Academic literature on the topic 'Upper Pagan (Burma)'

Abstract This paper describes the linguistic and cultural influence of India on the countries of Indo-China in the 5th to 15th centuries A D. It is shown that India’s penetration into South-East Asia took the forms of Late Brahmanism ~ Early Hinduism and of Buddhism. Indian settlers were promoting different variants of Sanskrit written culture in Java. Differences between culturally dominant Sanskrit, the language of the Indian migrants, and the orally used Austronesian languages of Java were great; as a result of interaction between the two there appeared highly Sanskritized versions of Old Western Javanese (Kavi) and later also of Old Balinese. Between the 7th and 15th centuries a great number of literary texts in Kavi were created in Java. The influx of Indian culture into ancient Burma, realized mostly by the land-route and only partially by sea, implied two main waves differing linguistically: the Sanskrit-bound wave and the P āli-bound one. Under the influence of Sanskrit and numerous texts in Sanskrit a Mon script based on the Indian brāhmī was developed in Upper Burma in the 9th century; later on it became the national system of writing, in use even today. The starting point for the history of Pāli epigraphy and literature in Burma was 1058 AD when Theravāda Buddhism was proclaimed the state religion of the Pagan kingdom. In the 11th to 15th centuries a great number of works in different fields of knowledge appeared in Burma. T he language used in them was a creolized Pāli/Burmese resulting from the intensive linguistic interaction between Pāli and Sanskrit on one hand and the vernaculars on the other. The most important stages in the development of this language and of literary activity in it are characterized.

RESUMENDe entre todos los objetos, tiempos, espacios, palabras y seres que componen el mundo físico, algunos están investidos de un valor especial por cuanto se les atribuye la virtud de visibilizar las instancias invisibles de las que dependemos los mortales. Es lo sagrado. A lo sagrado se le depara un trato singular hecho de respeto, veneración o miedo, pero en ocasiones también de rencor y de odio por lo que encarna o representa. Es adorado, pero también, y acaso por las mismas razones, puede ser insultado, destruido, objeto de burla y, si tiene forma humana, martirizado o asesinado. La violencia contra lo sagrado puede caber en sistemas religiosos que le otorgan a la agresión un papel central en su universo mítico o ritual. También se ofende u agrede lo santo para grupos o pueblos a someter, puesto que en ello está resumido su orden del mundo. Desde esta perspectiva, el agravio, la irreverencia y el daño pasan a reclamar un lugar protagonista en los estudios sobre la institución religiosa de la cultura bajo las figuras del sacrilegio y la profanación.PALABRAS CLAVE: sagrado, profanación, sacrilegio, violencia religiosa, iconoclastia.ABSTRACTOf all the objects, times, spaces, words and beings that make up the physical world, some are invested with a special value because they are attributed the virtue of making visible the invisible instances on which we mortals depend. This is the sacred. The sacred is given a singular treatment combining respect, veneration or fear, but sometimes also resentment and hatred of what it embodies or represents. It is adored, but also, and perhaps for the same reasons, it can be insulted,destroyed, mocked and, if it has a human form, martyred or killed. Violence against the sacred can fit into religious systems that give aggression a central role in their mythical or ritual universe. Also offended or attacked is what is sacred for groups or peoples to be subdued, since in it an embodiment of their world order. From this perspective, aggravation, irreverence and damage occupy a central place in the studies on the religious institution of culture under the figures of sacrilege and profanation.KEY WORDS: sacred, profanation, sacrilege, religious violence, iconoclasm. BIBLIOGRAFÍAAgamben, G. (2005), Profanaciones, Barcelona, Anagrama.Arbeola, V. M. (1973), Socialismo y anticlericalismo, Madrid, Taurus.Arce Fustero, G. (2018), De espaldas a Cristo. Una historia del anticlericalisme en Colombia, 1849-1948, Medellín, Editorial Universidad de Medellín.Aston, M. (1988), England’s Iconoclasts, Oxford, Oxford University Press.Auzépy, M. F. (1987), “L’iconodulie: Défense de l’image ou de la devotion de l’image”, en Boesfplug, F. y Lossy, N. (comp.), Nicée II, 787-19 87. Douze siecles d’imagerie religieuse, París, Cerf, 157-164.Bataille, G. 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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2004.
"A thesis submitted in fulfilment of requirements for admission to the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, University of Sydney, 2004" Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.

The archaeological landscape of Upper Burma from the middle of the first millennium BC to the Bagan period in the 13th-14th century AD is a landscape of continuity. Finds of polished stone and bronze artifacts suggest the existence of early metal-using cultures in the Chindwin and Samon River Valleys, and along parts of the Ayeyarwady plain. Increasing technological and settlement complexity in the Samon Valley suggests that a distinctive culture whose agricultural and trade success can be read in the archaeological record of the Late Prehistoric period developed there. The appearance of the early urban "Pyu" system of walled central places during the early first millennium AD seems to have involved a spread of agricultural and management skills and population from the Samon. The leaders of the urban centres adopted Indic symbols and Sanskrit modes of kingship to enhance and extend their authority. The early urban system was subject over time to a range of stresses including siltation of water systems, external disruption and social changes as Buddhist notions of leadership eclipsed Brahmanical ones. The archaeological evidence indicates that a settlement was forming at Bagan during the last centuries of the first millennium AD. By the mid 11th century Bagan began to dominate Upper Burma, and the region began a transition from a system of largely autonomous city states to a centralised kingdom. Inscriptions of the 11th to 13th centuries indicate that as the Bagan Empire expanded it subsumed the agricultural lands that had been developed by the Pyu.

The relationship between Ava and Pegu was a symbiotic dualism: of time, space and type. Ava was not only a reformulation of something old, and Pegu, the genesis of something new, but as one was located in the agrarian Dry Zone and the other, on the commercial coasts, each was historically, materially, and in terms of general character, distinct. Whereas the Kingdom of Ava was essentially the resurrection of an old kingdom—Pagan writ small—Pegu was a new kingdom composed of new leaders, people, and cultures. Ava was a familiar, Upper Myanmar polity: the same material environment and demographic base, the same economic, social and political institutions, the same language, writing system, cosmology, and culture. Pegu, on the other hand, was a new, independent kingdom of Lower Myanmar, led by newcomers (the Mon speakers) who had migrated from what later became Thailand. Yet, because both Ava and Pegu were built on the same foundations (Pagan), both had certain common elements. They shared virtually the same religion and thought systems; similar social customs, values, and mores; familiar political and administrative principles; a common, even if contested, history; and certainly the same writing system. Whatever the dissimilarities were, they did not produce a binary situation of two irreconcilably antagonistic ethnic entities—Burman and Mon as convention has it—rather, these dissimilarities created a dualism of geo-political and cultural differences whose energy and dynamism came from the tension created precisely by those differences. In fact, Ava and Pegu’s relationship not only epitomized Southeast Asia’s “upstream-downstream” paradigm common throughout much of its history, it continues today in Naypyidaw and Yangon.