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1
Osuna, Steven. "Securing Manifest Destiny." Journal of World-Systems Research 27, no. 1 (March 20, 2021): 12–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2021.1023.
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This article argues Mexico’s war on drugs was a tactic by elites in both the United States and Mexico to legitimate the Mexican neoliberal state’s political, economic, and ideological governance over Mexican society. Through tough on crime legislation and maintenance of free market policies, the war on drugs is a “morbid symptom” that obfuscates the crisis of global capitalism in the region. It is a way of managing a crisis of legitimacy of Mexico’s neoliberal state. Through arguments of Mexico as a potential “failed state” and a “narco-state,” the United States has played a leading role by investing in militarized policing in the drug war and securitization of Mexico’s borders to expand and maintain capitalist globalization. In the twenty-first century, the ideology of manifest destiny persists, but instead of westward expansion of the U.S. state, it serves as the maintenance and expansion of global capitalism.
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Chinn, Sarah E. "“No Heart for Human Pity”: The U.S.–Mexican War, Depersonalization, and Power in E. D. E. N. Southworth and María Amparo Ruiz de Burton." Prospects 30 (October 2005): 339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300002076.
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Despite its Current Obscurity today, overshadowed by higher-voltage conflicts such as the Civil War and World War II, the U.S.–Mexican War was an almost unqualified triumph for the United States. In terms of military and geopolitical goals, the United States far exceeded even its own expectations. As well as scoring some pretty impressive victories, up to and including storming Mexico City, the United States succeeded in the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which concluded the war, to annex huge tracts of land from Mexico for what was even then a bargain-basement price: more than half of Mexico's territory (including Texas, California, New Mexico, Arizona, and significant chunks of Colorado, Nevada, and Utah) for only fifteen million dollars. The advantage of this deal to the newly expanded United States became clearer as only a year after the treaty was signed gold was discovered in California and, within two decades, there was also a thriving silver-mining industry in Nevada.At the time, of course, the war was huge news. The U.S.–Mexican War generated innumerable items of propaganda and related material. As Ronnie C. Tyler has shown, a huge market in chromolithographs of the war emerged, representing “bravery, nobility, and patriotism” (2). The leading lithographers of the day, such as Nathaniel Currier, Carl Nebel, and James Baillie, sold thousands of oversized lithographs of battle scenes, war heroes, and sentimental themes (Baillie's Soldier's Adieu and Currier's The Sailor's Return were particular favorites). Even more numerous were written and performed reports of the war, from the hundreds of newspaper reports from the front to dime novels, songs, poems, broadsheets, plays, and minstrel shows, as well as the typical 19th-century round of essays, sermons, and oratory.
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Moloeznik, M. P. "75 years after the end of World War II: considerations on Mexico’s participation as a belligerent." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 1 (August 23, 2020): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-46-60.
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The article attempts to explain the role that Mexico played during World War II (1939-1945). The Mexican armed forces, in particular the 201st air squadron, were directly involved in the hostilities at the end of the armed conflict, which had more of a symbolic significance. Nevertheless, it is necessary to emphasize the contribution of the army of Mexican workers – the Braceros, as well as of the thousands of Mexicans who sacrificed their lives in the uniform of the United States armed forces. In the present review of literature and key historical sources relevant to the topic, the author talks about Mexican heroes, World War II soldiers and considers the armed participation of Mexico in the war in the general context of the national development of this country, which borders with the United States. For Mexico, participation in World War II was an important event in the framework of the Mexican “economic miracle”, the modernization of the national armed complex, and the construction of the new world order (Mexico was one of the founders of the United Nations, taking an active part in the conference of San Francisco).
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Juarez G., L. "Mexico, the United States and the War in Iraq." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2004): 331–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edh028.
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Castillo, Juan Camilo, Daniel Mejía, and Pascual Restrepo. "Scarcity without Leviathan: The Violent Effects of Cocaine Supply Shortages in the Mexican Drug War." Review of Economics and Statistics 102, no. 2 (May 2020): 269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/rest_a_00801.
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This paper asks whether scarcity increases violence in markets that lack a centralized authority. We construct a model in which, by raising prices, scarcity fosters violence. Guided by our model, we examine this effect in the Mexican cocaine trade. At a monthly frequency, scarcity created by cocaine seizures in Colombia, Mexico's main cocaine supplier, increases violence in Mexico. The effects are larger in municipalities near the United States, with multiple cartels and with strong support for PAN (the incumbent party). Between 2006 and 2009 the decline in cocaine supply from Colombia could account for 10% to 14% of the increase in violence in Mexico.
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Levinson, Irving. "Timothy J. Henderson.A Glorious Defeat: Mexico and Its War with the United States.:A Glorious Defeat: Mexico and Its War with the United States." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 540–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.540.
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Raquel Minian, Ana. "Offshoring Migration Control: Guatemalan Transmigrants and the Construction of Mexico as a Buffer Zone." American Historical Review 125, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1227.
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Abstract During the late Cold War, the United States and Western European countries offshored migration control to less powerful nations by converting them into buffer zones. Buffer zones had long been used to provide nations with military protection; now they were imagined as protecting nations from migrants by obstructing their movement. This practice had human rights implications. Beginning in the 1970s, the idea flourished that the defense of individual human rights was a transnational mandate that extended beyond the protections granted by particular nation-states. Ironically, the transnational practice of extending migration controls beyond individual nation-states that developed in the 1980s opened the door to increased human rights violations. This essay explores these dynamics by focusing on how, during the 1980s, U.S. officials pressured Mexican authorities to enter into a Faustian bargain that limited Mexico’s sovereign right to determine its immigration practices. U.S. policymakers insisted that they would turn a blind eye to Mexican migration if Mexican officials suppressed Central American migration into and through Mexico. In turn, Mexico’s leaders instituted measures to stop Central Americans from reaching the United States. These measures did not curtail transmigration, but they did lead to widespread violence and human rights abuses.
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Rosemblatt, Karin Alejandra. "Other Americas: Transnationalism, Scholarship, and the Culture of Poverty in Mexico and the United States." Hispanic American Historical Review 89, no. 4 (November 1, 2009): 603–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2009-047.
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Abstract The anthropologist Oscar Lewis first used the term “culture of poverty” in a 1959 article on Mexico. Within months, the idea that the poor had a distinct culture became part of a passionate, decade-long, worldwide debate about poverty. Scholars, policy makers, and broader publics discussed what caused poverty and how to remedy it. How entrenched were the class and racial differences that led to poverty? How did those differences affect a country’s standing in the community of nations? This article tracks the concept of a culture of poverty as a way of probing the reciprocal, if unequal, connections between Mexico and the United States and their relation to national narratives and policy debates. It tracks how Lewis’s formulation of a culture of poverty drew on his training as an anthropologist in the United States, his extensive dialogue with Mexican intellectuals, and his fieldwork in Mexico. It also shows how Lewis and others reformulated the notion in response to intense public controversies in Mexico and Puerto Rico; the vehement U.S. discussions surrounding the War on Poverty and Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s report on the Negro family, and larger events such as the Cuban Revolution, the U.S. civil rights movement, decolonization, the Vietnam War, and second-wave feminism.
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IBER, PATRICK. "The Cold War Politics of Literature and the Centro Mexicano de Escritores." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 2 (December 11, 2015): 247–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15001492.
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AbstractThis article describes the relationship of the Centro Mexicano de Escritores, Mexico's most important writing centre in the second half of the twentieth century, to the US foundations that funded it. The Centre was founded by a North American writer, Margaret Shedd, with the financial support of the Rockefeller Foundation. The Rockefeller Foundation understood the Centre as a ‘Pan-American’ effort to improve relations between the United States and Mexico by bringing its writers closer together. Later, there were also contributions from two CIA fronts, the Farfield Foundation and the Congress for Cultural Freedom, to the Centre and its star graduate, Juan Rulfo. However, this article argues that none of the US foundations realised the ambitions that they had for the Centre. Through a process of ‘Mexicanised Americanisation', a project that had elements of Yankee cultural imperialism produced instead one of the world's finest writing centres, but without any clear political benefit for the United States.
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Young, Stewart. "Going Nowhere Fast (or Furious): The Nonexistent U.S. Firearms Trafficking Statute and the Rise of Mexican Drug Cartel Violence." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 46.1 (2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.46.1.going.
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Drug trafficking violence in Mexico, now reaching epidemic proportions, greatly impacts both the Mexican and United States governments. Despite the escalation of the "War on Drugs, " drug trafficking from Mexico to the United States continues largely unabated, stifling tourism revenue and lawful economic opportunities, and causing violence previously unknown in Mexico. Thus far, the United States' efforts to deal with this drug trafficking and violence include the recent debacle of Operation Fast and Furious. News regarding this Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives'(ATF) operation shocked citizens and lawmakers alike, as Fast and Furious allowed firearms to "walk" down to Mexico unimpeded in a futile attempt to identify firearms traffickers in Mexican drug cartels. Ultimately, this operation led to the presence of over two thousand additional firearms in Mexico, contributing to continued violence south of the U.S. border and the possibility of spillover violence back into the United States. An analysis of Operation Fast and Furious and other law enforcement attempts to stop firearms trafficking and drug cartel violence in Mexico demonstrates that the development and tactics of these operations require a more comprehensive approach to the problems facing Mexico and the United States. This Article discusses extraterritoriality, and the effects of U.S. domestic criminal laws on a foreign country, in the context of U.S. domestic firearms trafficking laws. First, this Article lays out the problem: Mexican drug cartels are receiving thousands of weapons from the United States with which to create havoc and wreak violence upon both nations. It then discusses the dynamics of that problem, which include addressing the current legal framework and the NRA lobbying effort against restrictions on firearms. The Article examines the ATF's Project Gunrunner and Operation Fast and Furious and argues that the lack of a simple and strong firearms trafficking statute contributed to ATF's decision to implement Operation Fast and Furious, thereby contributing to large numbers of firearms heading south to Mexico. The Article further argues that without a true comprehensive firearms trafficking statute, the combined efforts of the United States and Mexico to stem the southbound flow of firearms and resulting drug violence will ultimately fail. Besides seeking to contribute to the dialogue on solving a looming and important problem, this Article endeavors to promote discussion about the extraterritorial effects of U.S. domestic criminal laws. Ultimately, it argues that, in certain contexts, the positive extraterritorial effects of such laws should take priority over complaints about their negligible domestic effects.
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Delpar, Helen, and Stephen R. Niblo. "War, Diplomacy, and Development: The United States and Mexico, 1938-1954." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 3 (August 1996): 616. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517880.
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Delpar, Helen. "War, Diplomacy, and Development: The United States and Mexico, 1938-1954." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 3 (August 1, 1996): 616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-76.3.616.
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Haynes, Sam W. "A Glorious Defeat: Mexico and Its War with the United States." Hispanic American Historical Review 89, no. 2 (May 1, 2009): 386–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-122.
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Young, Julia G. "Knights and Caballeros." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 33, no. 2 (2017): 245–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2017.33.2.245.
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This article reconstructs and analyzes the role of the Knights of Columbus in Mexico’s Cristero War. Founded in Connecticut in 1882, the Order quickly expanded into Mexico, establishing its first chapters there in 1905. Within two decades, the Mexican Caballeros de Colón had become one of the country’s most prominent and politically active Catholic lay organizations. During the Cristero War (1926–1929), the Mexican and U.S. Knights collaborated in order to resist the anticlerical Mexican state. In the process, the organization connected and politicized Catholics who supported the Cristero cause. By tracing the expansion of the Knights of Columbus from the United States into Mexico, and then following the Mexican Knights back into exile in the United States, this article demonstrates how transnational political activism shaped the lives of Catholics on both sides of the border. Este artículo reconstruye y analiza el papel que jugó la orden llamada Knights of Columbus en la Guerra Cristera de México. Fundada en Connecticut en 1882, dicha orden se expandió rápidamente a México y estableció sus primeros capítulos ahí en 1905. En el lapso de dos décadas, los “Caballeros de Colón” mexicanos se convirtieron en una de las organizaciones católicas laicas más prominentes y con mayor actividad política del país. Durante la Guerra Cristera (1926–1929), los Caballeros mexicanos y estadounidenses colaboraron con el fin de resistir al Estado mexicano anticlerical. En este proceso, la organización conectó y politizó a los católicos que apoyaban la causa cristera. Al rastrear la expansión de los Caballeros de Colón de los Estados Unidos a México y al seguir sus pasos de regreso al exilio en Estados Unidos, este artículo demuestra cómo el activismo político transnacional conformó las vidas de los católicos a ambos lados de la frontera.
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Heisler, Barbara Schmitter. "The “Other Braceros”." Social Science History 31, no. 2 (2007): 239–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013742.
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This article explores the contradictions between the bracero program and the temporary labor program using German prisoners of war in the United States during World War II. Despite the bilateral agreement between Mexico and the United States aimed at protecting the braceros, “who came as allies,” they remained alien workers and outsiders. In contrast, German prisoners of war, who came as enemies, were often transformed into personal friends “like our own boys.” This article uses archival records, in-depth interviews with former prisoners of war, and secondary sources to analyze several structural factors that help explain these divergent outcomes.
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Hapsari, Renitha Dwi, Hendrina Nur Alifia Ramadhanti, and Karenina Mutiara Putri. "Comparative Analysis of the United States’ War on Drugs Policy in Mexico and Colombia: Failure and Success Factors." WIMAYA 2, no. 01 (June 1, 2021): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/wimaya.v2i01.49.
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Drug smuggling activities in the United States carried out by drug cartels from Mexico and Colombia contribute to the region's instabilities. Many threats and terrorist acts that accompanied the distribution of illegal drugs left civilians in fear. The War on Drugs policy promoted by the United States, which aims to apprehend drug cartels, causes severe losses in the long run. Colombia is the only successful case. On the other hand, Mexico offers a different story despite both are countries with unstable political and weak law enforcement. The paper conducts a comparative study on Colombia and Mexico to evaluate the factors that contribute to the success and failure behind the implementation of the War on Drugs policy. The paper concludes that an aggressive approach (i.e., military) is less efficient in combatting drug smuggling activities than the developmental approach (i.e., socio-economic development).
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Mewburn, Charity. "Oil, Art, And Politics. The Feminization of Mexico." Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas 20, no. 72 (August 6, 1998): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iie.18703062e.1998.72.1804.
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World War II and the new pan-American discourse of the United States, the New Deal and the political-cultural interests of the Rockefellers are sorne of the factors that explain how and why the 1940 Muscum Of Modern Art exhibition, Twenty Centuries of Mexican Art, offered an exotic and "ernasculated" image of Mexican art and, by extesion, of the Mexico of President Lázaro Cárdenas. The design of the catalogue, which is one of the central focuses of this article, permits a reconstruction of this political and cultural history.
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La Botz, Dan. "American “Slackers” in the Mexican Revolution: International Proletarian Politics in the Midst of a National Revolution." Americas 62, no. 04 (April 2006): 563–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500069868.
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In the spring of 1917, shortly after the United States entered World War I and adopted universal, male, military conscription, American war resisters and draft dodgers known at the time as “the slackers” began to arrive in Mexico. Senator Albert Bacon Fall claimed there were 30,000 slackers hiding out in Mexico, and slacker Linn A.E. Gale agreed with him. When American adventurer, reporter and writer Harry L. Foster passed through Mexico City in 1919, he noted that there were hundreds of Americans, many of them slackers, loitering in the city’s parks and plazas.
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La Botz, Dan. "American “Slackers” in the Mexican Revolution: International Proletarian Politics in the Midst of a National Revolution." Americas 62, no. 4 (April 2006): 563–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2006.0081.
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In the spring of 1917, shortly after the United States entered World War I and adopted universal, male, military conscription, American war resisters and draft dodgers known at the time as “the slackers” began to arrive in Mexico. Senator Albert Bacon Fall claimed there were 30,000 slackers hiding out in Mexico, and slacker Linn A.E. Gale agreed with him. When American adventurer, reporter and writer Harry L. Foster passed through Mexico City in 1919, he noted that there were hundreds of Americans, many of them slackers, loitering in the city’s parks and plazas.
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Watson, Samuel J., and Donald S. Frazier. "The United States and Mexico at War: Nineteenth-Century Expansionism and Conflict." Journal of Southern History 65, no. 3 (August 1999): 631. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2588157.
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Irving W. Levinson. "A New Paradigm for an Old Conflict: The Mexico-United States War." Journal of Military History 73, no. 2 (2009): 393–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.0.0256.
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Belohlavek, John M., Donald S. Frazier, Iris H. W. Engstrand, and Richard Griswold del Castillo. "The United States and Mexico at War: Nineteenth-Century Expansion and Conflict." Journal of the Early Republic 19, no. 1 (1999): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3124941.
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Meyer, Jack Allen, and Donald S. Frazier. "The United States and Mexico at War: Nineteenth-Century Expansionism and Conflict." Journal of Military History 63, no. 2 (April 1999): 446. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120664.
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Cottam, Martha L., and Otwin Marenin. "International cooperation in the war on drugs: Mexico and the United States." Policing and Society 9, no. 3 (July 1999): 209–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.1999.9964814.
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BOOTH, WILLIAM A. "Hegemonic Nationalism, Subordinate Marxism: The Mexican Left, 1945–7." Journal of Latin American Studies 50, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x17000013.
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AbstractThe most significant weakness of the Marxist Left in early Cold War Mexico was that it subordinated itself to post-revolutionary nationalism. Both the Mexican Communist Party and followers of Vicente Lombardo Toledano supported the ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party, PRI), avoiding significant criticism before late 1947. Some dissident currents of Marxism did exist, but they were sparsely followed. Mexico provides an extreme case of Left subordination to popular-nationalist ideology, yet is indicative of trends visible elsewhere, e.g. among Marxist groups in post-war Cuba and the United States. Rather than promoting notions of communist political practice, the Mexican Marxist Left consistently advocated the elimination of class conflict and support for the ‘national bourgeoisie’. The Marxist Left held the Mexican government to different standards from those to which they held the governments of other countries. A near-consensus on the Mexican Left equated patriotism with progressive politics. The argument is illustrated with an important case study: the 1947 Marxist Round Table.
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Kazakov, Gennady. "Latin America as a region of the contradiction of the USA and Germany interests during the First World War." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 2 (2018): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2018.2.614.
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In the article, the author considers the issues of the collision of interests of the United States of America and Germany in the Latin American region during the First World War. The confrontation had a diplomatic character and consisted in refusing to “penetrate” German capital and the physical presence of German troops in the countries of the Latin American region. According to the official American political ideology of pan-Americanism, there was a tacit agreement that the United States did not interfere in the affairs of Europe, and Europe, in turn, did not try to penetrate the American continent, leaving it in the sphere of the USA influence. With the beginning of the First World War, the German presence in the region increased. Moreover, the American government, on the contrary, proposed to close the American continent for citizens of European states. The main issue caused to controversy between the USA and Germany was the use of Latin American ports as temporary parking, as well as the strengthening of trade relations between the countries of South America and Germany. In the course of such actions by the American administration, Germany lost the Latin American market. The above events led to tweaking German agents, government of countries from this region against the United States. This was particularly evident in the Mexican issue, where the German government supported the opposition bloc, and then tried to persuade Mexico to declare war on the United States. The conduct of the Pan-American Conference strengthened the role of the United States in the countries of the region and led to the displacement of Germany from the region. While writing the article we come to the conclusion that the contradictions arose in the region became one of the most important reasons for the declaration of war against Germany by the USA government.
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Gurza-Lavalle, Gerardo. "Against Slave Power? Slavery and Runaway Slaves in Mexico-United States Relations, 1821–1857." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 35, no. 2 (2019): 143–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2019.35.2.143.
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This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.
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Carroll, Francis M. "Civil War Diplomacy: A Fresh Look." Canadian Review of American Studies 52, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-2021-003.
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The American Civil War had a serious impact in Europe because the United States supplied vital raw materials for both Britain and France and was also a major market for their manufactured goods. The prospect of intervention in the war raised difficult issues—morally repugnant support of slavery on the one hand, but on the other, in the aftermath of the rebellions of 1848 in Europe, the possibility to weaken democratic republicanism. Mediation remained elusive. Britain, being the leading economic, naval, and colonial power, was the most threatening and most involved with both the Union and Confederate sides in the war. Britain’s diplomatic and maritime policy is the most extensively studied, augmented by fresh examinations of the British minister to the United States, Lord Lyons. New research also examines possible French involvement in the war and the complications arising from France’s invasion of Mexico.
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Niblo, Stephen R. "Allied Policy Toward Axis Interests in Mexico During World War II." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 17, no. 2 (2001): 351–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2001.17.2.351.
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This article consists of several parts:it explores the broad level of participation in Mexican society of citizens and companies associated with the Axis powers; it then looks at the use that several key political and economic figures in Mexico and the United States made of the reality, and or the fear of Axis influence; finally the article explores the treatment of the Axis nationals after Mexico entered World War II. Este artíículo consiste de varias partes: explora el alto nivel de participacióón de ciudadanos y compaññíías asociadas con los poderes del Eje en la sociedad mexicana;luego observa eluso que varias figuras claves de la políítica y la economíía de Mééxico hicieron de la realidad y deltemor a la influencia delEje;y finalmente, el artíículo explora el tratamiento de los nacionales del Eje despuéés de la entrada de Mééxico en la Segunda Guerra Mundial.
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Stout, Robert Joe. "Do the United States and Mexico Really Want the Drug War To Succeed?" Monthly Review 63, no. 8 (January 4, 2012): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-063-08-2012-01_4.
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Berthier-Foglar, Susanne. "Gastronomy and Conquest in the Mexican-American War." Diálogos Latinoamericanos 6, no. 10 (January 1, 2005): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dl.v6i10.113647.
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The Mexican-American war has never been analyzed from the perspective of gastronomy and eyewitness reports focus on military aspects as well as on the exotic side –and the “colorful” mores– of the invaded population. Since the late 1980s, the New Historians of the West2 have been writing from the viewpoint of those left out by traditional history, nevertheless food is not their focal point. I discuss (colonial and post-colonial) gastronomy and conquest as seen through the eyes of an 18-year old woman, Susan Magoffin following her husband, a 42-year old trader in a caravan along the Santa Fe Trail on the heels of the conquering army. Along the way she kept a diary.3 Not food, but an insider’s view of conquest made her diary a “minor classic”4 worth publishing in 1926 and reprinting in 2000. The Magoffin’s 14 wagon outfit left Independence, Missouri, less than a month after the start of the war –an event that remains largely unmentioned in the diary– and followed the “natural highway for wheeled vehicles across the Great Plains that linked New Mexico to the United States.”5 Gradually other wagon trains joined their party until it reached 75 or 80 wagons (42),6 then 150 (43) explaining why De Voto stated that in New Mexico “Manifest Destiny took the shape of a large-scale freight operation.”7
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HEY, JEANNE A. K., and LYNN M. KUZMA. "Anti-U.S. Foreign Policy of Dependent States." Comparative Political Studies 26, no. 1 (April 1993): 30–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093026001002.
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Literature on the foreign policy behavior of economically dependent states holds that they will comply with the foreign policy preferences of the United States, particularly on cold war issues. Regional foreign policies of Mexico and Costa Rica defy this view. Despite significant economic dependence on U.S. aid and trade, both Miguel de la Madrid and Oscar Arias developed peace plans for Central America that directly countered the objectives of the Reagan policy for the area. Pressures resulting from (a) regional security threats, (b) the flow of refugees into Costa Rica and Mexico, (c) the foreign policy traditions of each country, and (d) the need to counteract the effects of dependence guided these presidents to accept the risks of a defiant foreign policy in order to satisfy local demands. Even though heavily dependent and under pressure from the U.S. government to comply with its regional foreign policy, Mexico and Costa Rica implemented policies that served their own national interests and defied Washington.
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Montgomery, David. "Workers' Movements in the United States Confront Imperialism: The Progressive Era Experience." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 1 (January 2008): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001717.
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In 1898, the American Federation of Labor feared that colonial expansion would militarize the republic and undermine the living standards of American workers. Subsequent expansion of industrial production and of trade union membership soon replaced the fear of imperial expansion with an eagerness to enlarge the domain of American unions internationally alongside that of American business. In both Puerto Rico and Canada important groups of workers joined AFL unions on their own initiative. In Mexico, where major U.S. investments shaped the economy, anarcho-syndicalists enjoyed strong support on both sides of the border, and the path to union growth was opened by revolution. Consequently the AFL forged links there with a labor movement very different from itself. Unions in Mexico became tightly linked to their new government, while World War I drove the AFL's leaders into close collaboration with their own. The Pan-American Federation of Labor was more a product of diplomatic maneuvering than of class solidarity.
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Santoni, Pedro, Edward H. Moseley, and Paul C. Clark. "Historical Dictionary of the United States-Mexican War." Journal of Military History 62, no. 4 (October 1998): 912. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120195.
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Mark G. Jaede. "A Glorious Defeat: Mexico and Its War with the United States (review)." Journal of the Early Republic 29, no. 1 (2009): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.0.0060.
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Puig, Sergio. "The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement: A Glimpse into The Geoeconomic World Order." AJIL Unbound 113 (2019): 56–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2019.6.
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The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) differs in a few important ways from prior trade deals signed by the United States but reveals a glimpse of the infrastructure for a new era in international economic governance. This new “Geoeconomic World Order,” will be characterized by great power rivalry between the United States and China, the intense use of protectionist tools to achieve strategic and political goals, and the diminished role of legal adjudication. This approach to trade policy will likely outlast the autocratic and/or nationalistic governments emerging around the world, including the current Trump administration. While international trade law will recover, it will look different in key respects—it will be less multilateral, predictable, justiciable, and enforceable. This more transactional view of international trade law implies a limit on the role of law and an increase in the use of power. It may force a retrenchment of international interdependence and a revival of zones of influence prevalent during the Cold War era.
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Castañeda, Luis M. "Kubler's Sarcophagus: Cold War Archaeologies of the Olmec Periphery." ARTMargins 4, no. 1 (February 2015): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00103.
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This article examines conflicting racial, archaeological and art historical interpretations of Olmec art produced in the United States in the early 1960s. It inscribes shifting approaches to the study of monumental Olmec art by figures like George Kubler within the contexts of violent modernization of the Olmec ‘heartland’ of Veracruz and Tabasco, the politicized display of this artistic tradition in museums and traveling exhibitions, and the unstable horizons of U.S.-Mexico diplomatic relations during that period.
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Delpar, Helen. "Frank Tannenbaum: The Making of a Mexicanist, 1914-1933." Americas 45, no. 2 (October 1988): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006782.
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On April 19, 1914—two days before the seizure of Vera Cruz by United States marines—North American radicals gathered at Carnegie Hall in New York City to protest the expected use of force against Mexico by the administration of Woodrow Wilson. One of the speakers, William (“Big Bill”) Haywood of the Industrial Workers of the World, threatened a nationwide general strike should the United States go to war against Mexico, and the crowd approved a resolution condemning any act of armed intervention.But the Mexican crisis was not the only issue that aroused the crowd at Carnegie hall. A second resolution was approved which denounced the imprisonment of a young immigrant called Frank Tannenbaum, who had recently been sentenced to a year in the penitentiary for participating in an illegal assembly. On March 4 — his twenty-first birthday — Tannenbaum had led an “army of the unemployed” into the Roman Catholic Church of St. Alphonsus on West Broadway and had demanded shelter. His arrest that night and subsequent trial had become acause célèbreamong liberals and radicals who believed that he had been the victim of a miscarriage of justice.
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Moreno, E. Mark. "Popular Narratives and Mestizo Horsemen: Creating a Racial Ideal in Nineteenth-Century Mexico, 1844–1896." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 35, no. 3 (2019): 352–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2019.35.3.352.
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Between 1844 and 1896, two archetypal figures on horseback known as rancheros and chinacos were disseminated through print publications. As war with the United States loomed in 1844, a relatively obscure Mexican writer depicted the ranchero as a “true national type” in a popular magazine. Eighteen years later another archetype on horseback, the chinaco, appeared in newspaper propaganda designed to provoke resistance against an imminent French advance into the Mexican interior. Later writers, such as Justo Sierra and Antonio García Cubas, imbued such figures with racialized mestizo qualities and heroic martial traits, equating mestizo blood with strength and martial capabilities that could build a more advanced Mexican state. The depiction of both figures as of mixed-race origins was a popular perception that carried over into the Porfirian years. This article traces the origins of these figures in popular reading during the years in which Mexico dealt with war with the United States, a civil war, and finally the French Intervention. Through an analysis of popular reading and intellectual commentaries, supplemented by archival research, mestizaje as a foundational concept of Mexican nationhood is traced to these early depictions. Entre 1844 y 1896, las publicaciones impresas de México difundieron dos figuras arquetípicas a caballo, conocidas como rancheros y chinacos. Cuando se avecinaba la guerra con Estados Unidos, un oscuro escritor mexicano describió al ranchero como un “verdadero tipo nacional” en una revista popular. Dieciocho años más tarde, otro arquetipo a caballo, el chinaco, apareció en la propaganda periodística diseñada para incitar a la resistencia contra un inminente avance francés hacia el interior de México. Más adelante, escritores como Justo Sierra y Antonio García Cubas infundieron tales figuras con las cualidades racializadas del mestizo y los rasgos marciales heroicos, equiparando la sangre mestiza con la fuerza y las capacidades marciales necesarias para construir un Estado mexicano más avanzado. La representación de ambas figuras como mezcla de razas constituyó una percepción popular que se mantuvo durante los años del Porfiriato. El presente artículo rastrea los orígenes de estos dos arquetipos en las lecturas populares durante los años en que México libró una guerra contra Estados Unidos, una guerra civil y, finalmente, lidió con la intervención francesa. A través de un análisis de las lecturas populares y los comentarios intelectuales, complementado con una investigación de archivo, se rastrea el origen del mestizaje en cuanto concepto fundacional de la idea de nación mexicana hasta estas representaciones.
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Pisani, Donald J. "The Squatter and Natural Law in Nineteenth-Century America." Agricultural History 81, no. 4 (October 1, 2007): 443–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-81.4.443.
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Abstract In the decade before the California Gold Rush, the popular idea that Americans held a natural right to land as a legacy of the American Revolution was enriched and expanded by such events as the Dorr Rebellion in Rhode Island, the Anti-Rent War in New York, the flood of Irish refugees into New York City, growing opposition to the expansion of slavery into new territories acquired during the war with Mexico, and the Revolution of 1848 in Europe. These events strengthened popular sovereignty and the notion that human beings had rights that transcended those defined by legislatures, courts, or even constitutions. They also promoted a new discussion of how values within the United States differed from those in Europe--where land was scarce and served as the foundation for aristocratic regimes and sharp class differences. The squatter was a ubiquitous figure on every frontier of the United States, but none more than California, where both town sites and agricultural land were covered by Mexican land grants that took decades to define and confirm. This article tells the story of how powerful forces in California undermined squatter rights--and the heritage of the American Revolution as well.
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Ibarraran-Bigalondo, Amaia. "Corridos, Tequila (and others), and Mexican/Chicano Masculinity." Revista Canaria de Estudios Ingleses, no. 81 (2020): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.recaesin.2020.81.03.
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The Mexican corrido is one of the most popular cultural manifestations both in the United States and Mexico. From its origins in the mid-nineteenth century, the corrido has dealt with “people’s stuff,” such as war, love, honor, immigration and/or belonging to a land, among other everyday life issues. The corrido is, in short, a symbol of identity and belonging, and can be considered a marker of the Mexican identity on both sides of the border. In this sense, it is to be expected that the corrido, as an expression of “people’s stuff,” voices the relevance of a “national” symbol. In the same way, tequila is regarded, at least internationally, as directly related to “lo mexicano/chicano,” and in many cases also to Mexican/Chicano masculinity. Starting from this premise, the aim of this article is to observe the presence of tequila and its significance as a symbol of “lo mexicano/chicano” in the work of Los Tigres del Norte, one of the most prominent corrido bands, both locally and internationally.
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Solano, Priscilla, and Douglas S. Massey. "Migrating through the Corridor of Death: The Making of a Complex Humanitarian Crisis." Journal on Migration and Human Security 10, no. 3 (September 2022): 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23315024221119784.
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Drawing on the concept of a “complex humanitarian crisis,” this paper describes how outflows of migrants from Central America were transformed into such a crisis by intransigent immigration and border policies enacted in both Mexico and the United States. We describe the origins of the migration in U.S. Cold War interventions that created many thousands of displaced people fleeing violence and economic degradation in the region, leading to a sustained process of undocumented migration to the United States. Owing to rising levels of gang violence and weather events associated with climate change, the number of people seeking to escape threats in Central America has multiplied and unauthorized migration through Mexico toward the United States has increased. However, the securitization of migration in both Mexico and the United States has blocked these migrants from exercising their right to petition for asylum, creating a growing backlog of migrants who are subject to human rights violations and predations both by criminals and government authorities, leading migrants to label Mexican routes northward as a “corridor of death.” We draw on data from annual reports of Mexico's Red de Documentación de las Organizaciones Defensoras de Migrantes (Network for the Documentation of Migrant Defense Organizations) to construct a statistical profile of transit migrants and the threats they face as reported by humanitarian actors in Mexico. These reports allow us to better understand the practical realities of the “complex humanitarian crisis” facing undocumented migrants, both as unauthorized border crossers and as transit migrants moving between the southern frontiers of Mexico and the United States. Policy Recommendations Policy makers need to address: Governments must recognize that the humanitarian crisis facing migrants is not confined to border regions but unfolds at places of both origin and destination as well as within extended geographies of transit in-between. The current refugee protection regime and asylum system are ill-matched to the needs and vulnerabilities of today's migrants. In an era of rapid climate change, rising state failures, and escalating violence, people are not moving so much to advance economically as to escape a growing array of threats not covered by the 1951 Refugee Convention, which needs to be updated. Developed nations must honor rather than elide their obligations under international law to accept asylum applicants and fairly adjudicate their cases, Since a large fraction of the Central Americans arriving at the southern US border have relatives in the United States, creating a pathway to legal status for unauthorized US residents would relieve a lot of the pressure on the asylum system by enabling authorities to release applicants to the support and care of legally resident relatives rather than placing them in an overburdened detention system. Governments need to scale back the securitization and criminalization of migration, which have made human mobility an increasingly precarious and risk-filled activity that contributes to rather than forestalls the proliferation of crime and violence. Human rights and humanitarian agencies need to revisit their missions to derive new ways of working conjointly and in parallel with each other and with governments to better understand and meet the needs of migrants in the 21st century.
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Ortiz, Reynaldo Yunuen Ortega. "The United States-Iraq War and Mexican Public Opinion." International Journal 61, no. 3 (2006): 648. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40204195.
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Ortiz, Reynaldo Yunuen Ortega. "The United States-Iraq War and Mexican Public Opinion." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 61, no. 3 (September 2006): 648–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200606100308.
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Young, Julia G. "“The Most Dangerous Fifth Column in the Americas:” U.S. Journalists and Mexico’s Unión Nacional Sinarquista during World War II." Religions 14, no. 1 (January 12, 2023): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14010106.
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Between 1937 and 1945, numerous American journalists became gravely concerned about a rapidly growing Mexican Catholic right-wing movement, the Unión Nacional Sinarquista (UNS). Founded in 1937, the UNS spread rapidly across Mexico and by 1941, the Sinarquistas had formed numerous chapters in the United States as well. This coincided with the U.S. entry into World War II, and a heightened concern about the potential threat represented by immigrants loyal to Axis powers. Thus, U.S. journalists devoted significant coverage to the Sinarquista movement, casting it as a Fifth Column movement that was taking money, arms, and direct orders from enemies of the United States. In doing so, journalists largely downplayed the inherently Catholic character of the movement, as well as its deep roots in Mexican Church-state history, interpreting it instead within the framework of contemporary geopolitics. As a result, U.S. media consumers received an incomplete portrait of this particular religious “other”. In this article, I focus on the writings of the journalists Allan Chase and Betty Kirk, in order to assess how and why religion and religious belief was de-emphasized in influential media portrayals of the UNS, and why this matters for historians and journalists interested in religious movements.
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Beverton, Alys. "Transborder Capitalism and National Reconciliation: The American Press Reimagines U.S.-Mexico Relations after the Civil War." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 21, no. 1 (November 15, 2021): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781421000578.
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AbstractThe end of the Civil War did not eradicate Americans’ concerns regarding the fragility of their republic. For many years after Appomattox, newspapers from across the political spectrum warned that the persistence of sectionalism in the postwar United States threatened to condemn the country to the kind of interminable internal disorder supposedly endemic among the republics of Latin America. This article examines how, from the early 1870s onward, growing numbers of U.S. editors, journalists, and political leaders called on Americans to concentrate on extending their nation’s commercial reach into Mexico. In doing so, they hoped to topple divisive domestic issues—notably Reconstruction—from the top of the national political agenda. These leaders in U.S. public discourse also anticipated that collaboration in a project to extend the United States’ continental power would revive affective bonds of nationality between the people of the North and South. In making this analysis, this article argues that much of the early impetus behind U.S. commercial penetration south of the Rio Grande after the Civil War was fueled by Americans’ deep anxieties regarding the integrity of their so-called exceptional republic.
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Smith, Michael M. "The Mexican Secret Service in the United States, 1910-1920." Americas 59, no. 1 (July 2002): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2002.0091.
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Throughout the era of the Mexican Revolution, the United States provided sanctuary for thousands of political exiles who opposed the regimes of Porfirio Díaz, Francisco Madero, Victoriano Huerta, and Venustiano Carranza. Persecuted enemies of Don Porfirio and losers in the bloody war of factions that followed the ouster of the old regime continued their struggle for power from bases of operation north of the international boundary in such places as San Francisco, Los Angeles, El Paso, San Antonio, New Orleans, and New York. As a consequence, Mexican regimes were compelled not only to combat their enemies on domestic battlefields but also to wage more subtle campaigns against their adversaries north of the Río Bravo. The weapons in this shadowy war included general intelligence gathering, surveillance, espionage, counter-espionage, and propaganda; the agency most responsible for these activities was the Mexican Secret Service.
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Tilly, Chris, and José Luis Álvarez Galván. "Lousy Jobs, Invisible Unions: The Mexican Retail Sector in the Age of Globalization." International Labor and Working-Class History 70, no. 1 (October 2006): 61–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547906000160.
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Globalization and modernization transformed the Mexican retail sector over the last two decades. One result is that Wal-Mart has become Mexico's dominant retailer. Another is the poor quality of jobs in the Mexican retail sector. Drawing on a variety of data sources, we review changes and current patterns in the characteristics and quality of retail jobs in Mexico. Retail jobs are worse than the Mexican average. Union coverage is widespread but offers little benefit to workers. Unlike the case in the United States, Wal-Mart offers unionized jobs very similar in quality to those of other retailers; indeed, in general we find little difference between the jobs of global and domestic Mexican retailers. Globalization and modernization have left Mexican retail workers with lousy jobs and invisible unions.
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Morrison, Michael A. "Fault Lines: The United States–Mexican War Reconsidered and Remembered." Reviews in American History 41, no. 4 (2013): 651–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2013.0101.
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Harmer, Tanya. "The “Cuban Question” and the Cold War in Latin America, 1959–1964." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 3 (August 2019): 114–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00896.
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This article explains how Latin American governments responded to the Cuban revolution and how the “Cuban question” played out in the inter-American system in the first five years of Fidel Castro's regime, from 1959 to 1964, when the Organization of American States imposed sanctions against the island. Drawing on recently declassified sources from Argentina, Chile, Mexico, Uruguay, and the United States, the article complicates U.S.-centric accounts of the inter-American system. It also adds to our understanding of how the Cold War was perceived within the region. The article makes clear that U.S. policymakers were not the only ones who feared Castro's triumph, the prospect of greater Soviet intervention, and the Cuban missile crisis. By seeking to understand why local states opposed Castro's ascendance and what they wanted to do to counter his regime, the account here offers new insight into the Cuban revolution's international impact and allows us to evaluate U.S. influence in the region during key years of the Cold War.