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1

Della Giusta, M., and S. Jewell. "Unpaid work and conformity: why care?" Cambridge Journal of Economics 39, no. 3 (December 2, 2014): 689–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/beu061.

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2

Kidder, Thalia. "Time Use Studies and Unpaid Care Work." Gender & Development 21, no. 3 (November 2013): 606–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2013.861117.

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3

Appelbaum, Eileen, Thomas Bailey, Peter Berg, and Arne L. Kalleberg. "Shared Work-Valued Care: New Norms for Organizing Market Work and Unpaid Care Work." Economic and Industrial Democracy 23, no. 1 (February 2002): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x02231007.

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4

Ghosh, Anweshaa, and Deepta Chopra. "Paid work, unpaid care work and women's empowerment in Nepal." Contemporary South Asia 27, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 471–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2019.1687646.

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5

Mudrazija, Stipica. "WORK-RELATED OPPORTUNITY COSTS OF PROVIDING UNPAID FAMILY CARE." Innovation in Aging 3, Supplement_1 (November 2019): S135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igz038.491.

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Abstract Older Americans living in the community who need help with basic activities of daily living overwhelmingly rely on unpaid care provided most commonly by working-age family members. Because unpaid family care limits the demand for nursing facilities and reduces expenses paid by Medicaid and other government programs, previous estimates of its economic value have mostly focused on estimating the benefits of unpaid family care. However, to assess accurately the overall economic value of unpaid family care and define better the scope for policy intervention, it is also important to account for the costs of such care, yet our knowledge of their magnitude remains limited. This study assesses the impact of unpaid family caregiving on the likelihood of working and hours worked for caregivers, and calculates the related cost of forgone earnings today and in 2050. To do so, it matches family caregivers from the National Study of Caregiving with non-caregivers from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, and uses projections from the Urban Institute’s DYNASIM microsimulation model to inform calculations of future costs of foregone earnings. Results suggest that the cost of foregone earnings attributable to caregiving is currently about $67 billion. By mid-century, it will likely more than double, outpacing the growth of disabled older population as the share of better-educated caregivers with higher earning capacity increases. Policymakers can use these results to inform their current and future policy efforts aimed at assisting family caregivers who are facing the challenge of balancing work and caregiving responsibilities.
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6

Ramya, R. "Care Work and Time Use: A Focus on Child Care, Personal Care and Elderly Care Time." Shanlax International Journal of Economics 7, no. 2 (March 15, 2019): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/economics.v7i2.306.

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Today the concept of ‘time poverty’ is gaining much attention. Since time is a limited factor, when more of it is devoted to paid and unpaid work, less time is available for leisure, which results in high time poverty. Time is often more precious than money and is regarded as a natural and universal concept. A woman’s position in the society and family as well as her time allocation is a multi-dimensional phenomenon. Therefore a woman’s paid works as well as her unpaid domestic work especially care work are equally significant as it produces significant influence upon her time allocation. Across globe, women and girls does the vast majority of care giving work in the home which creates disproportional responsibilities finally result in time poverty. This paper mainly focuses on the care time (child care, elderly care and personal care time) devoted by working women across different occupations
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Addati, Laura. "Transforming care work and care jobs for the future of decent work." International Journal of Care and Caring 5, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/239788221x16099530336652.

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The article is an edited version of a keynote speech given at the 2019 Global Carework Summit and highlights the findings of the International Labour Organization report Care Work and Care Jobs for the Future of Decent Work. It takes a comprehensive look at the nexus between unpaid care work, paid work and paid care work, and its contributions to the future of work debates and global policy work around the achievement of gender equality.
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8

Kobayashi, Erika, Yoko Sugihara, Taro Fukaya, and Jersey Liang. "Volunteering among Japanese older adults: how are hours of paid work and unpaid work for family associated with volunteer participation?" Ageing and Society 39, no. 11 (July 17, 2018): 2420–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x18000545.

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AbstractAs the population ages, older adults are increasingly expected to play multiple productive roles. This study examined how hours of paid or unpaid work were associated with volunteering among older Japanese. Data came from the 2012 National Survey of the Japanese Elderly, a nationwide survey of Japanese aged 60 and older (N = 1,324). We performed multinominal logistic regression analyses to predict volunteering (regular or occasional versus non-volunteer) based on hours of paid work and unpaid work for family consisting of sick/disabled care, grandchild care and household chores. Those who worked moderate hours were most likely to be a regular volunteer while working 150 hours or more per month had a lower probability of volunteering, regardless of whether the work was paid or unpaid. Thus, full-time level work competed with volunteering for both paid and unpaid work for family, but it was more so for paid work. By types of activities, doing household chores and substantial grandchild care were positively associated with volunteering, and the latter complementary relationship was explained by a larger community network among grandparents. Our findings indicate that delaying retirement from full-time paid work may reduce the supply of regular volunteers in the community. Thus, policies to increase part-time work for older adults as well as the types of volunteer work in which paid workers can participate are necessary.
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9

Mitchell, G. "A Right to Care? Unpaid Care Work in European Employment Law." Industrial Law Journal 43, no. 1 (February 18, 2014): 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/indlaw/dwt025.

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10

Glucksmann, Miriam, and Dawn Lyon. "Configurations of Care Work: Paid and Unpaid Elder Care in Italy and the Netherlands." Sociological Research Online 11, no. 2 (July 2006): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1398.

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Most current sociological approaches to work recognise that the same activity may be undertaken within a variety of socio-economic forms - formal or informal, linked with the private market, public state or not-for-profit sectors. This article takes care of the elderly as an exemplary case for probing some of the linkages between paid and unpaid work. We attempt to unravel the interconnections between forms of care work undertaken in different socio-economic conditions in two settings, the Netherlands and Italy. The research is part of a broader programme concerned with differing interconnections and overlaps between work activities. In this article, we are concerned with: 1) how paid and unpaid care work map on to four ‘institutional’ modes of provision - by the state, family, market, and voluntary sector; and 2) with the configurations that emerge from the combination of different forms of paid and unpaid work undertaken through the different institutions. Despite the centrality of family-based informal care by women in both countries, we argue that the overall configurations of care are in fact quite distinct. In the Netherlands, state-funded care services operate to shape and anchor the centrality of family as the main provider. In this configuration, unpaid familial labour is sustained by voluntary sector state-funded provision. In Italy, by contrast, there is significant recourse to informal market-based services in the form of individual migrant carers, in a context of limited public provision. In this configuration, the state indirectly supports market solutions, sustaining the continuity of family care as an ideal and as a practice.
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11

Baek, Kyungheun. "A critical review of stereotypes about unpaid care work as unskilled work." Journal of Korean Women's Studies 37, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 41–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.30719/jkws.2021.12.37.4.41.

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12

Salin, Milla, Minna Ylikännö, and Mia Hakovirta. "How to Divide Paid Work and Unpaid Care between Parents? Comparison of Attitudes in 22 Western Countries." Social Sciences 7, no. 10 (October 7, 2018): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7100188.

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Sharing responsibilities for paid work and unpaid care between men and women is recognised as one of the challenges that Western countries face in the 21st century. This article examines attitudes towards sharing paid work and unpaid care responsibilities in 22 Western countries by addressing the following questions. (1) How do attitudes towards different earner-carer models vary across countries? (2) Which socio-demographic and country-level factors explain differences in attitudes to an equal division of paid work and unpaid care responsibilities? International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) data 2012 is used as the data source and research methods include logistic multi-level regression analysis. Results reveal that cross-national variations in attitudes are significant: Most traditional attitudes are found in many Eastern European countries, whereas Nordic countries are the least traditional. At the individual level, those who are highly educated, in paid work, single, childless, and religiously non-active support the equal division of paid work and unpaid care responsibilities more often than other respondents. At the country level, longer father-specific parental leave, a stronger tradition of women’s paid work, and less traditional gender roles are related to stronger support for an equal division of paid work and unpaid care.
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13

Macdonald, Fiona, Eleanor Bentham, and Jenny Malone. "Wage theft, underpayment and unpaid work in marketised social care." Economic and Labour Relations Review 29, no. 1 (February 22, 2018): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304618758252.

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Marketised models of social care provision in Australia are placing pressures on service providers and driving changes in work organisation and employer practices, with potential to degrade social care jobs. While international experience of marketised social care has demonstrated the vulnerability of social care workers to wage theft and other violations of employment laws, Australia’s relatively strong industrial relations safety net might be expected to be better able to protect these low-paid workers. Nevertheless, there is emerging evidence of negative impacts on the pay and entitlements of frontline workers in the expanding community support and homecare workforce. This study investigates the paid and unpaid work time of disability support workers under Australia’s new National Disability Insurance Scheme. The research takes a novel approach combining analysis of working day diaries and qualitative interviews with employees to expose how jobs are being fragmented and work is being organised into periods of paid and unpaid time, leaving employees paid below their minimum entitlement. The article highlights the role of social care policy along with inadequate employment regulation. JEL Codes: J390, J81, J88
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14

Braunstein, Elissa, Irene van Staveren, and Daniele Tavani. "Embedding Care and Unpaid Work in Macroeconomic Modeling: AStructuralist Approach." Feminist Economics 17, no. 4 (October 2011): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545701.2011.602354.

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15

Ogawa, Reiko. "Family and Care Work Facing Social Change and Globalization." International Journal of Public and Private Healthcare Management and Economics 2, no. 4 (October 2012): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpphme.2012100103.

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This article examines the complex interplay between family and elderly care in Japan by taking into account both paid and unpaid reproductive work. The elderly care has gone through a discursive shift from the private sphere to the public sphere since 2000 through the introduction of Long Term Care Insurance. The article first elaborates the two major structural changes in the society namely demographic change and deterioration of the social welfare system including the transformation in the family institutions. Secondly, it discusses the globalization of care work through the entry of migrants into care workforce especially the resident migrants in Japan and how family serves as a driving force in affecting their decision. The article attempts to analyze the role of family in relation to both paid and unpaid reproductive work within the global restructuring of care, which is not only gendered but increasingly becoming ethnicized.
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16

Ophir, Ariane. "The Paid and Unpaid Working Life Expectancy at 50 in Europe." Journals of Gerontology: Series B 77, no. 4 (December 5, 2021): 769–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geronb/gbab223.

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Abstract Objectives Amid growing concerns about the economic implications of population aging and the sustainability of older adults’ working life, unpaid family care work receives less attention despite its direct relevance to population aging. This article systematically compares the paid and unpaid working life expectancy at age 50 to understand the overlap and trade-off between paid and unpaid work among older European adults. Method Using data from the Survey of Health and Retirement in Europe with the Sullivan method, the article presents gender differences across 17 countries in life expectancy at age 50 at various paid (employment) and unpaid (caregiving) role configurations. Results When work is defined to include unpaid family caregiving, women and men have similar working life expectancies at age 50, in contrast to prior research. However, its paid and unpaid components are gendered. The results also show that at age 50, women are expected to spend a similar number of years providing grandchild care and activities of daily living/instrumental activities of daily living care and that most of these years take place after retirement. Discussion The results highlight that the gendered tension between paid and unpaid work persists into older adulthood and needs to be accounted for in working life expectancy measures. The results also underscore the gendered implications of population aging and unpaid work in older adulthood for retirement age policies and strategies for promoting gender equality in later life.
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17

Nyberg, Anita. "Feministiska ekonomer och feministisk ekonomi - exemplet nationalekonomi." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 22, no. 3-4 (June 16, 2022): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v22i3-4.4264.

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Economics is one of the most women and gender resistant disciplines of all. Some Economists who are critical of mainstream economic theory and method have, however, started to apply a gender perspective to economic models. One important feminist critique of macroeconomic theory and policy has been that they do not take into consideration unpaid care work (including domestic work) and paid work in the informal sector. Feminist economists have therefore started to present an alternative view of economic reality that includes work of this kind. Making unpaid care work and paid informal work visible offers a more comprehensive picture of the economy and women's place in it. It also makes it possible to analyse different sectors of the economy and the connections between them. When consideration is given only to the monetary economy, men are seen as more economically active than women, while resources are redistributed from men to women through social security systems and women are subsidised more than men by public services such as childcare and care for the elderly. If however unpaid care work is also included in the analysis, women appear to be as economically active as men, and since they have as long or longer working days, resources might rather be seen as being redistributed from women to men and women's unpaid care work as subsidising men's paid work. Economic theories and models, which integrate paid and unpaid work, are needed especially since the time available for care work, paid and unpaid now seems to be decreasing as a consequence of women's increasing participation on labour märket, savings in the public sector as well as of the fact that services are continuously becoming more expensive in relation to goods since these cannot be replaced by technological advances. At the same time the demand for care work expands because the proportion of elderly is increasing and because children seem to need an ever increasing investment of human and social capital to be able to cope on the labour märket.
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18

Carcel, Cheryl, Sara Farnbach, Beverley M. Essue, Qiang Li, Nick Glozier, Stephen Jan, Richard Lindley, and Maree L. Hackett. "Returning to Unpaid Work after Stroke: The Psychosocial Outcomes in Stroke Cohort Study." Cerebrovascular Diseases 47, no. 1-2 (2019): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000496399.

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Background: While returning to paid work is a crucial marker of stroke recovery, little is known about the differences in unpaid work by sex following stroke. We aimed to determine the sex differences in participation in unpaid work 12 months after stroke. Methods: Psychosocial outcomes in stroke were a prospective, multicentre observational study that recruited individuals, 18–64 years, within 28 days of stroke from New South Wales, Australia. Unpaid work was defined as ≥5 h per week of one or more of: unpaid domestic work for the household; unpaid care of others; looking after own children without pay or looking after someone else’s children without pay. Data was collected before stroke, 28 days (baseline), 6 and 12 months follow-up. Results: Eighty per cent of women and 52% of men engaged in ≥5 h per week of unpaid work before stroke. At 12 months after, 69% of women and 53% of men completed ≥5 h of unpaid work per week. For women, there was a significant association between participation in unpaid work at 12 months and having financially dependent children (OR 2.67; 95% CI 1.08–6.59). A return to unpaid work in men was associated with participation in unpaid work before stroke (OR 3.74; 95% CI 2.14–6.53). Conclusions: More women are engaged in unpaid work before and at 12 months after stroke, but there is a reduction in the proportion of women returning to unpaid work at 12 months not seen in men. Consideration may need to be given to the development of rehabilitation strategies targeted at the specific needs of stroke survivors.
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Xue, Baowen, and Anne McMunn. "Gender differences in unpaid care work and psychological distress in the UK Covid-19 lockdown." PLOS ONE 16, no. 3 (March 4, 2021): e0247959. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0247959.

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Objective To describe how men and women divided childcare and housework demands during the height of the first Covid-19 lockdown in the UK, and whether these divisions were associated with worsening mental health during the pandemic. Background School closures and homeworking during the Covid-19 crisis have resulted in an immediate increase in unpaid care work, which draws new attention to gender inequality in divisions of unpaid care work. Methods Data come from the wave 9 (2017–19) of Understanding Society and the following April (n = 15,426) and May (n = 14,150) waves of Understanding Society Covid-19 study. Psychological distress was measured using the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ) at both before and during the lockdown, and unpaid care work was measured during the lockdown. Linear regression models were used. Results Women spent much more time on unpaid care work than men during lockdown, and it was more likely to be the mother than the father who reduced working hours or changed employment schedules due to increased time on childcare. Women who spent long hours on housework and childcare were more likely to report increased levels of psychological distress. Working parents who adapted their work patterns increased more psychological distress than those who did not. This association was much stronger if he or she was the only member in the household who adapted their work patterns, or if she was a lone mother. Fathers increased more psychological distress if they reduced work hours but she did not, compared to neither reducing work hours. Conclusion There are continued gender inequalities in divisions of unpaid care work. Juggling home working with homeschooling and childcare as well as extra housework is likely to lead to poor mental health for people with families, particularly for lone mothers.
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20

O’Brien, Karen M., NaYeon Yang, and Greta Jankauskaite. "Women’s Experiences of Managing Work and End-of-Life Care: Challenges, Rewards and Recommendations for Vocational Psychologists." Journal of Career Assessment 29, no. 1 (June 23, 2020): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1069072720933556.

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End-of-life care is a form of unpaid care work that is primarily the responsibility of women and can affect their career development, employment, finances, and vocational success. This paper provides a review of the literature on the career and economic effects of providing unpaid end-of-life care for women caregivers. Illustrative reflections from women caregivers highlight challenging and positive aspects of providing end-of-life care. Challenges identified by the women caregivers included managing conflicting demands among work, home and caregiving as well as experiencing emotional strain, financial burden and economic instability. In addition, work schedules had to be altered and career trajectories were interrupted. Interestingly, caregivers reported receiving support from their employers and co-workers and few work-related benefits were used. Despite the many challenges in managing work and end-of-life care, many participants felt positively about their ability to provide a caring environment for a loved one at the time of their death. Recommendations for individual, familial, workplace, and societal changes related to unpaid end-of-life care will be provided.
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Cezar-Vaz, Marta Regina, Daiani Modernel Xavier, Clarice Alves Bonow, Jordana Cezar Vaz, Letícia Silveira Cardoso, Cynthia Fontella Sant’Anna, and Valdecir Zavarese da Costa. "Domains of Physical and Mental Workload in Health Work and Unpaid Domestic Work by Gender Division: A Study with Primary Health Care Workers in Brazil." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 16 (August 9, 2022): 9816. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19169816.

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Various studies indicate that workload metrics can be used to assess inequities in the division of labor according to gender and in the mental health of health care professionals. In most studies, the workload is portrayed in a way that does not integrate the different fields of work, that is, work in health services and unpaid domestic work. The objective was to determine the effects of the workload domains of health work and unpaid domestic work according to the gender division of health professionals working in primary health care (PHC), and to analyze the workload as an inducer of anxiety disorders and episodes of depression. This cross-sectional study consisted of 342 health care professionals recruited for interview at primary health care units in the extreme south of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Sociodemographic and occupational variables, workload in PHC and unpaid domestic work, and dichotomies of anxiety disorders and episodes of depression were considered. Poisson and multivariate linear regression models were used for data analysis. Cohen’s standardized effect size was used to assess the magnitude of the difference between women and men in terms of workload. The female professionals presented higher scores in terms of PHC work and unpaid domestic work and higher proportions of episodes of depression and anxiety disorders compared to males. The male professionals showed that anxiety disorders presented a medium standardized effect size on domestic workload and the level of frustration with family involvement was higher in those with episodes of depression. The results illustrate that the workload metric is an important indicator of female vulnerability to working conditions in PHC and in the family environment.
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22

Özen, Yelda. "Body work and later-life care in Turkey: a qualitative study of paid and unpaid carers of older people." Ageing and Society 40, no. 10 (July 30, 2019): 2106–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x19000989.

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AbstractThe ageing population of Turkey has brought later-life care into question. Family care remains most prevalent, but institutional, paid and professional care are increasing. Literature in Turkey has focused on the medical or social policy aspects but not care-givers’ experiences, nor how the care is performed. This study aims to illuminate care-givers’ experiences using qualitative methods, through in-depth interviews in Ankara with 19 care-givers providing home care for people aged 65 and over. Commonalities and differences were revealed among unpaid family care-givers, paid care-givers and professional care-givers. First, whether paid or unpaid, the bodily and emotional aspects of care work are intertwined. To cope with the ‘negativities’ involved in the work, nurses usually medicalised bodily tasks, unpaid care-givers cited traditional responsibilities and employed infantilisation, while paid care-givers mostly informalised the relationship, infantilised the person cared for and underlined their asexuality. Secondly, care work is gendered; silenced, invisible and ambivalent; related to intimacy with older bodies; and performed in the home space, which blurs the distinction between the private and public field for paid care. Finally, it involves emotional work regarding managing the bodily aspects and navigating the relationships surrounding the older person; and it is labour-intensive with an exploitative character.
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23

Hook, Jennifer L. "Care in Context: Men's Unpaid Work in 20 Countries, 1965–2003." American Sociological Review 71, no. 4 (August 2006): 639–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240607100406.

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Chernyak-Hai, Lily, Erich C. Fein, Natalie Skinner, Andrew J. Knox, and James Brown. "Unpaid Professional Work at Home and Work-Life Interference among Employees with Care Responsibilities." Journal of Psychology 155, no. 3 (March 11, 2021): 356–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223980.2021.1884825.

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25

Meier-Gräwe, Uta. "Take Care!" Evangelische Theologie 81, no. 6 (December 1, 2021): 459–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2021-810611.

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Abstract The contribution directs attention to the Corona pandemic and its effects on care work with female connotations - paid and unpaid. The focus is on acute needs and requirements as well as the structural problems behind them. Finally, what political changes are needed after our pandemic experiences have shown so clearly that care work, which is predominantly performed by women, is the foundation of the economy and society?
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Martinkovicova, Miriam, Mariana Povazanova, and Alena Kasca´kova. "Unpaid Work as a Potential Support for Employment in the Labour Market." Olsztyn Economic Journal 9, no. 1 (March 31, 2014): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/oej.3163.

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This paper considers the problem of unpaid work in households. It focuses on the different categories of unpaid work, particularly the implementation of housework, child care and adult care. Specifically, household services, and domestic care services with included health services are designated as "white jobs" which may have the potential to create new jobs. These "white jobs" represent an untapped source of employment in the labour market. The main objective of the paper is to explore the various social determinants influencing the decision of Slovak families to use or not use alternative market substitutes of selected categories of unpaid work with the aim of identifying the hidden potential for job opportunities in the labour market in Slovakia and the potential demand for those services. The results of the primary research suggests that Slovak households have a potentially greater interest in procuring household services from external sources, rather than procuring personal services for themselves. In terms of the perspective demand for the above mentioned services, the research found that in this case it should be necessary to take into consideration the strong influence of traditionalism and conservatism, which affects the scope and nature of market substitute usage.
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CLEMENTS, LUKE. "A RIGHT TO CARE? UNPAID CARE WORK IN EUROPEAN EMPLOYMENT LAW by NICOLE BUSBY." Journal of Law and Society 39, no. 2 (May 8, 2012): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6478.2012.00583.x.

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28

Barata, Catarina, Luísa Coutinho, Federica Manfredi, and Madelon Schamarella. "Doctoral research work and work of care: reflections in times of a pandemic." Fennia - International Journal of Geography 198, no. 1-2 (December 4, 2020): 247–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.11143/fennia.99192.

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In the face of the pandemic, we have been forced to adopt strategies in order to balance our doctoral work at the same time as caring for our families. As the digital turn has pervaded both social and academic milieus, we consider the potentials and shortcomings of remote interactions and approaches and how they have impacted our work and personal lives. We focus on the challenges of balancing paid work and the unpaid work of care, as well as considering potential changes to the concept of care in terms of building a caring culture.
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Blackmon, Emma, Janice Bell, Robin L. Whitney, Sarah C. Reed, Katherine Kim, and Jill Joseph. "Caregiver work modifications: A hidden cost of cancer care." Journal of Clinical Oncology 34, no. 3_suppl (January 20, 2016): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2016.34.3_suppl.190.

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190 Background: Recent national reports highlight the dramatically rising costs of cancer care and its impact on financial hardship among survivors. Comparatively little attention, however, has been paid to the contributions of family and friends in unpaid caregiving roles—specifically, the impact of caregiving on caregivers jobs and work life. Methods: Using data collected in the 2012 LIVESTRONG Survey of People Affected by Cancer, we examined the prevalence of cancer survivors reporting that they had a friend or family member providing care to them during or after cancer treatment. Then, among those reporting they had a caregiver employed at that time, we used logistic regression to examine caregiver work modifications (i.e., paid time, unpaid time off, changing hours or duties, or making a change in employment status. All models controlled for survivor age at diagnosis, sex, race/ethnicity, income, education and employment status as potential predictors. Results: Of the respondents (n = 6310), 88% reported a family member or friend provided care as follows (in non-mutually exclusive categories): spouses (64%), friends (47%), parents (40%), siblings (31%), children (28%) or other family member (14%). Among survivors with employed caregivers (n = 4,984), 41% reported that their caregiver made a work modification; of these 57% took paid time off, 41% took unpaid time off, 4% switched from full time to part time and 3% took early retirement. Caregivers were more likely to make work modifications for survivors with low (versus high) income or education and for unemployed (versus employed) survivors. The age of the survivor was also a significant factor, with caregivers making more work modifications for younger survivors (ages 18-64) compared to older survivors (age > 65)—with ORs of caregiver work modfications increasing from 1.70 to 6.92 in a dose response by survivor age. Conclusions: Family and friends provide care to a majority of individuals with cancer and many make substantial modifications to their work—contributions which are not routinely counted in estimates of the cost of cancer care. Interventions may be warranted to support caregivers, particular those of survivors with lower income, less education and those of younger age.
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Beaujot, Roderic, and Jianye Liu. "Models of Time Use in Paid and Unpaid Work." Journal of Family Issues 26, no. 7 (October 2005): 924–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192513x04273583.

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Models of time use need to consider especially the reproductive and productive activities of women and men. For husband-wife families, the breadwinner, one-earner, or complementary-roles model has advantages in terms of efficiency or specialization and stability; however, it is a high-risk model for women and children. The alternate model has been called two-earner, companionship, “new families,” or collaborative in the sense of spouses collaborating in the paid and unpaid work needed to provide for and care for the family. Adopting the common metric of time use to study paid and unpaid work, we find that the complementary-roles model remains the most common, and the “double burden” is the second most frequent; however, there is some evidence of change in the direction of shared-roles arrangements, especially for younger couples with children, when both are employed full-time.
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Gencer, Hande, Regina Brunnett, Maria A. Marchwacka, Petra Rattay, Tobias Staiger, Hürrem Tezcan-Güntekin, and Kathleen Pöge. "Gendered impact of COVID-19 containment measures on unpaid care work and mental health in Europe: a scoping review protocol." BMJ Open 12, no. 7 (July 2022): e060673. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2021-060673.

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IntroductionWomen are more likely than men to provide unpaid care work. Previous research has shown that lack of support for various forms of unpaid care work and work-family conflicts have negative impacts on caregivers’ mental health, especially among female caregivers. COVID-19 containment measures may exacerbate existing gender inequalities both in terms of unpaid care work and adverse mental health outcomes. This scoping review protocol describes the systematic approach to review published literature from March 2020 onwards to identify empirical studies and grey literature on the mental health impact of COVID-19 containment measures on subgroups of unpaid caregivers at the intersection of gender and other categories of social difference (eg, ethnicity, age, class) in Europe.Methods and analysisThis scoping review is informed and guided by Arksey and O’Malley’s methodological framework. We will search the databases Medline, PsycINFO, Scopus, CINAHL, Social Sciences Abstracts, Sociological Abstracts as well as Applied Social Sciences Index & Abstracts (ASSIA) and hand-search reference lists of selected articles to identify relevant peer-reviewed studies. We will conduct a grey literature search using Google Scholar and targeted hand-search on known international and European websites and include reports, working papers, policy briefs and book chapters that meet the inclusion criteria. Studies that report gender-segregated findings for mental health outcomes associated with unpaid care work in the context of COVID-19 containment measures in Europe will be included. Two reviewers will independently screen all abstracts and full texts for inclusion, and extract general information, study characteristics and relevant findings. Results will be synthesized narratively.Ethics and disseminationThis study is a review of published literature; ethics approval is not warranted. The findings of this study will inform public health research and policy. The results will be disseminated through a peer-reviewed publication and conference presentations.
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Beier, Friederike. "Marxist Perspectives on the Global Enclosures of Social Reproduction." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 16, no. 2 (May 4, 2018): 546–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v16i2.980.

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Women’s unpaid care and domestic work is gaining relevance in policy-making as well as in academia. Feminist scholars and activists have lobbied successfully for the integration of unpaid care and domestic work into the Sustainable Development Goals (Goal 5.4) of the United Nations in the hope for greater recognition of women’s contribution to the economy. Policy documents about social reproduction highlight women’s disproportionate share of reproductive activities as an obstacle to women’s economic empowerment and as a relic of ‘traditional’ gender roles. Social reproduction is thereby not understood as a merit in itself, but as an obstacle to women’s participation in paid labour. Policy implications will enable certain empowerment effects for some women, but at the same time promote the increasing privatization and commodification of reproductive work across the globe. Rising inequalities between the Global North and South and between women along the categories of class and race will be one major result. To theoretically explain such contradictory effects of the recognition of social reproduction, I use the concept of ‘enclosures’ based on Marx’ ‘primitive accumulation’. Feminist scholars use the concept to explain how unpaid care and housework is commodified or de-commodified to integrate women into the paid labour force or to reduce the costs of social reproduction according to the needs of the economy. The sudden interest in unpaid care and domestic work e.g. in the Sustainable Development Goals can therefore be seen as process of double enclosure, which integrates women into the paid labour force, but also sets the grounds for the further commodification of domestic and care work. This paper aims to critically discuss the sudden interest in unpaid domestic and care work and its contradictory effects from a Marxist feminist perspective and reflects on feminist strategies and movements in global governance. After introducing Marxist perspectives on social reproduction, the question if and how feminist ideas and concepts have been appropriated, the effects and implications of global policies on social reproduction and global inequalities, as well as possible counter-strategies will be discussed.
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Blom, Victoria, Pia Svedberg, Gunnar Bergström, Lisa Mather, and Petra Lindfors. "Stress in paid and unpaid work as related to cortisol and subjective health complaints in women working in the public health care sector." International Journal of Workplace Health Management 10, no. 4 (August 7, 2017): 286–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijwhm-12-2016-0086.

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Purpose Focusing on 420 women employed within the woman-dominated health care sector, the purpose of this paper is to investigate how any variation in their total workload (TWL) in terms of paid and unpaid work relate to various subjective health complaints (SHC) (n=420) and the neuroendocrine stress marker cortisol (n=68). Design/methodology/approach The authors explored how any variation in their TWL in terms of paid and unpaid work related cross-sectionally to SHC (n=420), and the neuroendocrine stress marker cortisol (n=68). Findings Hierarchical regression analyses showed that stress of unpaid work was most strongly related to diurnal variations in cortisol. Both stress of paid and unpaid work as well as TWL stress, but not hours spent on TWL, were related to SHC. Practical implications Taken together, objective measures of hours spent on various TWL domains were unrelated to outcome measures while perceptions of having too much TWL and TWL stress were linked to both cortisol and SHC, i.e. how individuals perceive a situation seem to be more important for health than the actual situation, which has implications for research and efforts to reduce individual TWL. Originality/value This study is unique in showing that unpaid work and perceptions having too much TWL relate to stress markers in women working in the public health care sector.
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Baines, Donna, and Pat Armstrong. "Non-job work/unpaid caring: Gendered industrial relations in long-term care." Gender, Work & Organization 26, no. 7 (September 21, 2018): 934–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gwao.12293.

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Spann, Alice, Joana Vicente, Camille Allard, Mark Hawley, Marieke Spreeuwenberg, and Luc Witte. "Challenges of combining work and unpaid care, and solutions: A scoping review." Health & Social Care in the Community 28, no. 3 (May 2020): 699–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hsc.12912.

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Azong, Jecynta Amboh, and Monika Wilińska. "Into a footnote: Unpaid care work and the Equality Budget in Scotland." European Journal of Women's Studies 24, no. 3 (April 18, 2016): 218–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506816643731.

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37

Withers, Matt. "Decent Care for Migrant Households: Policy Alternatives to Sri Lanka’s Family Background Report." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 26, no. 3 (2019): 325–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxz024.

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Abstract Domestic worker migration can profoundly reconfigure unpaid care arrangements within migrant households, often exacerbating gendered inequalities in providing and receiving care. While the International Labor Organization has led rights advocacy around migrant domestic work, there remains a dearth of attention to the relationship between feminized migration and unpaid care. In Sri Lanka, this policy space has been occupied by the Family Background Report: a series of regulations that reinforce maternal caregiving by restricting the migration of women with young children. An alternative “decent care” approach, involving investment in local care infrastructure, could yield multiple benefits while promoting a gender-inclusive decent work agenda.
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Skariah, Anila. "Does Unpaid Care Work affect the Well-being of Care Providers? Evidence from Kerala, India." Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities 4, no. 9 (2014): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7315.2014.00974.5.

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Meurs, Mieke, and Lisa Giddings. "Elder care and paid work: gender differences in the relationship between unpaid elder care work and employment in Bulgaria." Journal of European Social Policy 31, no. 2 (February 24, 2021): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928720974181.

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Care of elderly family members affects the welfare of the elderly and caregivers and has macroeconomic implications. In Eastern Europe, aging populations combined with under-developed care policy increase family care burdens, but the impact of care on labour force participation is understudied in this context. Using two waves of the Generations and Gender survey, we estimate the impact of care demand on paid employment in Bulgaria. We find that living with an elderly or disabled parent has a negative impact on employment for women and that this impact cannot be explained by reverse causality or unobserved individual characteristics. More developed care policy would benefit caregivers and would be likely to generate broader fiscal benefits.
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Boonen, Annelies, Tjinta Brinkhuizen, Robert Landewé, Désirée van der Heijde, and Johan L. Severens. "Impact of ankylosing spondylitis on sick leave, presenteeism and unpaid productivity, and estimation of the societal cost." Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 69, no. 6 (May 3, 2010): 1123–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/ard.2009.116764.

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AimTo describe the influence of ankylosing apondylitis (AS) on sick leave, presenteeism and unpaid work restrictions and to estimate related productivity costs.Methods142 consecutive and unselected patients with AS under the care of rheumatologists participated in a longitudinal observational study and completed the Health and Labour Questionnaire (HLQ) assessing disease-related sick leave, presenteeism and restrictions in unpaid work over the previous 2 weeks. Logistic regressions explored which explanatory variables were associated with work outcome. Productivity loss was valued in monetary terms.ResultsAmong 72 patients in paid employment, 12% had sick leave over a period of 2 weeks and 53% experienced an adverse influence of AS on work productivity while at work. Over this period they reported on average of 5.8 h sick leave and 2.4 inefficient working hours, for which they estimated an extra 1.9 h were needed to complete unfinished work. Among all patients (n=137), 71% had experienced restrictions in unpaid work during the previous 2 weeks with 42% needing help for these tasks for an average of 8 h. The annual production costs for the total group were €1451 (95% CI 425 to 2742) per patient for sick leave, €967 (95% CI 503 to 1496) to compensate for hours worked inefficiently while at work and €1930 (95% CI 1404 to 2471) to substitute loss of unpaid work production.ConclusionPatients with AS not only have substantial sick leave but also experience restrictions while being at work and when performing unpaid tasks. Limitations in physical functioning are strongly associated with work restrictions. Societal costs of formal and informal care are comparable with the costs of sick leave and presenteeism combined.
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Yamane, Sumika. "Gender equality, paid and unpaid care and domestic work: Disadvantages of state-supported marketization of care and domestic work." Japanese Political Economy 47, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 44–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2329194x.2021.1874826.

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Terpstra, Sietse ES, Lotte van de Stadt, Annelies Boonen, Wendy Damman, Frits Rosendaal, and Margreet Kloppenburg. "Hand osteoarthritis is associated with limitations in paid and unpaid work participation and related societal costs: the HOSTAS cohort." RMD Open 8, no. 2 (July 2022): e002367. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/rmdopen-2022-002367.

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ObjectivesData on work participation impairment and related societal costs for patients with hand osteoarthritis (OA) are scarce. Therefore, we aimed to investigate the association of hand OA with work limitations and costs of productivity loss in paid and unpaid work.MethodsWe used data from the Hand Osteoarthritis in Secondary Care cohort, including patients with hand OA diagnosed by their treating rheumatologist. Using the validated Health and Labour Questionnaire, we assessed experienced unpaid and paid work restrictions, unpaid work replacement by others and inefficiency and absence during paid work related to hand OA over the last 2 weeks. Societal costs (€) per hour of paid and unpaid work were estimated using Dutch salary data in 2019.Results381 patients were included (mean age 61 years, 84% women, 26% high education level, 55% having any comorbidity). Replacement of unpaid work by others due to hand OA was necessary for 171 out of 381 patients (45%). Paid work was reported by 181/381 patients (47%), of whom 13/181 (7%) reported absenteeism, 28/181 (15%) unproductive hours at work and 120/181 (66%) paid work restrictions due to hand OA.Total estimated work-related societal costs per patient with hand OA (381 patients) were €94 (95% CI 59 to 130) per 2 weeks (€2452, 95% CI 1528 to 3377 per year).ConclusionsHand OA is associated with impairment in paid and unpaid work participation, which translates into substantial societal costs of lost productivity. These results highlight the importance of adequate hand OA treatment.
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Bulog, Ivana, Sandra Pepur, and Ana Rimac Smiljanić. "Women's overload during the pandemic." Management 27, no. 1 (2022): 123–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.30924/mjcmi.27.1.8.

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This research examines the relationship between unpaid care work, financial well-being, and stress levels among women during the COVID 19 pandemic. The pandemic caused downturns in the economies of countries around the world and led to uncertainties and changes that created conditions for increased stress levels and consequently impaired well-being. In addition to social distancing and lock-down as measures to cope with the virus, working from home, home schooling, caring for sick and older family members, and financial problems have added burdens and have proven to be additional personal and family stressors. The findings are based on an online survey conducted among women during the second lock-down in Croatia. Additional unpaid care work and lower financial well-being affect the increased stress felt by women during the pandemic. This is especially pronounced among women who are more involved in paid work. During the pandemic, additional unpaid care work, increased involvement in paid work, and jeopardized financial well-being were found to be stressors for women. Our results clearly indicate the importance of women's free time for their own and their families' well-being.
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Schiek, Dagmar. "Collective Bargaining and Unpaid Care as Social Security Risk: An EU Perspective." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 36, Issue 3 (September 1, 2020): 387–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2020020.

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This article contributes to the debate on how collective agreements can enhance social security from the perspective of unpaid care work. It defines the risk of giving up employment in favour of unpaid care as a social security risk (the care risk). It analyses how collective agreements in the EU can address this risk without compromising gender equality. The analysis is conducted with a focus on analysing the risks emerging from European Union law on a regulatory practice yet to emerge: the inclusion of institutional (child) care provisions in collective agreements. The article concludes that it is disruptive for innovative collective bargaining strategies if interpreted from a standpoint focusing merely on economic integration. Occupational Social Security, Work-Life Balance, EU Competition Law, Collectively Agreed (Child) Care Institutions, European Union, EU Law
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PASCALL, GILLIAN, and JANE LEWIS. "Emerging Gender Regimes and Policies for Gender Equality in a Wider Europe." Journal of Social Policy 33, no. 3 (July 2004): 373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727940400772x.

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This article addresses some implications for gender equality and gender policy at European and national levels of transformations in family, economy and polity, which challenge gender regimes across Europe. Women's labour market participation in the west and the collapse of communism in the east have undermined the systems and assumptions of western male breadwinner and dual worker models of central and eastern Europe. Political reworking of the work/welfare relationship into active welfare has individualised responsibility. Individualisation is a key trend west – and in some respects east – and challenges the structures that supported care in state and family. The links that joined men to women, cash to care, incomes to carers have all been fractured. The article will argue that care work and unpaid care workers are both casualties of these developments. Social, political and economic changes have not been matched by the development of new gender models at the national level. And while EU gender policy has been admired as the most innovative aspect of its social policy, gender equality is far from achieved: women's incomes across Europe are well below men's; policies for supporting unpaid care work have developed modestly compared with labour market activation policies. Enlargement brings new challenges as it draws together gender regimes with contrasting histories and trajectories. The article will map social policies for gender equality across the key elements of gender regimes – paid work, care work, income, time and voice – and discuss the nature of a model of gender equality that would bring gender equality across these. It analyses ideas about a dual earner–dual carer model, in the Dutch combination scenario and ‘universal caregiver’ models, at household and civil society levels. These offer a starting point for a model in which paid and unpaid work are equally valued and equally shared between men and women, but we argue that a citizenship model, in which paid and unpaid work obligations are underpinned by social rights, is more likely to achieve gender equality.
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Craig, Lyn, and Brendan Churchill. "Unpaid Work and Care During COVID-19: Subjective Experiences of Same-Sex Couples and Single Mothers in Australia." Gender & Society 35, no. 2 (March 19, 2021): 233–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08912432211001303.

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This paper draws on data from Work and Care During COVID-19, an online survey of Australians during pandemic lockdown in May 2020 (n = 2,722). It focuses on how subsamples of lesbian, gay, and bisexual mothers and fathers in couples (n = 280) and single mothers (n = 480) subjectively experienced unpaid work and care during lockdown compared with heterosexual mothers and fathers in couples, and with partnered mothers, respectively. During the pandemic, nonheterosexual fathers’ subjective reports were less negative than those of their heterosexual counterparts, but differences between heterosexual and lesbian/bisexual mothers were more mixed. Unlike their partnered counterparts, more single mothers reported feeling satisfied than before with their balance of paid and unpaid work and how they spent their time overall during the pandemic, perhaps because they avoided partnership conflicts and particularly benefited from relaxed commuting and child care deadlines.
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Pupo, Norene, Nona Y. Glazer, and Cynthia Negrey. "Women's Paid and Unpaid Labor: The Work Transfer in Health Care and Retailing." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 2 (March 1994): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075273.

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48

Cook, Sarah, and Xiao-yuan Dong. "Harsh Choices: Chinese Women's Paid Work and Unpaid Care Responsibilities under Economic Reform." Development and Change 42, no. 4 (July 2011): 947–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.2011.01721.x.

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Rao, Nitya. "Global Agendas, Local Norms: Mobilizing around Unpaid Care and Domestic Work in Asia." Development and Change 49, no. 3 (March 23, 2018): 735–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dech.12390.

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Baines, Donna, Sara Charlesworth, and Tamara Daly. "Underpaid, unpaid, unseen, unheard and unhappy? Care work in the context of constraint." Journal of Industrial Relations 58, no. 4 (August 4, 2016): 449–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185616655981.

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