Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'UNMIH'

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O objetivo principal desta dissertação é analisar, comparativamente, as duas principais operações de paz empreendidas pela ONU no Haiti, a saber, Missão das Nações Unidas no Haiti (UNMIH) e a Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas no Haiti (MINUSTAH) sob uma crucial diferença, o conceito de segurança adotado em cada uma, tomando como marco temporal os anos de 1993-1996 e 2004-2010. A UNMIH centrada na concepção de segurança internacional tradicional e a MINUSTAH voltada para a concepção da segurança humana. Acredita-se que o conceito de segurança por trás dos mandatos de cada uma delas foi essencial para a condução das mesmas, e principalmente, para os resultados obtidos. A teorização dos danos junto aos antecedentes históricos do Haiti foram expostos a fim de mostrar a maneira pela qual a instabilidade crônica se estabeleceu no país, deturpando sua trajetória, admitindo a entrada das referidas operações. Através da apreciação dos documentos oficiais da ONU, (Relatórios, Informes e Resoluções) pode-se identificar em cada período observado, as diretrizes traçadas, visando ao menos dirimir o cenário caótico formado. Como resultado do estudo realizado, referente as diferentes práticas colocadas em campo e resultados obtidos por cada missão, conclui-se que a adoção de um novo conceito, de segurança humana pela MINUSTAH, prezando pela segurança dos indivíduos e os inserindo no processo reconstrutivo, contribuiu sensivelmente no processo de reestruturação do país, em seus diferentes setores, quando comparado com a UNMIH.

Mellan 2004 och 2006 deltog ett svenskt mekskyttekompani som en del i FN-insatsen i Liberia, UNMIL. Uppsatsen syftar till att utreda hur det svenska kompaniet bidrog till uppfyllandet av den strategiska målbilden inom UNMIL 2004-2006 med hänsyn tagen till svenska direktiv, ordrar och incitament till att bidra till insatsen, samt att dra lärdomar utifrån detta. En fallstudie har använts för att studera verksamhet och erfarenheter från insatsen som sedan analyseras utifrån de olika mål och framgångsfaktorer som låg till grund för insatsen. Fallstudien baseras i huvudsak på slutrapporter från de svenska kontingenterna som verkade i UNMIL. Resultatet visar att det svenska kompaniet bidrog positivt till uppfyllnaden av UNMIL:s strategiska målbild och Regeringens incitament för deltagande men att brister fanns inom Försvarsmaktens direktiv, främst avseende interoperabilitet. Författaren drar utifrån detta slutsatser att mekskytte hade en viktig roll att spela inom UNMIL och att svenska officerare bör utbildas inom FN-doktrin och FN som system. Slutligen kommer författaren fram till att framgång är svårt att mäta på taktisk nivå i fredsfrämjande operationer och att vidare forskning bör bedrivas på området.

A partir da década de 1990, a abordagem das operações de paz sofreu transformações em campo, uma vez que passaram a se envolver com atividades de reconstrução de Estados (statebuilding), que haviam sido destruídos por conflitos internos. Dessa forma, o seu grau de intervenção em âmbito doméstico se ampliou, desafiando a noção de soberania territorial e o princípio de não intervenção. A UNMIK é uma operação de paz desse tipo, mas é a mais ousada por ter assumido uma administração interina em Kosovo, ex-província iugoslava. Essa intervenção internacional foi justificada pela proteção dos direitos humanos da comunidade albanesa, maioria da população de Kosovo, que havia sido massacrada por uma política de limpeza étnica entre 1998 e 1999, perpetrada por Slobodan Milosevic. Do momento de sua implementação (1999) à independência autodeclarada do território (2008), a UNMIK desempenhou papel de representante local ao ocupar espaços dos poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário de Kosovo e, ao mesmo tempo, foi emissária da comunidade internacional para manutenção da paz e da segurança internacional nessa zona de conflito. O seu principal objetivo era estabelecer um Estado de Direito por meio da democratização das estruturas de governo e da liberalização do mercado. Até hoje, a operação de paz não se desvencilhou de suas atribuições governamentais, permanecendo ali por tempo indeterminado.
From the 1990s, the approach of the peacekeeping operations have changed in the field, once they started undertaking state building activities in war-torn states. In this way, their intervention level in the local dimension increased, challenging the notion of territorial sovereignty and the non-intervention principle. UNMIK is one of this kind of peacekeeping operation, but this is the most audacious one, once it was in charge of an interim administration in Kosovo, the former Yugoslav province. This international intervention was justified by the human rights protection of the Albanian community, the majority of the Kosovo population, who was massacred due to an ethnic cleansing policy between 1998 and 1999, undertaken by Slobodan Milosevic. From its implementation (1999) to the self-declared independence of the territory (2008), UNMIK had played a local representative role exercising Executive, Legislative and Judiciary powers in Kosovo and, at the same time, it was an emissary of international community for the maintenance of peace and international security in this zone of conflict. Its main goal was to establish the Rule of Law through the democratization of government structures and market liberalization. So far, the peacekeeping operation has not been able to pull itself away from its governmental duties, remaining there indefinitely.

International judges and prosecutors are today present in various places around the world. They are supposed to function as a complement to the national judiciary and help in the up-building of rule of law. However, there are various problems and questions regarding the work they accomplish, which will be discussed throughout this thesis. Kosovo has been chosen as an example since it has a long experience of international judges and prosecutors. Further on it has been debated if the international personnel in the Kosovar judicial system contribute to the capacity-building or not. The following text also brings up several types of courts where the international judges and prosecutors are present. The reason for this is to give an idea of the various forms of international involvement that exists, but also to discuss where justice should be done. The aim of the thesis has been to find some key problems regarding international judges and prosecutors in national legal systems to be able to make better in the future. During the analyse of those questions various materials have been used, such as regulations, reports and previous research. The conclusion that has been drawn is that international judges and prosecutors can play an important role in the building of rule of law in national legal systems. However, the cooperation among internationals and nationals has to be deeper. Therefore some questions regarding for example salary and language problems must be solved so that the cooperation has the possibility to grow stronger in the future.

A presente Tese de Doutorado analisa e discute os aprendizados do universo de trabalho e de luta das mulheres camponesas da Via Campesina do estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, e camponesas e indígenas da UNORCA/UNMIC e da CONAMI no México. Enfatiza-se, assim, os saberes para além do contexto escolar, em que se aprende a vida toda, com ênfase no fazerse gente, sujeito com consciência crítica, feministas ou não, mas que lutam, coletivamente por dias melhores e, perdem a vergonha, passando a andar de cabeça erguida, sem baixar la mirada. Apesar de terem sido relegadas a seres de segunda ordem na sociedade patriarcal, refletindo historicamente, no pouco ou nada de acesso à educação escolar pelo fato de vierem no campo ou por serem mulheres índias; na luta geral não levadas em conta e, nas específicas, grandemente acusadas de divisoras ou antirrevolucionárias, elas continuam demarcando espaços, ampliando e multiplicando saberes. Para tal, afirma-se a importância de coletivos de mulheres no interior de movimentos mistos que se somam a movimentos específicos, conduzidos por elas. A pesquisa desenvolvida como estudo de caso, no Brasil situou-se no estado do Rio Grande do Sul e as organizações pesquisadas foram MMC, MST, MAB e MPA da Via Campesina, tendo como sujeitos, duas mulheres de cada organização. No México, foram pesquisadas três mulheres da UNORCA/UNMIC e também da CONAMI, dos estados do Distrito Federal, Sonora, Guerrero, Morelos e Chiapas. Para a coleta de dados foram utilizados dois questionários: um, aberto, semiestruturado com questões usadas para gravação e posterior transcrição; outro, também aberto, com questões estruturadas, registrado instantaneamente. Outro instrumento utilizado foi o diário de campo com registros de observações de reuniões e encontros envolvendo sujeitos da pesquisa ou representantes de suas organizações. Junto a isso, foi realizado estudo de subsídios produzidos pelos referidos movimentos, tanto em livros, cartilhas e panfletos, como em sítios eletrônicos, além de ampla pesquisa bibliográfica. Sobre os aprendizados mais relevantes da pesquisa evidencia-se: a importância de as mulheres poderem dizer a sua palavra e, para tal, terem e/ou criarem as condições para tal, tanto ao que se refere a estudos em cursos formais ou não e, propriamente nas articulações e construções de suas lutas; perder o medo e enfrentar as contradições por estarem na luta coletiva; coordenar processos e junto a isso perceber limites, avanços e desafios, de si mesmas, das companheiras e companheiros e da luta em si; exigir respeito pelo fato serem mulheres e sustentar posições teórico-políticas; estudar, perceber a força e o poder que têm no coletivo; aprender experienciando na luta, e, mais que isso: passar a saber que sabem e que seus saberes são relevantes na contestação da sociedade machista e patriarcal, bem como, na construção de possibilidades de serem libertas.
The present doctoral dissertation analyses and discusses the learning of the work and struggle universe of peasant women from Via Campesina from Rio Grande do Sul / Brazil and the peasant and Indian women from UNORCA/UNMIC and CONAMI from Mexico. It is highlighted the knowledge besides the school context, in what is learnt the whole life, emphasizing turning into a person, a subject with critical awareness, feminist or not, but who struggles in collective for better days, and is not ashamed, starting to walk with head up without bringing down la mirada. Beyond being put aside as human been of second order in a patriarchal society, historically reflecting, in little or even no access to school education by the fact of coming from the countryside or being Indian women; in general fight not taking in account and in specific fights were intensely accused as divisive or antirevolutionaries, they keep demarcating spaces amplifying and multiplying knowledge. For that, it is affirmed the relevance of women collective inner mixed movements that are summed up to specific movements conducted by themselves. The research developed as a case study, in Brazil, was situated in Rio Grande do Sul and the organizations researched were MMC, MST, MAB and MPA of Via Campesina, having as subjects, two women of each organization. In Mexico, were researched three women of UNORCA/ UNMIC and also CONAMI from the states of Federal District, Sonora, Guerrero, Morelos and Chiapas. In order to collect the data were utilized two questionnaires: one, open, semi structured, with questions to record and later transcript; another, open, with structured questions, registered instantly. Other instrument used was a field diary for registering the observation of meetings evolving subjects of the research or representative of their organizations. It was also done a study produced by the referred movements, in books, primers, folders, sites, as well as a broad bibliographic research. About the most relevant learning of the research was evident: the importance of women saying their words, and or to create conditions for it, in what refers to studies in formal courses or not, and also in the articulation and construction of their struggles; not having fear to face contradictions for being in collective struggle; coordinating processes and also seeing limits, advances and challenges, from themselves, their partners female or male and the struggle itself; requiring respect by the fact they are women and sustain theoreticalpolitical positions; studying and realizing their strength and power that is in the collective; learning through experience in struggle, and more than that, realizing they know and their knowledge is relevant contesting the chauvinist and patriarchal society, as well in the construction of possibilities of being set free.

Efter Andra Världskriget och författandet samt ratificerandet av den traditionella folkrätten har huvuddelen av de väpnade sammandrabbningarna haft karaktären av icke-internationella konflikter med en asymmetrisk uppsättning aktörer. Samtidigt har den värst drabbade aktören kommit att vara civilbefolkningen. Syftet med denna uppsats är att problematisera skyddet av civilbefolkningen i den nya tidens konflikter. I uppsatsen genomförs en kvalitativ textanalys av Säkerhetsrådets resolutioner och missionsspecifika strategier för skydd av civila i de tre FN-missionerna UNMIS, UNAMID och MONUC. Resultatet av analysen problematiseras därefter utifrån van Crevelds non-trinitarian theory för att undersöka vilka problem det finns med att tillämpa det traditionella folkrättsliga skyddet av civila i nya tidens konflikter. Det sammanvägda resultatet av studien visar att det finns problem med att tillämpa det traditionella folkrättsliga skyddet av civila i nya tidens konflikter, och att ett av huvudproblemen är att skyddet endast tycks adresseras av världssamfundet.
After the Second World War, and the creation and ratification of the traditional international law, the majority of the armed clashes has had the character of non-international conflicts with an asymmetric set of actors. Meanwhile, the most affected actor has come to be the civilian population. The purpose of this study is to problematize the protection of civilians in the conflicts of the new era. A qualitative method is used in the study in order to analyze the Security Council’s resolutions and mission specific strategies for the protection of civilians in the three UN missions UNMIS, UNAMID and MONUC. The result of the analysis is then problematized with van Creveld’s non-trinitarian theory in order to investigate what problems there are in applying the international humanitarian legal protection of civilians in the conflicts of the new era.The aggregated result of the study show that there are problems in applying the traditional international legal protection of civilians in the conflicts of the new era, and that one of the main problems is that the protection only seems to be a subject for the international community.

The United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security was passed by the Security Council in 2000. Its passing was made possible by the efforts of NGOs around the world and was seen as a huge step for women in conflict and post-conflict situations as women were not only seen as victims but as agents of peace. The resolution deals with the obligations of Member States as well as those of the Security Council within its peacekeeping missions.

Eight years have passed since the passing of the resolution and this thesis examines how the resolution is visible in a peacekeeping mission. In order to answer this question reports and resolutions by the Security Council and the Secretary- General have been examined as well as literature on gender and peacekeeping. Field research was conducted in the Sudan from April to June 2008 in Khartoum and Kadugli. Interviews were carried out with NGOs, UN staff and with personnel within the UN peacekeeping mission in Sudan, UNMIS.

The UN reports and the field research both conclude that there are several obstacles preventing resolution 1325 from being implemented within the UN. One of the main obstacles is the lack of accountability within the UN system. Furthermore, it was found that personal interest played a major role in whether or not a gender perspective was being taken into account. Gender was also regarded by UN staff as ad hoc instead of an integral part of their work. The conclusion is that resolution 1325 is not yet fully visible in the peacekeeping mission observed, UNMIS.

Dissertação de mestrado em Relações Internacionais (Estudos da Paz e da Segurança) , apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra, sob a orientação de Daniela Nascimento.
Esta dissertação procura trazer luz sobre a importância de uma abordagem feminista pós-colonial na construção de uma crítica alternativa à institucionalização da paz liberal. Para a construção dessa crítica é utilizado e analisado o papel das Nações Unidas na intervenção internacional no Kosovo até 2008 focando maioritariamente as matrizes do modelo de consolidação da paz da organização. Através da análise do comportamento e do discurso da administração internacional no terreno, isto é, o desenvolvimento de novas políticas ou reformas, procuraremos identificar se o processo de paz no Kosovo teve em conta as necessidades das diferentes comunidades contribuindo assim para a construção de paz sustentável. Para responder a esta questão será utilizado um quadro teórico alternativo e crítico – o feminismo pós-colonial, numa análise que não tem sido suficientemente trabalhada no campo da construção de críticas à institucionalização da paz liberal em situações de pós-guerra, principalmente no caso do Kosovo. De facto, este exercício permite identificar lógicas de colonialidade e invisibilidade que através de uma agenda de paz liberal impõem e reproduzem binómios hierárquicos e excludentes não só entre administradores internacionais e os locais, mas também entre as populações locais, isto é entre kosovares sérvios e kosovares albaneses. Nesse sentido, e de forma também a responder à nossa pergunta de investigação, são analisadas as quatro dimensões do modelo de consolidação da paz da ONU – dimensões militar e de segurança, política e constitucional, económico-social e finalmente psicossocial, com base no quadro da intervenção internacional do Kosovo. É através dessa análise que seremos capazes de identificar as principais lacunas das políticas e reformas de reconstrução pós-guerra da administração internacional neste território.

Discussions about the utility of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping has been ongoing since its emergence in the late 1940s, and scholars have studied different peacekeeping missions from various perspectives. However, there is a gap in the research when it comes to evaluating the state of peace in countries that have experienced successful UN peacekeeping missions a few years after the mission is finished. The UN peacekeeping mission in Liberia (UNMIL) was deemed a success when it was finished. For that reason, this study investigates the state of peace in Liberia five years after the UN peacekeeping mission handed overall security-related responsibilities to the Liberian government in 2016. The state of peace in Liberia today will be analyzed using Johan Galtung’s definition of peace and violence. This study has been conducted as a qualitative desk and case study and has followed abductive reasoning. The data used in this study have been analyzed through text analysis. Findings show that the UN indeed succeeded in reaching their goals for the mission. But, when applying Galtung’s definition of peace and violence it is clear that the goals set by the UN can be categorized as negative peace, which means the absence of direct violence. Positive peace however, which means the absence of direct, structural and cultural violence, has not yet been achieved since there is still high levels of corruption and discrimination in the country. The conclusion includes a discussion about whether or not the UN can and/or shall aim for positive peace, or if negative peace is a realistic goal and then hand the process of achieving higher levels of positive peace to the host country, in this case Liberia.

In my paper I have examined the United Nations role in the democratization of Kosovo. In order to complete this purpose I have asked two questions

• How has the UN contributed to the democratization of Kosovo that has taken place so far?

• What advantages and/or disadvantages has the UN presence in Kosovo had from a democratic perspective?

The method I have used in my paper is a qualitative one, and more specified a qualitative text analysis. This means that I have examined a rather small number of sources, but in return I have analyzed these sources very carefully. In addition to the choice of a qualitative method I have used Robert A. Dahl’s theory about polyarcy as a definition of democracy.

The results from my analysis are that the UN has done some work in favour of the democratization of Kosovo, but the UN has also acted in a way which restrains democratization of Kosovo in many ways. The main reason why the UN hinders the democratization of Kosovo is it’s unwillingness to let go of its power over the region to the local officials.

The purpose of this paper was to examine if UN (United Nations) peacekeeping operations an be used as a tool to promote great powers own interests and enable power maximization for states in the international system. In other words, if great powers really cooperate with each other to promote peace or if they only seek to maximize their own power position. Based on the assumption that the state’s own interests benefit from its commitment to the UN and that it ultimately can increase the state’spower position, it becomes thus important to identify a state’sown interests to contribute to an explanation of how states act within international institutions. The case of China and its actions in African countries through the UN peacekeeping operations MONUSCO and UNMIS are evaluated, to verify if China applies to 4 of the 5 assumptions raised in John Mearsheimer’s theory of offensive realism. This, to illustrate how states attempt to use economic, military and multilateral means to increase their power position in the international system. The conclusion of the analysis is that 3 (possibly 4) of Mearsheimer’s assumptions are encountered by China’s actions. After demonstrating that China applies to some of theas sumptions of offensive realism, this study suggests further research concerning the connection between great powers pursuit of power and its commitment to UN peacekeeping operations.

This paper analyses the implementation problems of the European Union’s (EU) most comprehensive agreement between Kosovo and the EU, namely, the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and related them to the democratization process in Kosovo. The SAA aims to strengthen European integration and support Kosovo to fulfill European principles needed in order to become a member in the union. The agreement was signed in 2015 and annual progress reports have been published by the European Commission in order to evaluate the progress and shortcomings. These progress reports show that Kosovo has faced issues while trying to implement the SAA, mostly due to lack of strong democratic principles (judicial independence, public administration, institutions) and corruption. This paper also examines Kosovo’s democratization process since early 1980s in order to evaluate whether issues faced in the implementation of the SAA are related to poor democratization. By applying a case study design, analyzing relevant material and using democratization theory, this paper finds that Kosovo has undergone significant democratization, however, democratic consolidation is at an early stage and the problems faced there are of similar nature as those problems faced in the implementation of the SAA, hence why it is safe to assume that these issues are indeed related to one another.

Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Biological & Agricultural Engineering
Zifei Liu
The Unmix and Positive Matrix Factorization (PMF) models for source apportionment were applied to evaluate prescribed burning impacts on air quality, identify model advantages, and establish a relationship between visibility and PM₂.₅ sources. Speciated PM₂.₅ data were from the Flint Hills (FH) rural and the Kansas City (KC) urban sites. At the FH site, the Unmix model identified five sources: nitrate/agricultural, sulfate/industrial, crustal/soil, smoke, and secondary organic aerosol (SOA); while the PMF model identified the copper source in addition. The smoke source from PMF result includes both primary and secondary aerosols from prescribed burning when the smoke source in Unmix result only includes primary burning aerosols. The secondary smoke aerosols at the FH site were combined with secondary aerosols from other origins and formed the SOA source in Unmix result. Comparative analysis of the modeling results estimated the SOA to be 2.3 to 2.7 times of the primary aerosols in burning season. At the KC site, both receptor models derived seven-source solutions: nitrate/agricultural, sulfate/industrial, crustal/soil, smoke, traffic/SOA, heavy-duty diesel vehicle (HDDV), and calcium. The smoke source at the KC site carries an exceedingly organic carbon to elemental carbon (OC/EC) ratio, which is more than five times higher than in FH smoke source. The PMF results at KC site tend to classify more SOA from nitrate/agricultural and sulfate/industrial sources into traffic/SOA source. In the burning season, the smoke source from both sites showed a relatively high correlation when KC is under west and southwest wind, suggesting that part of the smoke originated PM₂.₅ at the urban site could be from the upwind burning activities. The Tobit modeling recognized the nitrate/agricultural as the leading visibility degradation impact factor at both sites. The latter chapter conducted a review of life cycle assessment (LCA) on carbon footprint (CF) of beef production. The objectives were to evaluate CF range in raising systems from different countries, identify the leading CF contributor and dominant source of uncertainty, and summarize LCA inventory defined in cattle production systems. Most existing beef LCA studies followed a “cradle to farm gate” approach. The CF in 3-phase systems ranged from 16 to 29.5 kg CO2e kg⁻¹ carcass weight. The 2-phase raising system reported a slightly lower CF than the 3-phase system (18.9 to 26.9 kg CO2e kg⁻¹ carcass weight), but no significant differences were observed. The grass-fed system in the US has the highest CF, but the CF of grass-fed systems in the European Union (EU) is 40% less than them in the US. This is because more than half of cattle farms in EU produce both beef and milk, and the CF burden was partaken by the dairy production. Cow-calf phase contributed the most CF in 3-phase raising system, while enteric fermentation was the major contributor. Feed production contributed the most in the feedlot phase if forages were applied rather than concentrates. The leading uncertainty sources reported was land use change and disparate dressing percentage. To improve the LCA accuracy, more research is needed in collecting reliable LCA inventory data such as raising period and feed intake efficiency.

The diploma thesis "The KFOR mission in Kosovo: The NATO activity in Kosovo after the military intervention in 1999" has its aim in describing individual steps of the KFOR mission in Kosovo after 1999 and strives to analyze the achievements of this activity. How much effectiveness KFOR produced in pursuing the goal of peacekeeping and post-conflict reconstruction? What were the achievements of the mission and when is it feasible to withdraw the mission from Kosovo? In addition, the thesis also analyzes the activity of other international missions in Kosovo and their cooperation with KFOR.

Over the past decades, peace missions of the United Nations on the African continent succeed and failed. This thesis attempts to ascertain how success or failure can be explained. For assessment, the success criteria are derived from the academic literature and subsequently implemented into the hypotheses. Relevant indicators concerning peacekeeping success are used in African cases. The effectiveness of UN missions is fully investigated on UNOCI in Côte d'Ivoire, MONUC in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and UNMIL in Liberia. Then the results were compared in tested hypotheses. The findings show that host country's consent and willingness to cooperate, alongside the active engagement of major power, a clear, appropriate and achievable mandate, and the consistency of the UN's commitment to conflict resolution proved to be the most important factors for the peacekeeping effectiveness. The diplomacy and attention, given to underlying causes of conflicts, also contributed to the successful outcomes. The ethnic component and participating regional organisations, in contrast, overcomplicated the peace efforts but did not have a direct impact on missions' effectiveness. The effect of the missions' duration was found to be irrelevant, while ties to success with criteria of national ownership and...

The diploma thesis deals with the effectiveness of the completed UN peacekeeping missions in Africa from the year 2000. Firstly, a development of peacekeeping is summarized. The next part -the theoretical part- is focused on a definition of effectiveness criterion (a dependent variable), chosen independent variable and there is analysed literature which the female author used. There is explained chosen criterion for the researched peacekeeping operation - UNMEE, MINUCI, UNOCI, UNMIL and ONUB question is focused on the dependent variable - the effectiveness of the peacekeeping missions. The second research question deals withs the group od the dependent variables (Factors of effectiveness).

Dissertação de mestrado em Relações Internacionais
A presente dissertação incide sobre o fenómeno do recrutamento e da participação de crianças-soldado nos conflitos da Serra Leoa e da Libéria. As crianças-soldado são crianças, rapazes ou raparigas, com menos de 18 anos, recrutadas e usadas em conflitos armados, para desempenhar as mais diversas funções. A principal finalidade desta investigação é revelar quais os contributos propostos pela Organização das Nações Unidas em favor das crianças-soldado. Mais concretamente, pretende-se analisar quais as medidas adotadas por esta organização, que se assume como provedora de segurança humana, no combate e prevenção do recrutamento de crianças-soldado, assim como, as medidas implementadas, pós-conflito no processo de reintegração destas crianças. De forma a perceber a dimensão deste fenómeno a nível mundial, procede-se, em primeiro lugar, à caracterização do fenómeno nos países onde esta realidade está presente. Segue-se a abordagem do papel da Organização das Nações Unidas a nível global com base na adoção e execução de resoluções que vêm delinear os caminhos a serem percorridos na luta em prol da erradicação do problema. Posteriormente, realiza-se um estudo comparativo da atuação propugnada pela Organização das Nações Unidas em defesa das crianças recrutadas e usadas nas guerras civis na Serra Leoa e na Libéria, tendo em conta as quatro fases de resolução de conflito, a prevenção/negociação do conflito, o peacemaking, o peacekeeping e o peacebuilding, nas quais são implementados os programas DDR, que permitem perceber as semelhanças e as diferenças na atuação da Organização das Nações Unidas em prol da segurança das crianças-soldado, nos dois países, e avaliar a sua capacidade de intervenção na erradicação deste fenómeno. Após a análise, é possível aferir que a ONU teve e continua a ter um papel interventivo em relação ao fenómeno das crianças-soldado, que, no entanto, não tem disso suficiente para erradicar o problema.
This dissertation addresses the recruitment and participation of child soldiers in Sierra Leone and Liberia conflicts. Child soldiers are children, boys or girls, under 18 years recruited and used in armed conflicts, to perform various functions. The main purpose of this research is to reveal the contributions proposed by the United Nations in favor of child soldiers. In particular, analyze what measures are adopted by this organization, which sees itself as a provider of security, to combat and prevent child soldier recruitment, as well as the measures embraced in process of reintegration of these children in post-conflicts. In order to understand the social dimension of this problem worldwilde, first is offered an overview of all the countries where exists the reality of child soldiers. After that is explored the role of the United Nations in a globally context, based on the adoption and implementation of resolutions that outline the ways to fight and eradicate the problem. Subsequently, is made a comparative study about the performance assumed by the United Nations in defense of children recruited and used in the civil wars of Sierra Leone and Liberia, taking into account four phases of conflict resolution, prevention of conflict, peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding, that gives origin to the development of DDR programs, in order to understand the similarities and differences in the United Nations action for the safety of child soldiers in both countries and evaluate its ability to intervene in the eradication of this phenomenon. After the analysis, it can be declared that the UN had and continues to have an active role in relation to the phenomenon of child soldiers, which, however, has not been enough to eradicate the problem.