the Northern District of Texas for practically three decades. The jurist has excelled in law’s upper echelons since 1991. The post that Ramirez will occupy has now been empty for more than one year. Therefore, the Senate needs to promptly confirm the highly qualified, mainstream nominee.

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20

Jackson, Vicki C. "The Democratic Deficit of United States Federalism? Red State, Blue State, Purple?" Federal Law Review 46, no. 4 (December 2018): 645–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x1804600410.

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Aspects of an entrenched constitution that were essential parts of founding compromises, and justified as necessary when a constitution was first adopted, may become less justifiable over time. Is this the case with respect to the structure of the United States Senate? The US Senate is hardwired in the Constitution to consist of an equal number of Senators from each state—the smallest of which currently has about 585,000 residents, and the largest of which has about 39.29 million. As this essay explains, over time, as population inequalities among states have grown larger, so too has the disproportionate voting power of smaller-population states in the national Senate. As a result of the ‘one-person, one-vote’ decisions of the 1960s that applied to both houses of state legislatures, each state legislature now is arguably more representative of its state population than the US Congress is of the US population. The ‘democratic deficit’ of the Senate, compared to state legislative bodies, also affects presidential (as compared to gubernatorial) elections. When founding compromises deeply entrenched in a constitution develop harder-to-justify consequences, should constitutional interpretation change responsively? Possible implications of the ‘democratic’ difference between the national and the state legislatures for US federalism doctrine are explored, especially with respect to the ‘pre-emption’ doctrine. Finally, the essay briefly considers the possibilities of federalism for addressing longer term issues of representation, polarisation and sustaining a single nation.

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21

Corbett, Charles R. "UNITED STATES PROGRESS TOWARD ENACTMENT OF COMPREHENSIVE OIL SPILL LIABILITY AND COMPENSATION LEGISLATION." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 1987, no. 1 (April 1, 1987): 559–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-1987-1-559.

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ABSTRACT Comprehensive oil spill liability and compensation legislation, including adoption of two important international oil spill treaties, has eluded the United States for too long. Although there is broad agreement in the Administration, both houses of Congress, oil and shipping interests, state governments and the environmental community that we need comprehensive oil spill legislation, these often divergent interests have not been able, at least as of this writing (December 1986), to agree on a compromise package. Both houses of Congress passed bills during the 99th Congress, the latest House versions in Titles VI and VIII of H.R. 5300 and, in the Senate, S. 2799. These bills were dissimilar in several ways. However, most informed interests suggested that, had a compromise House bill emerged near the end of the Congress, a Senate-House conference committee could have reached agreement between the House offer and S. 2799. Unfortunately this did not occur. Also, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee reported out favorably (to the full Senate), the ratification of the 1984 protocols to the 1969 Civil Liability Convention and the 1971 Fund Convention (CLC and Fund), with a “reservation” and a number of “understandings.” The need for appropriate legislation arises from deficiencies in and the patchwork approach of current U.S. legislation.

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22

Nikol'skaya, G. "United States: Prospects for Reform of Immigration Legislation." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2014): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-3-3-12.

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The article analyzes major provisions of the comprehensive immigration reform bill approved by the Senate in June 2013. Author explores factors that have led to the need for overhaul of the immigration legislation. The article notes that the bill has been a subject of intense political struggle. Author examines the potential economic, social and demographic impact of the discussed reform.

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23

Hibbing, John R., and Sue Thomas. "The Modern United States Senate: What is Accorded Respect." Journal of Politics 52, no. 1 (February 1990): 126–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131422.

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24

Wrighton, J. Mark, Sarah A. Binder, and Steven S. Smith. "Politics or Principle? Filibustering in the United States Senate." Political Science Quarterly 112, no. 4 (1997): 713. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657714.

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25

Ahuja, Sunil. "Electoral Status and Representation in the United States Senate." American Politics Quarterly 22, no. 1 (January 1994): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x9402200107.

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26

Klarner, Carl, and Stan Buchanan. "Forecasting the 2006 Elections for the United States Senate." PS: Political Science & Politics 39, no. 04 (September 29, 2006): 849–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909650606104x.

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27

Herrick, Rebekah. "Split delegations in the United States Senate 1920–1988." Social Science Journal 30, no. 1 (March 1, 1993): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0362-3319(93)90006-h.

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28

Markwood, Christopher L., and Michael R. Malaby. "Senate Delegations and Federalism: The Dynamics of State Representation." American Review of Politics 15 (January 1, 1995): 445–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1994.15.0.445-460.

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The integrity of the individual states as components of the United States" system of federalism depends upon effective representation of the states interests at the national level. The states’ delegations to the U.S. Senate are of prime importance in this capacity, especially when deciding between federal authority and state discretion. We find that the votes of state delegations to the 101st U.S. Senate on issues of federalism can be broken into four conceptual areas, and that the effectiveness of the representation of state federalism interests depends upon the specific federalism concept under consideration.

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29

Nash, Marian. "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 87, no. 1 (January 1993): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203855.

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On September 8, 1992, President George Bush transmitted to the Senate for advice and consent to ratification the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, adopted at New York on May 9, 1992, by the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee for a Framework Convention on Climate Change and signed on behalf of the United States at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro on June 12, 1992.

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30

HIGHTON, BENJAMIN. "Job Approval and Senate Election Outcomes In the United States." Legislative Studies Quarterly 33, no. 2 (May 2008): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298008784311019.

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31

Baker, Richard Allan. "Research Opportunities in the Records of the United States Senate." Western Historical Quarterly 24, no. 4 (November 1993): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970705.

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32

Gaddie, Ronald Keith, and John C. Kuzenski. "INSTITUTIONAL AND PERSONAL LEGISLATIVE SPECIALIZATION IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE." Southeastern Political Review 24, no. 1 (November 12, 2008): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1996.tb00430.x.

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33

DeBacker, Jason Matthew. "FLIP-FLOPPING: IDEOLOGICAL ADJUSTMENT COSTS IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE." Economic Inquiry 53, no. 1 (June 25, 2014): 108–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ecin.12114.

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34

Granberg, Donald. "The United States Senate votes to uphold Roe versus Wade." Population Research and Policy Review 4, no. 2 (June 1985): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00127547.

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35

Schlesinger, Nora W. "Dyslexia and Georgia Senate Bill 48." Georgia Journal of Literacy 43, no. 1 (April 24, 2020): 6–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.56887/galiteracy.16.

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The interest in and understanding of dyslexia has become increasingly important in educational fields and the legislative process in the United States. This article provides information on what dyslexia is, the history of research on dyslexia, dyslexia laws across the US, and Georgia’s Dyslexia Law: Senate Bill 48 and its impact on educational entities.

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36

Titiunik, Rocío. "Drawing Your Senator from a Jar:Term Length and Legislative Behavior." Political Science Research and Methods 4, no. 2 (July 7, 2015): 293–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.20.

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This paper studies the effects of term duration on legislative behavior using field experiments that occur in the Arkansas, Illinois, and Texas Senates in the United States. After mandatory changes in senate district boundaries, state senators are randomly assigned to serve either two-year or four-year terms, providing a rare opportunity to study legislative behavior experimentally. Despite important differences across states, when considered together, the results show that senators serving two years abstain more often, introduce fewer bills, and do not seem to be more responsive to their constituents than senators serving four years. In addition, senators serving shorter terms raise and spend significantly more money, although in those states where funds can be raised continuously during the legislative term, the differences arise only when the election is imminent.

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37

Binder, Sarah. "Marching (Senate Style) Towards Majority Rule." Forum 19, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 663–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2022-2039.

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Abstract The United States Senate is marching, Senate style, toward majority rule. Chamber rules have long required super, rather than simple, majorities to end debate on major and minor matters alike. But occasionally over its history – and several times over the past decade – the Senate has pared back procedural protections afforded to senators, making it easier for cohesive majorities to secure their policy goals. Both parties have pursued such changes – sometimes imposed by simple majority, other times by a bipartisan coalition. Why has the pace of change accelerated, and with what consequences for the Senate? In this article, I connect rising partisanship and electoral competition to the weakening of partisan commitments to Senate supermajority rule. No one can predict with any certainty whether the Senate will yet abolish the so-called “legislative filibuster.” But pressures continue to mount towards that end.

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38

Nyirady, Kenneth. "Libel or Not? The War of Words between Lajos Kossuth and New York Editor James Watson Webb." Hungarian Cultural Studies 11 (August 6, 2018): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2018.317.

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Although three notable American editors opposed Lajos Kossuth before and during his visit to the United States in 1851-52, the most influential was arguably James Watson Webb, editor of the New York Courier and Enquirer (NYCE). Webb had been appointed by President Zachary Taylor to be Charge d’Affaires to Vienna in 1849 but had neglected to wait for confirmation by the Senate before traveling to Vienna. When the Senate rejected his appointment by an overwhelming vote, an embittered Webb was obliged to return to the United States. Although Webb had made many political enemies, the public reason given for his Senate rejection was that body intended to keep the post vacant as a “punishment” for Austria’s brutal suppression of the Hungarian rebels after their defeat in August 1849. Webb allegedly held Kossuth responsible for his rejected nomination, and upon returning to the United States and resuming the day-to-day operations of the NYCE, the paper's coverage of Hungary and Kossuth turned negative. During his visit to New York, Kossuth hinted that the Austrians might have bribed a certain New York editor to publish falsehoods about the Hungarian War of Independence. Webb took this hint as a personal attack and demanded an explanation from Kossuth, who never clearly explained which editor he was referring to.

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39

Uggen, Christopher, and Jeff Manza. "Democratic Contraction? Political Consequences of Felon Disenfranchisement in the United States." American Sociological Review 67, no. 6 (December 2002): 777–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240206700601.

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Universal suffrage is a cornerstone of democratic governance. As levels of criminal punishment have risen in the United States, however, an ever-larger number of citizens have lost the right to vote. The authors ask whether felon disenfranchisement constitutes a meaningful reversal of the extension of voting rights by considering its political impact. Data from legal sources, election studies, and inmate surveys are examined to consider two counterfactual conditions: (1) whether removing disenfranchisement restrictions alters the outcomes of past U.S. Senate and presidential elections, and (2) whether applying contemporary rates of disenfranchisement to prior elections affects their outcomes. Because felons are drawn disproportionately from the ranks of racial minorities and the poor, disenfranchisement laws tend to take more votes from Democratic than from Republican candidates. Analysis shows that felon disenfranchisement played a decisive role in U.S. Senate elections in recent years. Moreover, at least one Republican presidential victory would have been reversed if former felons had been allowed to vote, and at least one Democratic presidential victory would have been jeopardized had contemporary rates of disenfranchisement prevailed during that time.

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40

Nash, Marian. "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 87, no. 3 (July 1993): 433–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203652.

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On January 19, 1993, President George Bush transmitted to the Senate for its advice and consent to ratification the Treaty Between the United States of America and the Argentine Republic Concerning the Reciprocal Encouragement and Protection of Investment, with Protocol, signed at Washington on November 14, 1991, and an amendment to the Protocol effected by exchange of notes at Buenos Aires on August 24 and November 6, 1992.

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41

Risdianto, Wolastian Jati, and Adriana Grahani F. "PERBANDINGAN KEWENANGAN LEGISLASI LEMBAGA LEGISLATIF ANTARA DEWAN PERWAKILAN DAERAH REPUBLIK INDONESIA DAN AMERIKA SERIKAT SEBAGAI REGIONAL REPRESENTATIVE BODY." Res Publica: Jurnal Hukum Kebijakan Publik 7, no. 1 (November 15, 2023): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/respublica.v7i1.49993.

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This research describes and examines the comparison of legislative authority between the Regional Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia and the United States Senate and formulates the ideal legislative authority that can be applied by the Regional Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia as a Regional Representative Body. This research is included in the type of normative research. The approach used by the author is a statutory, historical, comparative, and conceptual approach. The technique of collecting legal materials is carried out by literature study. Legal material analysis techniques are analyzing the results of research and discussants by using the existing theories in the literature review. The results showed the similarities and differences in legislative authority between the DPD RI and the United States Senate. The similarities are 1. The DPD and Senate legislative powers are listed in the state constitution. 2. The DPD and the Senate can propose a bill. The difference is 1. DPD can only propose drafts related to regionalism while the Senate can propose draft laws as a whole 2.DPD participates in discussing draft laws related to regionalism 3. DPD cannot participate in approving any draft laws, The Senate participates in approving every bill. The DPD does not have the power to cancel the Presidential Veto while the Senate has the power to cancel the Presidential Veto. The ideal legislative authority of the Regional Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia uses the theory of a unitary state, so the DPD RI is given legislative authority from submitting to approving drafts related to regionalism.

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42

Bestor, Arthur. "“Advice” from the Very Beginning, “Consent” When the End Is Achieved." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 4 (October 1989): 718–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203359.

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The President, says the Constitution of the United States, “shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur.” What working relationship between the President and the Senate was this provision intended to establish in the complex and delicate business of determining the foreign policy of the nation and conducting its foreign relations in accordance with that policy?

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43

Mair, Julie Samia, Shannon Frattaroli, and Stephen P. Teret. "New Hope for Victims of Prison Sexual Assault." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 31, no. 4 (2003): 602–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2003.tb00127.x.

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Senate Bill 1435, the “Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003,” was introduced into the Senate on July 21, 2003, and in less than a week passed both the Senate and House by unanimous consent. The Bill was presented to President Bush on September 2, 2003, and he signed it two days later on September 4, 2003. The stated purposes of the Act are far-reaching and ambitious:(1)establish a zero-tolerance standard for the incidence of prison rape in prisons in the United States;(2)make the prevention of prison rape a top priority in each prison system;(3)develop and implement national standards For the detection, prevention, reduction, and punishment of prison rape;(4)increase the available data and information on the incidence of prison rape, consequently improving the management and administration of correctional facilities;(5)standardize the definitions used for collecting data on the incidence of prison rape;

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44

Vagts, Detlev F. "Senate Materials and Treaty Interpretation: Some Research Hints for the Supreme Court." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 3 (July 1989): 546–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203314.

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In his concurring opinion in the recent tax treaty case United States v. Stuart, Justice Scalia reports that “I have been unable to discover a single case in which this Court has consulted the Senate debate, committee hearings or committee reports” to interpret a treaty. Even more sweepingly, he says that two 1988 opinions in a district court are the “first (and, as far as I am aware, the only) federal decisions relying upon pre-ratification Senate materials for the interpretation of a treaty.” He moves from there to conclude that the “Restatement (Third) of the Foreign Relations Law of the United States §314, Comment d (1986); id., §325, Reporter’s [sic] Note 5 … must be regarded as a proposal for change rather than a restatement of existing doctrine.” Those are the paragraphs in which the Restatement approves the use of such materials.

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45

King, Aaron S., Frank J. Orlando, and David Rohde. "Setting the Table: Majority Party Effects in the United States Senate." Congress & the Presidency 43, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343469.2015.1117161.

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46

Hatch, Orrin G. "United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary Washington, DC 20510-6725." Federal Sentencing Reporter 6, no. 6 (May 1, 1994): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20639725.

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47

Raso, Connor N. "Leadership PAC Formation and Distribution Strategies in the United States Senate." Journal of Political Marketing 7, no. 1 (June 6, 2008): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15377850802064056.

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48

Price, Daniel M. "United States v. Stuart." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 4 (October 1989): 918–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203382.

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In response to a request by Canadian tax authorities under the United States-Canada Double Taxation Convention (Convention), the U.S. Internal Revenue Service (IRS) issued summonses to obtain U.S. bank records concerning certain accounts of respondents, Canadian citizens whose Canadian tax liability was under investigation. Respondents sought to quash the summonses, arguing that because under 26 U.S.C. §7609(b) the IRS is prohibited by U.S. law from using its summons authority to obtain information about a U.S. taxpayer once a case is referred to the Justice Department for prosecution, and because the tax investigation of respondents was part of a Canadian criminal investigation, the IRS should be precluded from using its summons authority to honor the Canadian request under the Convention. Unsuccessful in the district court, respondents prevailed in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, which held that under the “good faith” standard applicable to enforcement of domestic summonses, the IRS may issue a summons pursuant to a Convention request only if it first determines and makes an affirmative statement to the effect that the Canadian investigation has not reached a stage analogous to a Justice Department referral by the IRS. The U.S. Supreme Court (per Brennan, J.) reversed, and held: (1) that if the summons is issued in good faith, it is enforceable regardless of whether the Canadian request is directed toward criminal prosecution under Canadian law; and (2) neither United States law nor anything in the text or the ratification history of the Convention supports the imposition of additional requirements. Justice Kennedy (joined by O’Connor, J.), concurring in part and in the judgment, filed a brief opinion to state his view that it is unnecessary to decide whether Senate preratification materials are authoritative sources for treaty interpretation. Justice Scalia, concurring in the judgment, wrote separately to oppose the use of such materials in treaty construction.

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Prameswari, Yasinta Widya, Agus Trihartono, and Abubakar Eby Hara. "Women's Representation in the 2018 United States Midterm Elections." Journal of Feminism and Gender Studies 3, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jfgs.v3i1.30625.

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United States politics is a difficult arena to reach for women due to the high levels of gender discrimination and sexism. A new history came up on their midterm election on Tuesday 6th November 2018. Due to the record number of women who passed and running for office, also the surge in activism was higher than previos years. The number of female legislator is 23.4% for the House of Representative and 25% for Senate. This record number is the highest one in United State politic history of women representation. The process of increasing women’s representation in 2018 midterm election to some extent influenced by the paradigm shifting of the women’s movement.

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50

Rulli, Daniel. "No Kitchen Cabinet This." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 33, no. 2 (September 1, 2008): 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.33.2.95-100.

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Franklin D. Roosevelt took the oath of office as the thirty-second President of the United States on Saturday, March 4, 1933. The same day he called the U.S. Senate into a special session to consider his ten nominees for his cabinet. In just 24 minutes, the Senate confirmed all ten. Among them was Frances Perkins as Secretary of Labor.1 At the date of the featured document, the United States was in the depths of the Great Depression. It was the worst and longest economic collapse in the history of the modern industrial world, lasting from the end of 1929 until the early 1940s. The Great Depression was characterized by severe and rapid declines in the production and sale of goods and a sudden and severe rise in unemployment. Businesses and banks closed their doors, people lost their jobs, homes, and savings, and many depended on charity to survive.

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Journal articles on the topic 'United States Senate'

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