Relevant bibliographies by topics / United States War with Mexico

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'United States War with Mexico'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "United States War with Mexico"

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Osuna, Steven. "Securing Manifest Destiny." Journal of World-Systems Research 27, no. 1 (March 20, 2021): 12–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2021.1023.

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This article argues Mexico’s war on drugs was a tactic by elites in both the United States and Mexico to legitimate the Mexican neoliberal state’s political, economic, and ideological governance over Mexican society. Through tough on crime legislation and maintenance of free market policies, the war on drugs is a “morbid symptom” that obfuscates the crisis of global capitalism in the region. It is a way of managing a crisis of legitimacy of Mexico’s neoliberal state. Through arguments of Mexico as a potential “failed state” and a “narco-state,” the United States has played a leading role by investing in militarized policing in the drug war and securitization of Mexico’s borders to expand and maintain capitalist globalization. In the twenty-first century, the ideology of manifest destiny persists, but instead of westward expansion of the U.S. state, it serves as the maintenance and expansion of global capitalism.
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Chinn, Sarah E. "“No Heart for Human Pity”: The U.S.–Mexican War, Depersonalization, and Power in E. D. E. N. Southworth and María Amparo Ruiz de Burton." Prospects 30 (October 2005): 339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300002076.

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Despite its Current Obscurity today, overshadowed by higher-voltage conflicts such as the Civil War and World War II, the U.S.–Mexican War was an almost unqualified triumph for the United States. In terms of military and geopolitical goals, the United States far exceeded even its own expectations. As well as scoring some pretty impressive victories, up to and including storming Mexico City, the United States succeeded in the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which concluded the war, to annex huge tracts of land from Mexico for what was even then a bargain-basement price: more than half of Mexico's territory (including Texas, California, New Mexico, Arizona, and significant chunks of Colorado, Nevada, and Utah) for only fifteen million dollars. The advantage of this deal to the newly expanded United States became clearer as only a year after the treaty was signed gold was discovered in California and, within two decades, there was also a thriving silver-mining industry in Nevada.At the time, of course, the war was huge news. The U.S.–Mexican War generated innumerable items of propaganda and related material. As Ronnie C. Tyler has shown, a huge market in chromolithographs of the war emerged, representing “bravery, nobility, and patriotism” (2). The leading lithographers of the day, such as Nathaniel Currier, Carl Nebel, and James Baillie, sold thousands of oversized lithographs of battle scenes, war heroes, and sentimental themes (Baillie's Soldier's Adieu and Currier's The Sailor's Return were particular favorites). Even more numerous were written and performed reports of the war, from the hundreds of newspaper reports from the front to dime novels, songs, poems, broadsheets, plays, and minstrel shows, as well as the typical 19th-century round of essays, sermons, and oratory.
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Moloeznik, M. P. "75 years after the end of World War II: considerations on Mexico’s participation as a belligerent." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 1 (August 23, 2020): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-46-60.

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The article attempts to explain the role that Mexico played during World War II (1939-1945). The Mexican armed forces, in particular the 201st air squadron, were directly involved in the hostilities at the end of the armed conflict, which had more of a symbolic significance. Nevertheless, it is necessary to emphasize the contribution of the army of Mexican workers – the Braceros, as well as of the thousands of Mexicans who sacrificed their lives in the uniform of the United States armed forces. In the present review of literature and key historical sources relevant to the topic, the author talks about Mexican heroes, World War II soldiers and considers the armed participation of Mexico in the war in the general context of the national development of this country, which borders with the United States. For Mexico, participation in World War II was an important event in the framework of the Mexican “economic miracle”, the modernization of the national armed complex, and the construction of the new world order (Mexico was one of the founders of the United Nations, taking an active part in the conference of San Francisco).
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Juarez G., L. "Mexico, the United States and the War in Iraq." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2004): 331–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edh028.

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Castillo, Juan Camilo, Daniel Mejía, and Pascual Restrepo. "Scarcity without Leviathan: The Violent Effects of Cocaine Supply Shortages in the Mexican Drug War." Review of Economics and Statistics 102, no. 2 (May 2020): 269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/rest_a_00801.

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This paper asks whether scarcity increases violence in markets that lack a centralized authority. We construct a model in which, by raising prices, scarcity fosters violence. Guided by our model, we examine this effect in the Mexican cocaine trade. At a monthly frequency, scarcity created by cocaine seizures in Colombia, Mexico's main cocaine supplier, increases violence in Mexico. The effects are larger in municipalities near the United States, with multiple cartels and with strong support for PAN (the incumbent party). Between 2006 and 2009 the decline in cocaine supply from Colombia could account for 10% to 14% of the increase in violence in Mexico.
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Levinson, Irving. "Timothy J. Henderson.A Glorious Defeat: Mexico and Its War with the United States.:A Glorious Defeat: Mexico and Its War with the United States." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 540–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.540.

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Raquel Minian, Ana. "Offshoring Migration Control: Guatemalan Transmigrants and the Construction of Mexico as a Buffer Zone." American Historical Review 125, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1227.

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Abstract During the late Cold War, the United States and Western European countries offshored migration control to less powerful nations by converting them into buffer zones. Buffer zones had long been used to provide nations with military protection; now they were imagined as protecting nations from migrants by obstructing their movement. This practice had human rights implications. Beginning in the 1970s, the idea flourished that the defense of individual human rights was a transnational mandate that extended beyond the protections granted by particular nation-states. Ironically, the transnational practice of extending migration controls beyond individual nation-states that developed in the 1980s opened the door to increased human rights violations. This essay explores these dynamics by focusing on how, during the 1980s, U.S. officials pressured Mexican authorities to enter into a Faustian bargain that limited Mexico’s sovereign right to determine its immigration practices. U.S. policymakers insisted that they would turn a blind eye to Mexican migration if Mexican officials suppressed Central American migration into and through Mexico. In turn, Mexico’s leaders instituted measures to stop Central Americans from reaching the United States. These measures did not curtail transmigration, but they did lead to widespread violence and human rights abuses.
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Rosemblatt, Karin Alejandra. "Other Americas: Transnationalism, Scholarship, and the Culture of Poverty in Mexico and the United States." Hispanic American Historical Review 89, no. 4 (November 1, 2009): 603–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2009-047.

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Abstract The anthropologist Oscar Lewis first used the term “culture of poverty” in a 1959 article on Mexico. Within months, the idea that the poor had a distinct culture became part of a passionate, decade-long, worldwide debate about poverty. Scholars, policy makers, and broader publics discussed what caused poverty and how to remedy it. How entrenched were the class and racial differences that led to poverty? How did those differences affect a country’s standing in the community of nations? This article tracks the concept of a culture of poverty as a way of probing the reciprocal, if unequal, connections between Mexico and the United States and their relation to national narratives and policy debates. It tracks how Lewis’s formulation of a culture of poverty drew on his training as an anthropologist in the United States, his extensive dialogue with Mexican intellectuals, and his fieldwork in Mexico. It also shows how Lewis and others reformulated the notion in response to intense public controversies in Mexico and Puerto Rico; the vehement U.S. discussions surrounding the War on Poverty and Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s report on the Negro family, and larger events such as the Cuban Revolution, the U.S. civil rights movement, decolonization, the Vietnam War, and second-wave feminism.
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IBER, PATRICK. "The Cold War Politics of Literature and the Centro Mexicano de Escritores." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 2 (December 11, 2015): 247–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15001492.

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AbstractThis article describes the relationship of the Centro Mexicano de Escritores, Mexico's most important writing centre in the second half of the twentieth century, to the US foundations that funded it. The Centre was founded by a North American writer, Margaret Shedd, with the financial support of the Rockefeller Foundation. The Rockefeller Foundation understood the Centre as a ‘Pan-American’ effort to improve relations between the United States and Mexico by bringing its writers closer together. Later, there were also contributions from two CIA fronts, the Farfield Foundation and the Congress for Cultural Freedom, to the Centre and its star graduate, Juan Rulfo. However, this article argues that none of the US foundations realised the ambitions that they had for the Centre. Through a process of ‘Mexicanised Americanisation', a project that had elements of Yankee cultural imperialism produced instead one of the world's finest writing centres, but without any clear political benefit for the United States.
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Young, Stewart. "Going Nowhere Fast (or Furious): The Nonexistent U.S. Firearms Trafficking Statute and the Rise of Mexican Drug Cartel Violence." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 46.1 (2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.46.1.going.

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Drug trafficking violence in Mexico, now reaching epidemic proportions, greatly impacts both the Mexican and United States governments. Despite the escalation of the "War on Drugs, " drug trafficking from Mexico to the United States continues largely unabated, stifling tourism revenue and lawful economic opportunities, and causing violence previously unknown in Mexico. Thus far, the United States' efforts to deal with this drug trafficking and violence include the recent debacle of Operation Fast and Furious. News regarding this Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives'(ATF) operation shocked citizens and lawmakers alike, as Fast and Furious allowed firearms to "walk" down to Mexico unimpeded in a futile attempt to identify firearms traffickers in Mexican drug cartels. Ultimately, this operation led to the presence of over two thousand additional firearms in Mexico, contributing to continued violence south of the U.S. border and the possibility of spillover violence back into the United States. An analysis of Operation Fast and Furious and other law enforcement attempts to stop firearms trafficking and drug cartel violence in Mexico demonstrates that the development and tactics of these operations require a more comprehensive approach to the problems facing Mexico and the United States. This Article discusses extraterritoriality, and the effects of U.S. domestic criminal laws on a foreign country, in the context of U.S. domestic firearms trafficking laws. First, this Article lays out the problem: Mexican drug cartels are receiving thousands of weapons from the United States with which to create havoc and wreak violence upon both nations. It then discusses the dynamics of that problem, which include addressing the current legal framework and the NRA lobbying effort against restrictions on firearms. The Article examines the ATF's Project Gunrunner and Operation Fast and Furious and argues that the lack of a simple and strong firearms trafficking statute contributed to ATF's decision to implement Operation Fast and Furious, thereby contributing to large numbers of firearms heading south to Mexico. The Article further argues that without a true comprehensive firearms trafficking statute, the combined efforts of the United States and Mexico to stem the southbound flow of firearms and resulting drug violence will ultimately fail. Besides seeking to contribute to the dialogue on solving a looming and important problem, this Article endeavors to promote discussion about the extraterritorial effects of U.S. domestic criminal laws. Ultimately, it argues that, in certain contexts, the positive extraterritorial effects of such laws should take priority over complaints about their negligible domestic effects.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United States War with Mexico"

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Kriegler, Anine. "United States post-Cold War drug and trade policy and Mexico." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11943.

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This essay provides a framework for explanations of the drug war's failure and its incongruity with other regional interests, most notably trade. It suggests three potential theoretical interests, most notably trade. It suggests three potential theoretical approaches - a conspiracy (realist) theory, a cultural (constructivist) theory, and a compartmentalisation (bureaucratic politics) theory.
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Murphy, Thomas A. "Prospects for United States-Mexican cooperation in the war on drug trafficking." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA246180.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990.
Thesis Advisor(s): Tollefson, Scott D. Second Reader: Bruneau, Thomas C. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 2, 2010. DTIC Identifier(s): Drug Interdiction, Drug Smuggling, War On Drugs, United States, Mexico, Drug Control Policies, Border. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-129). Also available in print.
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Griffin, Megan Jenison. "Partisan rhetorics American women's responses to the U.S.-Mexico War, 1846-1848 /." [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2010. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-04292010-144802/unrestricted/Griffin.pdf.

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Edgington, Ryan H. "Lines in the Sand: An Environmental History of Cold War New Mexico." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2008. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/10613.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation explores the complex interactions between the Cold War military-scientific apparatus, the idea of a culture of the Cold War, and the desert environment of the Tularosa Basin in south-central New Mexico. During and after World War II, the War Department and then the Department of Defense established several military reserves in the region. The massive White Sands Missile Range (at 3,200 square miles the largest military reserve in North America and larger than Rhode Island and Delaware combined) and other military attachés would increasingly define the culture and economy of the Tularosa Basin. Historians have cast places such as White Sands Missile Range as cratered wastelands. Yet the missile range and surrounding military reserves became a contested landscape that centered on the viability of the nonhuman natural world. Diverse communities sought to find their place in a Cold War society and in the process redefined the value of a militarized landscape. Undeniably, missile technology had a profound impact on south-central New Mexico and thus acts as a central theme in the region's postwar history. However, in the years after 1945, environmentalists, wildlife officials, tourists, and displaced ranchers, amongst many others, continued to find new fangled meanings and unexpected uses for the militarized desert environment of south-central New Mexico. The Tularosa Basin was not merely a destroyed landscape. The design and sheer size of the missile range compelled local, national, and transnational voices to not just make sense of the economic implications of the missile range and surrounding military sites, but to rethink its cultural and environmental values in a changing Cold War society. It was a former home to ranchers still tied to the land through lease and suspension agreements. New Mexico Department of Game and Fish personnel cast the site as perfect for experimentation with exotic big game. Environmentalists and wildlife biologists saw the site as ideal for the reintroduction of the Mexican wolf. Tourists came to know the landscape through the simple obelisk at the Trinity Site. While missiles cratered the desert floor, the military bureaucracy did not hold absolute power over the complex interactions between cultures, economies, and the nonhuman natural environment on the postwar Tularosa Basin.
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Benitez, Juan Manuel. "A social history of the Mexico-United States border how tourism, demographic shifts and economic integration shaped the image and identity of Tijuana, Baja California, since World War II /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1031039661&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Anderson, Ethan M. "War flags into peace flags: the return of captured Mexican battle flags during the Truman administration." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/6995.

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Master of Arts
Department of History
Charles W. Sanders
On September 13, 1950, in a culmination of three years of efforts by organizations and individuals inside and outside the Harry S. Truman administration, 69 captured battle flags from the Mexican-American War were formally returned to the Mexican government at a ceremony in Mexico City. The events surrounding the return of flags to Mexico occurred in two distinct phases. The first was a small, secretive, and largely symbolic return of three flags conceived and carried out by high-ranking U.S. government officials in June 1947. The second large-scale, public return of the remaining flags in the custody of the War Department was initiated by the American Legion and enacted by the United States Congress. Despite their differences, both returns were heavily influenced by contemporary events, primarily the presidential election of 1948 and the escalation of the Cold War. Also, although the second return was much more extensive than the President originally intended, it was only through his full support that either return was accomplished. In the decades since 1950, historians have either ignored the return of Mexican battle flags or focused instead on Truman’s wreath laying at the monument to the niños héroes in Mexico City in March 1947. This study, for the first time, provides an in-depth description of the efforts to return captured Mexican battle flags and explains why these war trophies were returned while others have remained in the United States. The goal of this investigation is to present the efforts of the Truman administration for what they truly were: an unprecedented act of international friendship. Although the actions of the U.S. government and private organizations were partially influenced by self-interest and Cold War fears, their primary motivation was a sincere desire to erase the painful memories surrounding the Mexican-American War of 1846-1848 in an effort to improve future relations between the two countries. Many historians point to the Truman administration as the end of the Good Neighbor Policy toward Latin America. This study, however, argues that the return of captured Mexican battle flags represents the true pinnacle of the United States’ Good Neighbor Policy toward its southern neighbor.
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Menking, Christopher Neal. "Catalyst for Change in the Borderlands: U.S. Army Logistics during the U.S.-Mexican War and the Postwar Period, 1846-1860." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1609058/.

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This dissertation seeks to answer two primary questions stemming from the war between the United States and Mexico: 1) What methods did the United States Army Quartermaster Department employ during the war to achieve their goals of supporting armies in the field? 2) In executing these methods, what lasting impact did the presence of the Quartermaster Department leave on the Lower Río Grande borderland, specifically South Texas during the interwar period from 1848-1860? In order to obtain a complete understanding of what the Department did during the war, a discussion of the creation, evolution, and methodology of the Quartermaster Department lays the foundation for effective analysis of the department's wartime methods and post-war influence. It is equally essential to understand the history of South Texas prior to the Mexican War under the successive control of Spain, Mexico and the United States and how that shaped the wartime situation. The wartime discussion of Department operations is divided into three chapters, reflecting each of the main theaters and illustrating the respective methods and influence within each area. The final two chapters address the impact of the war on South Texas and how the presence of the Quartermaster Department on the Río Grande served as a catalyst for economic, social, and political changes in this borderland region. Combining primary source analysis of wartime logistics with a synthesis of divergent military and social histories of the Lower Río Grande borderland demonstrates the influence of the Department on South Texas during the mid-nineteenth century. The presence of the Quartermaster Department created an economic environment that favored Anglo-American entrepreneurs, allowing them to grow in wealth and begin to supplant the traditional Tejano/Mexican-American power structure in South Texas. Despite remaining an ethnic minority, Anglos used this situational advantage to dominate the region politically. This outcome shaped South Texas for decades to follow.
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Benneyworth, Iwan. "Narco wars : an analysis of the militarisation of U.S. counter-narcotics policy in Colombia, Mexico and on the U.S. border." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/91408/.

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The U.S. War on Drugs has been underway for several decades. Since it was declared by the Nixon Administration narcotics have been understood as a growing security threat to the American public, their health, economy and society. Illicit drugs have gradually become a securitised issue. From the Nixon Administration onward, the law enforcement and eventually military assets of the United States government were increasingly deployed in an effort to counter this drug threat. While initially regarded as a minor issue, as the potency and addictive qualities of illicit drugs increased during the 20th Century, so too did the concerns of influential actors from the political and public spheres. Nixon's actions did not represent the high-water mark of U.S. counter-narcotics. There was growing violence on American streets linked to the drug trafficking cartels out of Colombia, especially in Southern Florida where traffickers battled each other for lucrative drug markets. In response to this national security threat, the Reagan Administration – followed by the successor Bush and Clinton Administrations – gradually increased the involvement of the U.S. military in counter-narcotics policy. This occurred both at home in the form of greater militarisation of police forces, and abroad in support of several Latin American countries’ security forces. In 2000, drug-related instability in Colombia resulted in the launch of the Plan Colombia initiative, a dedicated package of American financial and security assistance, with counter-narcotics the primary purpose. In 2008, as drug-related violence in Mexico reached epidemic proportions and threatened to spillover across the American border, the U.S. launched the Merida Initiative in an attempt to aid Mexican counter-narcotics efforts. This thesis uses qualitative research methods to examine the militarisation of U.S. foreign counter-narcotics policy by analysing the case studies of Colombia and Mexico and their American-backed efforts. It also examines domestic policy, by considering the historical development of U.S. counter-narcotics, the progressive militarisation of law enforcement as a consequence of the drug war, and the security situation on the southern border with Mexico. This empirical research is facilitated by the development of a militarisation analytical framework, which builds upon the securitisation framework. Based on the findings of the case studies, the processes that drive militarisation are explored, and the framework itself is further developed and refined. The research possibilities for counter-narcotics policy and future direction for militarisation research are also explored in the Conclusion. Ultimately, this thesis offers a detailed analysis of militarisation in U.S. foreign and domestic counter-narcotics policy, the processes behind this, and develops a militarisation framework applicable to any security situation, contributing to the overall securitisation debate.
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Duffy, Ryan. "Trouble along the Border: The Transformation of the U.S.-Mexican Border during the Nineteenth Century." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1374609923.

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Becker, Lauren. "The Myth Still Lives: Pachuco Subculture and Symbolic Styles of Resistance." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/360.

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In this thesis, the emergence of pachucos and their later influence on Chicano movement ideology is examined. By visually challenging accepted racial identities, pachucos protested the discrimination of their time. Later on, Chicanos would take the figure of the pachuco and combine it with other aspects of Chicano ideology to form a synthesized symbol of resistance to inspire their fight for equal rights.
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Books on the topic "United States War with Mexico"

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ill, Nebel Carl, ed. The war between the United States and Mexico illustrated. Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 1994.

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A glorious defeat: Mexico and its war with the United States. New York: Hill and Wang, a division of Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2008.

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Weems, John Edward. To conquer a peace: The war between the United States and Mexico. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1988.

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Caruso, A. Brooke. The Mexican Spy Company: United States covert operations in Mexico, 1845-1848. Jefferson, N.C: McFarland, 1991.

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Niblo, Stephen R. War, diplomacy, and development: The United States and Mexico, 1938-1954. Wilmington, Del: Scholarly Resources, 1995.

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New Mexico and the Civil War. Charleston, SC: History Press, 2011.

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1965-, Frazier Donald S., ed. The United States and Mexico at war: Nineteenth-century expansionism and conflict. New York: Macmillan Reference USA, 1998.

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Olive branch and sword: The United States and Mexico, 1845-1848. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co., 1997.

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author, Wallace Mike 1942, ed. A narco history: How the United States and Mexico jointly created the "Mexican drug war". New York: OR Books, 2015.

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Hall, Martin Hardwick. Sibley's New Mexico campaign. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "United States War with Mexico"

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Morgan, Elizabeth. "The Mexican–American War." In Music and War in the United States, 41–53. New York: Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315194981-3.

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Fuller, Stephanie. "The Romance of Mexico: Tourists, Fugitives, and Escaping the United States." In The US-Mexico Border in American Cold War Film, 21–31. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137535603_2.

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Roldán Vera, Eugenia. "The US-Mexican War (1846–48) in School Textbooks: Mexico and the United States in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century." In Textbooks and War, 73–96. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98803-0_4.

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Lightcap, Tracy. "The Mechanism Fails: The United States and the Mexican War." In The Politics of Torture, 101–25. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230339224_5.

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"Diplomatic Acquisition via Mexico." In The United States' Entry into the First World War, 131–54. Boydell and Brewer Limited, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781787443686.007.

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Matovina, Timothy. "Latino Catholics in the Southwest." In Roman Catholicism in the United States, 43–62. Fordham University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823282760.003.0003.

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This chapter summarizes new trends in scholarship on the U.S. Southwest by expanding and refining the three-era schema of Southwest history illustrated in the book of Francis Baylies, who accompanied the victorious U.S. forces on their march through Mexico following the Mexican–American war. The book reflected U.S. views on the history of the region and the U.S. takeover of the former Mexican territories. The chapter divides Latino Catholicism in the Southwest into a thematic schema: colonial foundations, enduring communities of faith in the wake of the war between Mexico and the United States, the rejuvenation and diversification of Latino Catholic communities with the arrival of numerous immigrants from Mexico and throughout Latin America, and the struggle for rights in church and society that accelerated during the second half of the twentieth century.
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"Mexico and the United States during the Cold War." In Myths and [mis] perceptions, 41–46. El Colegio de México, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv6mtbxk.8.

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Lozano, Rosina. "United by Land." In An American Language. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520297067.003.0002.

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After the U.S.-Mexican War (1846-1848), the newly created treaty citizens largely remained in the United States. Treaty citizens were tied to the land by occupation, and for the elite, by ownership of ranches and farms. Some chose to cross the border into Mexico in an attempt to retain their language and other cultural customs. Most treaty citizens resided in New Mexico where they remained the overwhelming majority of the settler community who precariously secured the territory for the United States over autonomous Indians. California’s treaty citizens, by contrast, encountered a swift attack on their land claims through the 1851 Gwin Act, which set up a system to verify Spanish and Mexican land grants. Treaty citizens’ use of the Spanish language often led to the loss of their land and disrespect from new Anglo settlers. The struggle to retain land in the U.S. Southwest facilitated elite treaty citizensinvestment into the territorial and state governments of the United States, which required concessions to their use of the Spanish language.
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Fairbrother, Malcolm. "The United States." In Free Traders, 94–112. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190635459.003.0005.

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Once Canada and Mexico each agreed to negotiate free trade, the United States began pressing its demands for content in the agreements that was consistent with what US business leaders wanted. In the end, private sector representatives were very pleased with the results of the negotiations. When NAFTA turned into a highly contentious issue, in 1992 and 1993, major American business associations and even individual firms campaigned hard for the agreement's ratification by Congress. That ratification was still not a sure thing, however, and Democratic president Bill Clinton needed to make NAFTA possible by advocating its ratification and supplementing it with side-agreements on labor and the environment. Clinton’s compromise position and the advocacy of business helped win over just enough critics to get NAFTA through, including in the face of substantial public skepticism.
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Carey, Elaine. "The Mexico–Chicago Heroin Connection." In The War on Drugs, 64–91. NYU Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479811359.003.0004.

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With the heightened War on Drugs beginning in the 1970s, drug trafficking organizations embraced new technologies and transportation modalities while constructing cross-class and cross-ethnic alliances that reflected shifting power dynamics. The Herrera family organization was a nexus between old and new United States–Mexico organizations. Operating from Mexico’s Golden Triangle and Chicago, it evaded the attention of law enforcement due to its complex structures and flexible business practices. Even when enforcement agencies focused on taking down the Herreras, the family remained one step ahead by adapting certain practices, diversifying markets, shifting locations, expanding territories, and modernizing money laundering. The policing of the Herreras had a significant impact on the 1984 Comprehensive Criminal Control Act.
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Conference papers on the topic "United States War with Mexico"

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BROOKSHIRE, DAVID S., JANIE CHERMAK, and MARY EWERS. "BORDERS CROSSING BORDERS: EFFICIENCY AND EQUITY CONSIDERATIONS OF GROUNDWATER MARKETS IN THE CIUDAD JUÁREZ/EL PASO REGION ALONG THE MEXICO/UNITED STATES BORDER." In Proceedings of the International Seminar on Nuclear War and Planetary Emergencies — 26th Session. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812776945_0025.

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Smith, Lynne K., and Mary L. Bisesi. "The Role of the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant in the Cleanup of the U.S. Nuclear Weapons Complex." In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-4791.

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As a result of nuclear weapons production, the United States of America produced significant quantities of transuranic waste, which consists of clothing, tools, rags, residues, debris and other items contaminated with small amounts of radioactive man-made elements — mostly plutonium — with an atomic number greater than that of uranium. Transuranic waste began accumulating in the 1940s and continued through the Cold War era. Today, most transuranic waste is stored at weapons production sites across the United States. In 1957, the National Academy of Sciences concluded that the most promising disposal option for radioactive wastes was disposal in deep geologic repositories situated in the salt formations. After nearly a decade of study, the United States Department of Energy decided in January 1981 to proceed with construction of the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP) at a site 41.6 km (26 miles) southest of Carlsbad, New Mexico. After years of study, construction, and permitting, the WIPP facility became operational in early 1999. As the United States continues to clean up and close its former nuclear weapon facilities, the operation of WIPP will continue into the next several decades. This paper will provide on overview of the history, regulatory, and public process to permit a radioactive repository for disposal of transuranic wastes and the process to ensure its long-term operation in a safe and environmentally compliant manner.
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Gómez Cavazos, Enrique Esteban. "El capitalismo como urbanizador de la frontera: historia y revalorización de los primeros trazados industriales de Mexicali y Calexico." In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona: Curso de Arquitetura e Urbanismo. Universidade do Vale do Itajaí, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.6323.

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Este artículo nos acerca al origen urbano de las ciudades de Mexicali y Calexico que comparten frontera entre México y Estados Unidos. La ciudad del lado mexicano, Mexicali, estuvo en sus inicios más conectada a Estados Unidos que a México. Se buscan los trazados originales de las compañías urbanizadoras y como la llegada del ferrocarril y los complejos sistemas de irrigación desde el Río Colorado dan inicio al crecimiento urbano del Valle Imperial en Estados Unidos y al Valle de Mexicali en México. Se destaca la importancia de las edificaciones pioneras del centro urbano y lo poco que queda de las construcciones industriales, defendiendo la hipótesis de que este territorio se ordena diferente al resto del país y que el patrimonio industrial actual puede ser relevante en la transformación de la ciudad en base a su identidad. This article tries to approach the urban origin of the cities of Mexicali and Calexico located in the border they share between Mexico and the United States on the geographical beginning of the peninsula of Baja California. The city of Mexicali in the mexican side was in its beginnings better connected to the United States instead of Mexico. The original urban grids that the companies develop arrive with the railroad and the complex systems of irrigation from the Colorado River, this started the urban growth: in the US, the Imperial Valley and the Mexicali Valley in Mexico. We put special interest in the first industrial buildings in the city center defending the hypothesis that the industrial heritage can be important in the transformation of the city based on their identity.
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Tyson, Samuel, and Shiraz Tayabji. "Long-Life Pavement for Users of an International Roadway in New Mexico." In 12th International Conference on Concrete Pavements. International Society for Concrete Pavements, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33593/v38reo2p.

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A 36-lane-mile (60 lane-km) international roadway was rehabilitated in the United States of America (USA) during 2018 by the New Mexico Department of Transportation (NMDOT) to provide uninterrupted long-life pavement performance for commercial users of the roadway. The southern border of the USA with the country of Mexico marks the starting point of New Mexico State Road 136 (NM 136), a four-lane divided roadway that carries heavily-loaded trucks associated with the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA), formerly the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Truck traffic in the dual north- and south- bound lanes of this roadway is especially high on the 9-mile (15-km) section of NM 136 between the international border and an intermodal railway facility located in the USA state of New Mexico. Prior to this rehabilitation project, the structural cross-section of NM 136 consisted of 4.5 to 6.0 inches (110 to 150 mm) of asphalt on 5.0 to 6.0 inches (130 to 150 mm) of coarse-grained soils. Prior to this project on NM 136, NMDOT had very little experience with concrete pavements and none with continuously reinforced concrete pavements (CRCPs). The structural design for this rehabilitation project utilized the existing asphalt pavement as a satisfactory base for the CRCP by milling 1.5 inches (40 mm) of the existing asphalt concrete (AC) pavement and applying a 1.5-inch (40-mm) AC levelling course followed by the CRCP. This paper presents the design and construction related details of the NM 136 CRCP project.
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Nieves-Zárate, Margarita. "Ten Years After the Deepwater Horizon Accident: Regulatory Reforms and the Implementation of Safety and Environmental Management Systems in the United States." In SPE/IADC International Drilling Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/204056-ms.

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Abstract The Deepwater Horizon accident is one of the major environmental disasters in the history of the United States. This accident occurred in 2010, when the Deepwater Horizon mobile offshore drilling unit exploded, while the rig's crew was conducting the drilling work of the exploratory well Macondo deep under the waters of the Gulf of Mexico. Environmental damages included more than four million barrels of oil spilled into the Gulf of Mexico, and economic losses total tens of billions of dollars. The accident brought into question the effectiveness of the regulatory regime for preventing accidents, and protecting the marine environment from oil and gas operations, and prompted regulatory reforms. Ten years after the Deepwater Horizon accident, this article analyzes the implementation of Safety and Environmental Management Systems (SEMS) as one of the main regulatory reforms introduced in the United States after the accident. The analysis uses the theory of regulation which takes into account both state and non-state actors involved in regulation, and therefore, the shift from regulation to governance. The study includes regulations issued after the Deepwater Horizon accident, particularly, SEMS rules I and II, and reports conducted by the National Academy of Sciences, the National Commission on the BP Oil Spill, the Center for Offshore Safety, the Chemical Safety and Hazard Investigation Board, and the Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement (BSEE). The article reveals that though offshore oil and gas operators in the U.S. federal waters have adopted SEMS, as a mechanism of self-regulation, there is not clarity on how SEMS have been implemented in practice towards achieving its goal of reducing risks. The BSEE, as the public regulator has the task of providing a complete analysis on the results of the three audits to SEMS conducted by the operators and third parties from 2013 to 2019. This article argues that the assessment of SEMS audits should be complemented with leading and lagging indicators in the industry in order to identify how SEMS have influenced safety behavior beyond regulatory compliance. BSEE has the challenge of providing this assessment and making transparency a cornerstone of SEMS regulations. In this way, the lessons of the DHW accident may be internalized by all actors in the offshore oil and gas industry.
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Harris, Georgia. "Metrology Outreach and Training: A Fulbright Experience in Mexico." In NCSL International Workshop & Symposium. NCSL International, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.51843/wsproceedings.2017.29.

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2016 was an exciting year for international collaboration on metrology education and training. This paper provides a 3-part look at how a Fulbright Specialist grant supported collaboration between the United States and Mexico. Part 1 describes the experience of Georgia Harris (NIST)as a Fulbright Specialist, from the application process to the implementation activities in Mexico and shares insight about lessons learned and benefits to NIST. In Part 2, Flora Mercader and Adriana Veraza describe the application process within the University to obtain approvals for the grant, the implementation process, how additional parties were engaged for participation, some immediate benefits, some expected long-term impacts, and lessons learned. Part 3 includes Salvador Echeverria's description of CENAM’s involvement in the courses conducted at the University as well as the sessions held at CENAM, immediate benefits that were observed, and provides insight for ongoing collaboration for metrology education and training in Mexico. Recommendations and additional ideas for international collaboration and future work on measuring the impact of collaborative efforts are proposed.
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Feldman, Matthew R. "Developing Solutions to Regional Latin America’s Spent Fuel Needs: Supporting the IAEA Mission." In ASME 2006 Pressure Vessels and Piping/ICPVT-11 Conference. ASMEDC, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2006-icpvt-11-93746.

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Several countries in regional Latin America, including Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Peru, have active nuclear programs. Most of these programs involve small research reactors typically used to create various isotopes for medical and research purposes. Until recently, the highly radioactive spent fuel from these reactors was transported to the United States when it was removed from the various reactor sites. The United States has decided to cease acceptance of these waste materials, thereby requiring these Latin American countries to develop their own methods for dealing with the highly radioactive materials. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the arm of the United Nations (UN) that deals with all forms of radioactive materials from weapons inspections to nuclear reactor safety, has undertaken a leadership role in the development of regional Latin America’s spent fuel storage/disposal plan. Acting as an IAEA mission expert, the author of this paper has aided in the development of the teams responsible for the development of both a Type B transportation cask and a long-term storage cask for these materials. This paper will discuss the overall scope and current status of these projects as well as detail the involvement of the author in helping to develop the ability of the design team members to find viable solutions to this problem.
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Williams, Charlie, and Om Chawla. "Safety and Environmental Management Systems (SEMS) Audit Methodology." In SPE Mexico Health, Safety, Environment, and Sustainability Symposium. SPE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2523/179709-ms.

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Abstract Introduction In the United States, the Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement (BSEE) requires an offshore lease operator to implement a Safety and Environmental Management System (SEMS), and to have it audited at least once every 3 years to evaluate its compliance to the regulatory requirements detailed in 30 CFR 250, Subpart S. The first round of these SEMS audits, which concluded in 2013, was executed using varying audit styles – from system audits through to compliance audits. These varying audit styles, in turn, lead to differing types output, levels of detail, format and presentation.These diverse approaches may have been due, at least in part, to disparities in the expectations of stakeholders, differing interpretations of the use of the Center for Offshore Safety's (COS) SEMS Audit Protocol tools, use of other audit protocols, the experience-level of individual auditors, and the newness of the regulation. System audits are intended to be a holistic assessment of a system, its elements, and how the elements work together to achieve system objectives. Compliance audits, on the other hand, are intended to assess adherence to specific requirements. This white paper proposes that both types of audits should be used in tandem to reduce risk and increase confidence that a management system, and its verification programs, is operating as designed and meeting regulatory and company requirements.
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Smith, Lynne K., and Kathleen K. Clodfelter. "Cleaning Up the Legacy: Opening and Operating the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant." In ASME 2001 8th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2001-1145.

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Abstract In 1957, the National Academy of Sciences concluded that the most promising disposal option for radioactive wastes was burial in deep geologic repositories situated in salt formations. In 1981, after decades of study, the United States initiated construction of the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP) at a desert site 41.6 km (26 miles) southeast of Carlsbad, New Mexico. This paper provides an overview of the history and the regulatory and public process to permit a repository for disposal of transuranic wastes. In addition, the process to ensure its long-term operation in a safe and environmentally sound manner will also be discussed.
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Pete, Carson M., Thomas L. Acker, Gary Jordan, and David A. Harpman. "Western Wind and Solar Integration Study Hydropower Analysis: Benefits of Hydropower in Large-Scale Integration of Renewables in the Western United States." In ASME 2010 4th International Conference on Energy Sustainability. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/es2010-90374.

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NREL and research partner GE are conducting the Western Wind and Solar Integration Study (WWSIS) in order to provide insight into the costs and operational impacts caused by the variability and uncertainty of wind, photovoltaic, and concentrated solar power employed to serve up to 35% of the load energy in the WestConnect region (Arizona, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, and Wyoming). The heart of the WWSIS is an hourly cost production simulation of the balancing areas in the study footprint using GE’s Multi-Area Production Simulation Model (MAPS). The estimated 2017 load being served is 60 GW, with up to 30 GW of wind power and 4 GW of existing hydropower. Because hydropower generators are inherently flexible and often combined with reservoir storage, they play an important role in balancing load with generation. However, these hydropower facilities serve multiple higher priority functions that constrain their use for system balancing. Through a series of comparisons of the MAPS simulations, it was possible to deduce the value of hydropower as an essential balancing resource. Several case comparisons were performed demonstrating the potential benefits of hydro and to ascertain if the modeled data was within the defined hydro parameters and constraints. The results, methodologies, and conclusions of these comparisons are discussed, including how the hydro system is affected by the wind power for different wind forecasts and penetration levels, identifying the magnitude and character of change in generation pattern at each of the selected hydro facilities. Results from this study will focus on the appropriate benefits that hydropower can provide as a balancing resource including adding value to wind and solar and reducing system operating costs to nearly one billion dollars when offsetting more expensive generation systems as large penetration levels of renewable, especially wind power, are introduced to the grid system.
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Reports on the topic "United States War with Mexico"

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Centner, Robert C. United States Strategy for Mexico. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada432735.

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Zimmerman, Leroy. Korean War Logistics Eighth United States Army. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada170452.

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Nunez, Joseph R. A New United States Strategy For Mexico. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada363801.

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Blankenbaker, John. The United States and Mexico: The Neglected Relationship. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada494714.

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Leffler, John. Germany, Mexico, and the United States, 1911-1917. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.3188.

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Hanson, Gordon. Illegal Migration from Mexico to the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12141.

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Tussing, Bert, and Kent H. Butts. United States Army Pacific and United States Army War College Lead Trilateral Strategic Planning Initiative. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, August 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada423909.

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Cook, Samantha, Matthew Bigl, Sandra LeGrand, Nicholas Webb, Gayle Tyree, and Ronald Treminio. Landform identification in the Chihuahuan Desert for dust source characterization applications : developing a landform reference data set. Engineer Research and Development Center (U.S.), October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21079/11681/45644.

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ERDC-Geo is a surface erodibility parameterization developed to improve dust predictions in weather forecasting models. Geomorphic landform maps used in ERDC-Geo link surface dust emission potential to landform type. Using a previously generated southwest United States landform map as training data, a classification model based on machine learning (ML) was established to generate ERDC-Geo input data. To evaluate the ability of the ML model to accurately classify landforms, an independent reference landform data set was created for areas in the Chihuahuan Desert. The reference landform data set was generated using two separate map-ping methodologies: one based on in situ observations, and another based on the interpretation of satellite imagery. Existing geospatial data layers and recommendations from local rangeland experts guided site selections for both in situ and remote landform identification. A total of 18 landform types were mapped across 128 sites in New Mexico, Texas, and Mexico using the in situ (31 sites) and remote (97 sites) techniques. The final data set is critical for evaluating the ML-classification model and, ultimately, for improving dust forecasting models.
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Scales, Robert H., and Jr. United States Army in the Gulf War. Certain Victory,. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada361975.

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Cook, Gregory P. Recognizing War in the United States via the Interagency Process. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada442509.

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