Journal articles on the topic 'Urbanisation durable'

La croissance urbaine accélérée et les mutations socio-économiques qu’a subies la ville de Tizi Ouzou, génèrent de plus en plus l’évolution des demandes en déplacement, en transport et en infrastructures routières, avec une situation marquée par la dominance du caractère rural et des contraintes topographiques qui produisent des obstacles vis-à-vis du développement urbain de cette région. On s'appuie dans cette étude sur la notion d'interaction "urbanisme-mobilité", dans un contexte marqué par une urbanisation spontanée et par un système de transport insuffisant qui ne serait pas susceptible de satisfaire la demande de la population. Mais plusieurs atouts sont favorables pour une meilleure gestion de la mobilité durable à Tizi Ouzou où la part modale du transport collectif est la plus dominante et les taux de motorisation sont encore faibles.

Camps are temporal spaces where refugees are provided with humanitarian aid until durable solutions are made possible. During this period of ‘endless waiting’, these camps are planned to be economically self-contained. However, through time, refugee camps tend to urbanise: their initial empty spaces transform into vibrant markets, habitats and social spaces. In response to this ‘unexpected’ - and sometimes ‘unwanted’ - process, the economically self-contained system of camps breaks. This paper looks into the emerging socio-economic dynamics in Zaatari camp in Jordan, on the light of its urbanisation process and the Jordanian economy. It first explains the how humanitarian aid is provided, and then shows how and why, refugees use it to diversify the economy of the camp. The findings of this paper are then articulated on the existing policies to reduce the financial aid such as ‘self-reliance’ and ‘development’.

Forest protection and conservation in Ivory Coast and its ressources were always been in political concern. That is why since its independance, Ivory Coast created an important network of protected areas in order to preserve its forest cover and its biodiversity. In spite of these efforts of forest conceptualization, the situation remains in crisis. Indeed the share of the National parks and Reserves undergo deep changes related to the anthropic pressures. Created in 1953 and located in the heart of the economic capital of the Ivory Coast, the National Park value does not escape such a situation. Indeed, the activities undertaken by populations living around this park and the fast urbanisation of the town of Abidjan represent an obstacle to the survival of the park. To suppress this situation, political measurements are installed for better managment of this park. This study aims to analyze the threats related to urban pressure on this park.

With population growth and rapid urbanisation leading to excessive waste generation in the construction sector and the scarcity of natural resources, such as natural fine aggregates, the demand for recycled alternatives has increased. In exploring the potential of recycled materials for construction materials, the present study investigated the performance of recycled concrete aggregate (RCA) and expanded perlite in mortar as a partial replacement for fine aggregates. Different percentages of RCA and expanded perlite were used. A consistent percentage of perlite was used: 0%, 10%, 15%, 20%, 25%, 30% and 35%. The RCA and expanded perlite were then mixed with other materials such as cement, water and fine aggregate. Flowability, compressive strength and flexural strength tests were carried out. It was found that a 90% replacement of RCA for each increasing percentage of perlite in the mortar mix resulted in a significant reduction in flow diameter. The compressive and flexural strength of the mortar increased with age. However, the flexural strength of the control mortar, which contained neither RCA nor perlite, consistently exceeded that of the mortar with these additives. The results provide valuable insights for the production of new materials in the construction industry, for waste management and for lightweight yet durable construction solutions.

Abstract Massive urbanisation and infrastructural development caused by the growing population have taken place during the last decades. This means that in a rapidly expanding world economy we are running out of land. This problem has led to the use of ground improvement techniques to enhance the usability of land masses that were once not considered suitable for the development of infrastructure. Geocell is an innovative soil stabilisation product for civil engineering and development of infrastructures. They are cell containment systems which have been produced as an easy and durable material to stabilise and protect the compaction of the soil. The environmental concern regarding the disposability of quarry dust powder (QDP), produced from production units of M-sand (Manufactured sand), is of concern to the environment. The statement that is “waste of one industry should become the raw material for another” and that drawback can be addressed effectively by using it to improve the geotechnical characteristics of the weak soil. The purpose of this study is to find the optimal geocell-layer geometry and optimum combination of QDP infills to produce less settlement at a particular load using PLAXIS 2D software. The characteristics that have been varied are quarry dust powder in infill, geocell material and frequency of loading. These parameters were used for simulations to study the response of load vs settlements and the FOS of the slope. The FOS on the slope on the terrain was found to be 4.5, a steady slope. An optimised reinforcing mattress was ultimately found out.

A Brazzaville, les dépendances vertes jouent un rôle important sur le bien-être et le cadre de vie des citadins. Cependant elles sont menacées de dégradation à cause d’une urbanisation mal contrôlée. Cette étude a été menée pour identifier et caractériser la biodiversité végétale de ces milieux. A cet effet, des relevés floristiques ont été réalisés au niveau de deux types de phytocénoses « dégradée » et « semi intacte » dans deux sites des quartiers périphériques de Ngamakosso et Sadelmi suivant un dispositif de 17 parcelles (30 m x 20 m). Au total, 205 espèces végétales reparties en 160 genres et 65 familles ont été inventoriées. La présence/abondance de certaines espèces et familles (Asteraceae, Rubiaceae, Poaceae) associée avec l’appréciable proportion des nanophanérophytes, révèle le caractère arbustif et perturbé de cette végétation sur des sols sableux et pauvres, favorables aux érosions. La conservation et la reconstitution des phytocénoses étudiées sont assurées grâce à des espèces endémiques, guinéo-congolaises et pantropicales, à très large distribution. Les connaissances acquises de cette étude suggèrent d’intégrer la problématique de l’aménagement des espaces végétalisés urbains dans les politiques de développement durable de la ville. Mots clés : Richesse floristique, biodiversité urbaine, phytocénose, conservation, reconstitution. English Title: Floristic diversity of peri-urban green dependencies in Brazzaville (Congo) threatened by degradation In Brazzaville, green dependencies have an important role in the well-being and living environment of city dwellers. However, they are threatened with degradation due to poorly controlled urbanization. This study was conducted to identify and characterize the plant biodiversity of these habitats. For this purpose, floristic surveys were carried out at the level of two kinds of "degraded" and "semi intact" phytocenosis at two sites in the outlying areas of Ngamakosso and Sadelmi following a scheme of 17 plots (30 m x 20 m). In total, 205 plant species distributed into 160 genera and 65 families were inventoried. The presence/abundance of certain species and families (Asteraceae, Rubiaceae, Poaceae) associated with the significant proportion of nanophanerophytes, revealed the shrubby and disturbed character of this vegetation on sandy, poor and erosive soils. The conservation and reconstitution of the studied phytocenosis are ensured by endemic, Guineo-Congolese and pantropical species, with very wide distribution. The knowledge acquired from this study suggests integrating the issue of vegetative landscaping into the city’s sustainable development policies. Keywords: Floristic richness, urban biodiversity, phytocenosis, conservation, reconstitution

El bosque de Montmorency tiene hoy día una extensión de 2.400 hectáreas ; ocupa las cumbres de un vigoroso cerrillo terciario de 8 km de largo por 3 km de ancho, de forma rectangular, amazacotado y regular al Oeste, más recortado hacia el Este, orientado Noreste/Sureste como los que le rodean : los bosques de Camelie, de l'Isle-Adam y el cerrillo de Sannois. El bosque de Montmorency domina los demás con un talud cóncavo de un centenar de metros al Suroeste, el valle de Montmorency, y de forma menos brusca hacia el Este la llanura de Francia. Su extremidad Sur está situada a menos de 15km de París. Esta proximidad no ha impedido una buena resistencia a la urbanización de la que hoy día se alegran y sorprenden sus defensores. Bosque periurbano, se beneficia de las disposiciones de la ley del 10 de julio de 1976 sobre la protección de la naturaleza y está clasificado como bosque de protección. Pero entre el final de la Primera Guerra mundial y la crisis económica de los años treinta, las regiones periforestales, valle de Montmorency y llanura de Francia, conocen como el resto de las cercanías del Sena y del Sena y Oise, el «gran auge de las parcelas» (Jean Bastió) integrándolas a la periferia urbana lo que conlleva una disminución de las actividades hortícolas y de la agricultura especializada y una mutación acelerada de las funciones periurbanas. A lo largo de la red ferroviaria del Norte, cuyos efectos ha descrito René Clozier, las parcelas rodean el bosque de Montmorency, lo cercan y algunas se le aproximan, pero no ocasionan salvo excepción, ningún retroceso importante del espacio forestal : no se rotura para parcelar, a pesar de la rápida densiñcación del espacio urbano y del crecimiento de la población en el valle de Montmorency. Este respeto de los espacios forestales por parte de la urbanización individual y especulativa de la fase del parcelamiento, en lo que va de una guerra mundial a otra, es un problema que trasciende las explicaciones inmediatas de la topografía y de la geografía. Bien es verdad que es más fácil parcelar en la llanura y que el bosque de Montmorency está situado en un cerrillo relativamente empinado ; es evidente que el proprietario de una parcela es un habitante de la periferia al que le repugna alejarse de las estaciones y éstas están ausentes del macizo forestal. Pero el estudio detenido de las parcelas de las comunas periforestales en vías de urbanización alrededor del bosque de Montmorency, llevado a cabo gracias a los informes de las Asociaciones sindicales de parcelamiento conservados en los Archivos comunales, incita a plantearse otras preguntas, a ir más allá de las ingenuidades del análisis topográfico y ferroviario, y a interrogarse sobre las estrategias de especulación urbana de las poblaciones de la periferia. En esta perspectiva el bosque de la periferia interpreta un papel complejo de atracción y repulsión cuyo estudio puede aportar mucho a la comprensión de los fenómenos de crecimiento urbano. Se pondrán pues de relieve tres aspectos : especificidad del período que va de una guerra mundial a otra durante el cual se deja de parcelar el bosque ; actitud de los actores de la política urbana - los que parcelan, los que compran las parcelas, las comunas, y el Estado - ; papel del bosque periurbano en la elaboración de la jerarquía de los espacios de los habitantes de la periferia.

ObjectivesSales of ultraprocessed foods (UPFs) and beverages are rising in low-income and middle-income countries. Such foods are often linked with weight gain, obesity, type 2 diabetes and hypertension—diseases that are on the rise in India. This paper analysed patterns in purchases of processed and UPF by urban Indian households.SettingPanel data from Kantar —Worldpanel Division, India for 2013 and 2016.Participants58 878 urban Indian households.MethodsWe used K-mean partition clustering and multivariate regression to analyse patterns in processed food (PF) and UPF purchase for urban India.ResultsThree-quarters of urban Indian households purchased over ten PF groups. Mean per person annual PF purchase was 150 kg. UPF purchase was low at 6.4 kg in 2016 but had grown by 6% since 2013. Cluster analysis identified three patterns of consumption, characterised by low (54% of the households in 2016), medium (36%) and high (10%) PF purchase quantities. High cluster households purchased over three times as much PFs and UPF as the low cluster households. Notably, salt purchases were persistently high across clusters in both years (>3.3 kg), while sweet snack and ready-to-eat food purchases grew consistently in all clusters between 2013 and 2016. A positive and significant association was found between household purchases of UPF and their socioeconomic status as well as ownership of durables, such as refrigerator, colour television and washing machine (all p<0.001). Spatial characteristics including size of town (p<0.05) in which the household is located were also positively associated with the purchase of UPF.ConclusionResults suggest the need for tailored regional and city level interventions to curb the low but growing purchase of UPF. New data on obesity and rise of non-communicable diseases, the results are concerning given the links between lifestyle changes and the speed of urbanisation in Indian cities.

Robust metropolitan governance is increasingly viewed as necessary to address important economic, social and environmental problems. In this context, this article surveys recent developments in Canadian metropolitan governance. Canada was admired in the post-war period for the effectiveness of its two-tier and unitary metropolitan governments; however, few survive today as urbanisation patterns have become increasingly polycentric and intergovernmental relations more conflictual. Three models have emerged in Canada, sometimes in combination with one another: the multi-purpose regional intergovernmental organisation, the single-purpose metropolitan agency, and the provincial metropolitan policy overlay. Examples of each are discussed, with an emphasis on the interplay of horizontal (intermunicipal) and vertical (provincial–municipal) intergovernmental relations. Ultimately, provincial governments are by virtue of their constitutional authority and spending power the only actors capable of establishing and maintaining durable institutions and policies of metropolitan scope, and they have chosen to do so in Canada’s largest and most urbanised provinces.

Resumen: En este artículo se aborda el surgimiento del chabolismo en la ciudad de Madrid durante la década de 1950, así como la intervención y gestión sobre esta realidad por parte de las autoridades de la dictadura franquista. A través del caso del Pozo del Tío Raimundo, barrio chabolista del sur de la ciudad, se pretende demostrar que las construcciones irregulares que se levantaban en la periferia de Madrid no eran meros asentamientos espontáneos, sino que respondieron a un modelo de urbanización marginal. El acercamiento a un espacio concreto permite analizar las características dadas por el contexto de la dictadura franquista al modelo de urbanización marginal en Madrid, atendiendo no solo a la normativa promulgada por la dictadura sino también a la actuación desplegada en un núcleo concreto.Palabras clave: Urbanización marginal, barrios marginales, chabolismo, franquismo, Pozo del Tío Raimundo, Madrid.Abstract: Our study covers the emergence of “chabolismo” in the city of Madrid in the 50’s decade, as well as the intervention and management of the authorities on this reality during the Francoist dictatorship. Through the study of the case of Pozo del Tío Raimundo, a shanty town in the south of the city, we aim to show that the irregular constructions built around the outskirts of the city were not spontaneous settlements but were part of a model of informal urbanisation. The approach to a concrete space lets us link the characteristics provided by the context of the Francoist dictatorship to the model of informal urbanisation in Madrid, considering not only the dictatorship’s laws, but also the actions taken on a specific district.Keywords: Informal urbanization, slums, chabolismo, Francoism, Pozo del Tío Raimundo, Madrid.

This paper seeks to situate 'chat' in the context of an evolving media-scape. I will argue that for at least a century and half new media have been expanding the spatial scale of communications, and in so doing altering the local contexts in which individuals communicate. This development is closely aligned with the genesis and evolution of an urban form that is itself significantly reliant on these new types of mediated communication. Individuals pursuing their everyday life in this environment must, as a matter of course, negotiate a complex array of media and communications. In doing so, they must also move through a range of media spaces on a continuum from the local to the global. Chat -- defined here as informal face-to-face conversation conducted in the familiarity of a shared context1 -- is a form of communication that seems to have persisted despite the changes noted above. Chat, then, provides a point of comparison from which to assess the effect of mediated communication. It also provides a link to a local communications space. I will argue that this local communications space is where individuals 'make sense' of a communications environment that operates primarily on a scale well beyond the local and well beyond that which most of us can hope to affect. The Rise of the Global, the Decline of the Local Carey (1981) argues that in the United States during the 19th century, as local communications were supplanted by a centralised national communications grid, local cultures and local politics were also supplanted. For Carey, the example of the telegraph is particularly relevant. He notes that the telegraph enabled communication to move faster than transportation for the first time (Communications as Culture 204-5). Giving the example of the trading of commodities, Carey argues that this property made the telegraph a powerful agent of decentralisation. The speed with which the telegraph could deliver business information allowed it to eliminate spatial differences by connecting all places within its network on an equal basis. In his words, "the telegraph puts everyone in the same place for the purposes of trade; it made geography irrelevant" (Communications as Culture 217). Yet despite this property of the medium of telegraphy, the establishment of a telegraph system in the United States only served to reinforce the dominance of New York as the central hub in the national network of transport and communications. The predominance of New York was established as early as the 1840s with the development of significant canal and railroad systems and although: this pattern of information movement has been importantly altered since the 1840s, its persistence, at least in outline, is even more striking ... despite the enormous size of the United States, a particular pattern of geographic concentration developed that gave inordinate power to certain urban centres. This development undercut local and regional culture. (Carey, "Culture, Geography, and Communications" 82)2 Thus the new medium of telegraphy expanded the scale of communication, bringing with it both the capacity to extend the individual beyond his or her own locality and the ability to make a particular locality and the individuals in it irrelevant. Carey concludes that the way electronic communications were initially deployed in the United States intensified the strength of the central communications hub. This increased the spatial extension and power of some at the hub, but with powerful and negative consequences for many local communities. McLuhan similarly emphasised the transformative power particularly of electronic communications, as illustrated in his now famous statement: In a culture like ours, long accustomed to splitting and dividing all things as a means of control, it is sometimes a bit of a shock to be reminded that the medium is the message. This is merely to say that the personal and social consequences of any medium -- that is, of any extension of ourselves -- result from the new scale that is introduced into our affairs by each extension of ourselves, or by any new technology. (McLuhan 15) The Rise of the Urban and a More Mediated Local Context Baldastry's study The Commercialisation of News in the Nineteenth Century shows a similar triumph of a medium able to command an expanded spatial reach over a more localised medium. It also demonstrates the changing role of media in the social relations of an increasingly urbanised population. Baldastry contrasts an earlier and more local partisan press with what was, then, an emergent large scale, fully commercial press (Baldastry 139). While the partisan newspapers of the earlier part of the 19th century needed to raise money to publish, their primary motivation was politics. The partisan press expressed strong views and assumed an already existing stock of knowledge embedded in the small community which formed its readership: The prototypical partisan newspaper of the Jacksonian era had a small circulation (a few hundred), appeared weekly, and circulated within its own region. Its readers were the inhabitants of small villages and towns, and local farmers. Word of mouth supplied the everyday news. (Baldastry 49) Increased urbanisation during the 19th century created a large, more easily accessible and more literate mass market for newspapers and their advertisers. By the 1850s, virtually every family in New York City was buying a newspaper. By 1880, six cities consumed 50% of the country's daily sheets (Baldastry 49). At the same time urban dwellers had a greater need for the news of events in their cities because the greater complexity of social organisation and weakened face-to-face ties meant it could not be provided in the traditional way. It could be said that urbanisation created new roles for the newspaper as the surveyor and synthesiser of large and dispersed urban populations (Baldastry 142). Following Berland, it can also be argued that the mass circulation commercial newspaper was also a constituent element in this urban form.3 The new media space provided by the mass circulation newspaper can be seen as an enabling element in the new form of social and spatial organisation present in the city. From this perspective, the evolution of the mass circulation press was both a response to and an agent in the rapid expansion of large metropolitan centres. Local News Mediating the Global in Local Terms There is little doubt that the complexity, scale and amount of mediation has increased significantly since these times. It is, then, interesting to reflect on the role that chat, particularly face-to-face chat, continues to play in a more intensely mediated society. In a world where so much social interaction occurs through communications media, chat may be a subversive element to a certain extent. Its happenstance form is 'other' to mediated communications. It produces its own communicative space in a random and ad-hoc manner. It lies outside the market and the state. However, mediated communications form an important context for chat. In particular, I believe that the role that chat may play in empowering individuals as they traverse this increasingly complex media scape will be reinforced by the availability of local media, with news media being a critical example of local media. The local news, weather, sport and advertising carried by local newspapers and the local windows of radio and television are all important contexts for chat. One of the reasons for this is that we can assume some level of shared knowledge or interest about these topics. At one level, a globalised media may bring us all together; for example, United States produced film and television programming might provide something to chat about for people of many nations and across most localities within Australia. However, for most of us, the realm of our personal effectivity -- what we can hope to influence and what affects us -- is highly local in character. As the preceding discussion points out, and as supported by analysis of Australian media4, the economics of media mean that continued viability of local news can not be guaranteed. In contemplating the absence of local news media it is instructive to think of the gap this creates between the places where the big decisions are made -- the State, national and global metropoles -- and the reporting of the effects of these decisions in our various locales. While it is easy enough to criticise local media for being parochial (what media isn't?) such a gap is profoundly dis-empowering. Also absent is any active construction of the local; that is, the binding together which comes from near universal access to media with a local context. One example of how local news media can work to both construct a local identity and to act as an intermediary between the local and the global is provided by Richardson in her analysis of Tamworth's local newspaper. She argues that by constructing a local 'world view' the local newspaper exerts a strong influence on how people make sense of global phenomena. While not necessarily cohering with the reality of life in Tamworth, this local 'world view' significantly influences the way local people deal with a world beyond the town which is in many ways threatening. Thus, through the pages of the local news "the country has actually appropriated even assimilated many of the notions that are most often associated with change [globalisation] in today's society, it also seems that this assimilation is on the country's terms" (Richardson 4). Unmediated chat may then be viewed as a sort of micro-local communication5. It operates on a much smaller scale than even local news media. However, local media may well be a significant resource used by people chatting about, trying to make sense of and seeking to act in a world in which communications media are becoming increasingly global. Chat is then one aspect of a complex communications environment where individuals routinely navigate through a range of media spaces -- from the most local through to the most global -- in the course of a day. It can also be seen as a potential site for subversion, appropriation and assimilation of communications and media operating on larger scales. The notion of 'transition discourse', introduced by Wills, may be a productive way of beginning to think about this issue. Transition discourses are the processes of temporary cultures that are essential to explain change. Thus, transition discourses are also temporary mannerisms and body techniques of 'habitus'. "Habitus refers to specialised techniques and ingrained knowledges which enable people to negotiate the different departments of existence" (Wills 3, qtd. in Craik). Both chat and local media may then serve as transition discourses, helping us to assimilate a constantly changing media-scape. Footnotes Communications media such as the telephone and e-mail support types of chat that do not fit this definition. These contexts are worthy of separate investigation. It is relevant to note that Carey's (1981) work is in turn influenced by the Canadian communications theorist, Harold Innis. Innis was not only a seminal communications theorist in his own right but also a major influence on the more famous Marshall McLuhan. In particular, Carey's argument that technological innovation in the medium of communications is central to social change draws on Innis's binary opposition between space binding and time binding media. Here any given medium is biased in terms of control of time or of space. Importantly for this discussion, time-binding media are associated very closely with oral culture, while space-binding media such as the telegraph are associated with demise of oral culture. For example, stone tablets are difficult to transport but durable and thus time-biased; while paper is easy to transport, but far less durable and thus space-biased. This bias will affect the type of social organisation possible and promote the growth of some types of institutions at the expense of others. Space-binding media facilitate the growth of empire because they "encourage a concern with expansion and the present ... the growth of the state, the military, and decentralised and expansionist institutions" (Carey, "Harold Innis and Marshall McLuhan" 275). On the other hand, time-binding media are said to encourage a concern with cultural maintenance, the past, religion, hierarchical organisation and contractionist institutions (Carey, "Harold Innis and Marshall McLuhan" 275). Berland's argument is based on the example of the spatial impact of television on the suburban form of cities in the post World War Two era. See O'Regan and Frankland for discussions of the impact of changes within broadcast television on locality specific content in regional Australia and in the capital cities. It is, in part, dependent upon the way we move through the physical space of our towns and suburbs. References Baldastry, Gerald. The Commercialization of the News in the 19th Century. Wisconsin: U of Wisconsin P, 1992. Berland, Jody. "Angels Dancing: Cultural Technologies and the Production of Space." Cultural Studies. Ed. Lawrence Grossberg. New York: Routledge, 1992. 38-55. Carey, James. Communications as Culture. London: Unwin Hyman, 1989. ---. "Culture, Geography, and Communications: The Work of Harold Innis in an American Context." Culture, Communication and Dependency. W. Melody, L. Salter, and P. Heyer, eds. New Jersey: Ablex, 1981. 73-91. ---. "Harold Innis and Marshall McLuhan." McLuhan Pro and Con. Ed. R. Rosenthal. Baltimore: Pelican, 1969. 270-308. Craik, J. The Face of Fashion: Cultural Studies in Fashion. London: Routledge, 1994. Frankland, Mark. "Australian Television as Communications Space, Programming Space and Public Space." Unpublished doctoral dissertation, La Trobe University, Melbourne, 1999. Innis, Harold. Empire and Communications. London: Oxford UP, 1950. McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding the Media: The Extensions of Man. London: Sage, 1967. Warwick Mules. "Virtual Culture, Time and Images: Beyond Representation." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.2 (2000). 19 Aug. 2000 <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/images.php>. O'Regan, Tom."Towards a High Communication Policy: Assessing Recent Changes within Australian Broadcasting." Continuum 2.1 (1988): 135-58. Catherine Richardson. "The Politics of a Country Culture: State of Mind or State of Being?" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.2 (2000). 19 Aug. 2000 <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/country.php>. Nadine Wills. "Clothing Borders: Transition Discourses, National Costumes and the Boundaries of Culture." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.2 (2000). 19 Aug. 2000 <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/clothing.php>. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Mark Frankland. "Chatting in the Neighbourhood -- Does It Have a Place in the World of Globalised Media?." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.4 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0008/media.php>. Chicago style: Mark Frankland, "Chatting in the Neighbourhood -- Does It Have a Place in the World of Globalised Media?," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 4 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0008/media.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Mark Frankland. (2000) Chatting in the neighbourhood -- does it have a place in the world of globalised media?. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(4). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0008/media.php> ([your date of access]).

‘Bitzer,’ said Thomas Gradgrind. ‘Your definition of a horse.’‘Quadruped. Graminivorous. Forty teeth, namely twenty-four grinders, four eye-teeth, and twelve incisive. Sheds coat in the spring; in marshy countries, sheds hoofs, too. Hoofs hard, but requiring to be shod with iron. Age known by marks in mouth.’ Thus (and much more) Bitzer.‘Now girl number twenty,’ said Mr. Gradgrind. ‘You know what a horse is.’— Charles Dickens, Hard Times (1854)Dickens’s famous pedant, Thomas Gradgrind, was not an anomaly. He is the pedagogical manifestation of the rise of quantification in modernism that was the necessary adjunct to massive urbanisation and industrialisation. His classroom caricatures the dominant epistemic modality of modern global democracies, our unwavering trust in numbers, “data”, and reproductive predictability. This brief quotation from Hard Times both presents and parodies the 19th century’s displacement of what were previously more commonly living and heterogeneous existential encounters with events and things. The world had not yet been made predictably repetitive through industrialisation, standardisation, law, and ubiquitous codes of construction. Theirs was much more a world of unique events and not the homogenised and orthodox iteration of standardised knowledge. Horses and, by extension, all entities and events gradually were displaced by their rote definitions: individuals of a so-called natural kind were reduced to identicals. Further, these mechanical standardisations were and still are underwritten by mapping them into a numerical and extensive characterisation. On top of standardised objects and procedures appeared assigned numerical equivalents which lent standardisation the seemingly apodictic certainty of deductive demonstrations. The algebraic becomes the socially enforced criterion for the previously more sensory, qualitative, and experiential encounters with becoming that were more likely in pre-industrial life. Here too, we see that the function of this reproductive protocol is not just notational but is the sine qua non for, in Althusser’s famous phrase, the manufacture of citizens as “subject subjects”, those concrete individuals who are educated to understand themselves ideologically in an imaginary relation with their real position in any society’s self-reproduction. Here, however, ideology performs that operation through that nominally least political of cognitive modes, the supposed friend of classical Marxism’s social science, the mathematical. The historical onset of this social and political reproductive hegemony, this uniform supplanting of time’s ineluctable differencing with the parasite of its associated model, can partial be found in the formation of metrics. Before the 19th century, the measures of space and time were local. Units of length and weight varied not just between nations but often by municipality. These parochial standards reflected indigenous traditions, actualities, personalities, and needs. This variation in measurement standards suggested that every exchange or judgment of kind and value relied upon the specificity of that instance. Every evaluation of an instance required perceptual acuity and not the banality of enumeration constituted by commodification and the accounting practices intrinsic to centralised governance. This variability in measure was complicated by similar variability in the currencies of the day. Thus, barter presented the participants with complexities and engagements of skills and discrete observation completely alien to the modern purchase of duplicate consumer objects with stable currencies. Almost nothing of life was iterative: every exchange was, more or less, an anomaly. However, in 1790, immediately following the French Revolution and as a central manifestation of its movement to rational democratisation, Charles Maurice de Talleyrand proposed a metrical system to the French National Assembly. The units of this metric system, based originally on observable features of nature, are now formally codified in all scientific practice by seven physical constants. Further, they are ubiquitous now in almost all public exchanges between individuals, corporations, and states. These units form a coherent and extensible structure whose elements and rules are subject to seemingly lossless symbolic exchange in a mathematic coherence aided by their conformity to decimal representation. From 1960, their basic contemporary form was established as the International System of Units (SI). Since then, all but three of the countries of the world (Myanmar, Liberia, and the United States), regardless of political organisation and individual history, have adopted these standards for commerce and general measurement. The uniformity and rational advantage of this system is easily demonstrable in just the absurd variation in the numeric bases of the Imperial / British system which uses base 16 for ounces/pounds, base 12 for inches/feet, base three for feet/yards, base 180 for degrees between freezing and cooling, 43,560 square feet per acre, eights for division of inches, etc. Even with its abiding antagonism to the French, Britain officially adopted the metric system as was required by its admission to the EU in 1973. The United States is the last great holdout in the public use of the metric system even though SI has long been the standard wanted by the federal government. At first, the move toward U.S. adoption was promising. Following France and rejecting England’s practice, America was founded on a decimal currency system in 1792. In 1793, Jefferson requested a copy of the standard kilogram from France in a first attempt to move to the metric system: however, the ship carrying the copy was captured by pirates. Indeed, The Metric Conversion Act of 1975 expressed a more serious national intention to adopt SI, but after some abortive efforts, the nation fell back into the more archaic measurements dominant since before its revolution. However, the central point remains that while the U.S. is unique in its public measurement standard among dominant powers, it is equally committed to the hegemonic application of a numerical rendition of events.The massive importance of this underlying uniformity is that it supplies the central global mechanism whereby the world’s chaotic variation is continuously parsed and supplanted into comparable, intelligible, and predictable units that understand individuating difference as anomaly. Difference, then, is understood in this method not as qualitative and intensive, which it necessarily is, but quantitative and extensive. Like Gradgrind’s “horse”, the living and unique thing is rendered through the Apollonian dream of standardisation and enumeration. While differencing is the only inherent quality of time’s chaotic flow, accounting and management requite iteration. To order the reproduction of modern society, the unique individuating differences that render an object as “this one”, what the Medieval logicians called haecceities, are only seen as “accidental” and “non-essential” deviations. This is not just odd but illogical since these very differences allow events to be individuated items so to appear as countable at all. As Leibniz’s principle, the indiscernibility of identicals, suggests, the application of the metrical same to different occasions is inherently paradoxical: if each unit were truly the same, there could only be one. As the etymology of “anomaly” suggests, it is that which is unexpected, irregular, out of line, or, going back to the Greek, nomos, at variance with the law. However, as the only “law” that always is at hand is the so-called “Second Law of Thermodynamics”, the inconsistently consistent roiling of entropy, the evident theoretical question might be, “how is anomaly possible when regularity itself is impossible?” The answer lies not in events “themselves” but exactly in the deductive valorisations projected by that most durable invention of the French Revolution adumbrated above, the metric system. This seemingly innocuous system has formed the reproductive and iterative bias of modern post-industrial perceptual homogenisation. Metrical modeling allows – indeed, requires – that one mistake the metrical changeling for the experiential event it replaces. Gilles Deleuze, that most powerful French metaphysician (1925-1995) offers some theories to understand the seminal production (not reproduction) of disparity that is intrinsic to time and to distinguish it from its homogenised representation. For him, and his sometime co-author, Felix Guattari, time’s “chaosmosis” is the host constantly parasitised by its symbolic model. This problem, however, of standardisation in the face of time’s originality, is obscured by its very ubiquity; we must first denaturalise the seemingly self-evident metrical concept of countable and uniform units.A central disagreement in ancient Greece was between the proponents of physis (often translated as “nature” but etymologically indicative of growth and becoming, process and not fixed form) and nomos (law or custom). This is one of the first ethical and so political debates in Western philosophy. For Heraclitus and other pre-Socratics, the emphatic character of nature was change, its differencing dynamism, its processual but not iterative character. In anticipation of Hume, Sophists disparaged nomos (νόμος) as simply the habituated application of synthetic law and custom to the fluidity of natural phenomena. The historical winners of this debate, Plato and the scientific attitudes of regularity and taxonomy characteristic of his best pupil, Aristotle, have dominated ever since, but not without opponents.In the modern era, anti-enlightenment figures such as Hamann, Herder, and the Schlegel brothers gave theoretical voice to romanticism’s repudiation of the paradoxical impulses of the democratic state for regulation and uniformity that Talleyrand’s “revolutionary” metrical proposal personified. They saw the correlationalism (as adumbrated by Meillassoux) between thought and thing based upon their hypothetical equitability as a betrayal of the dynamic physis that experience presented. Variable infinity might come either from the character of God or nature or, as famously in Spinoza’s Ethics, both (“deus sive natura”). In any case, the plenum of nature was never iterative. This rejection of metrical regularity finds its synoptic expression in Nietzsche. As a classicist, Nietzsche supplies the bridge between the pre-Socratics and the “post-structuralists”. His early mobilisation of the Apollonian, the dream of regularity embodied in the sun god, and the Dionysian, the drunken but inarticulate inexpression of the universe’s changing manifold, gives voice to a new resistance to the already dominate metrical system. His is a new spin of the mythic representatives of Nomos and physis. For him, this pair, however, are not – as they are often mischaracterised – in dialectical dialogue. To place them into the thesis / antithesis formulation would be to give them the very binary character that they cannot share and to, tacitly, place both under Apollo’s procedure of analysis. Their modalities are not antithetical but mutually exclusive. To represent the chaotic and non-iterative processes of becoming, of physis, under the rubric of a common metrics, nomos, is to mistake the parasite for the host. In its structural hubris, the ideological placebo of metrical knowing thinks it non-reductively captures the multiplicity it only interpellates. In short, the polyvalent, fluid, and inductive phenomena that empiricists try to render are, in their intrinsic character, unavailable to deductive method except, first, under the reductive equivalence (the Gradgrind pedagogy) of metrical modeling. This incompatibility of physis and nomos was made manifest by David Hume in A Treatise of Human Nature (1739-40) just before the cooptation of the 18th century’s democratic revolutions by “representative” governments. There, Hume displays the Apollonian dream’s inability to accurately and non-reductively capture a phenomenon in the wild, free from the stringent requirements of synthetic reproduction. His argument in Book I is succinct.Now as we call every thing custom, which proceeds from a past repetition, without any new reasoning or conclusion, we may establish it as a certain truth, that all the belief, which follows upon any present impression, is deriv'd solely from that origin. (Part 3, Section 8)There is nothing in any object, consider'd in itself, which can afford us a reason for drawing a conclusion beyond it; ... even after the observation of the frequent or constant conjunction of objects, we have no reason to draw any inference concerning any object beyond those of which we have had experience. (Part 3, Section 12)The rest of mankind ... are nothing but a bundle or collection of different perceptions, which succeed each other with an inconceivable rapidity, and are in a perpetual flux and movement. (Part 4, Section 6)In sum, then, nomos is nothing but habit, a Pavlovian response codified into a symbolic representation and, pragmatically, into a reproductive protocol specifically ordered to exclude anomaly, the inherent chaotic variation that is the hallmark of physis. The Apollonian dream that there can be an adequate metric of unrestricted natural phenomena in their full, open, turbulent, and manifold becoming is just that, a dream. Order, not chaos, is the anomaly. Of course, Kant felt he had overcome this unacceptable challenge to rational application to induction after Hume woke him from his “dogmatic slumber”. But what is perhaps one of the most important assertions of the critiques may be only an evasion of Hume’s radical empiricism: “there are only two ways we can account for the necessary agreement of experience with the concepts of its objects: either experience makes these concepts possible or these concepts make experience possible. The former supposition does not hold of the categories (nor of pure sensible intuition) ... . There remains ... only the second—a system ... of the epigenesis of pure reason” (B167). Unless “necessary agreement” means the dictatorial and unrelenting insistence in a symbolic model of perception of the equivalence of concept and appearance, this assertion appears circular. This “reading” of Kant’s evasion of the very Humean crux, the necessary inequivalence of a metric or concept to the metered or defined, is manifest in Nietzsche.In his early “On Truth and Lies in a Nonmoral Sense” (1873), Nietzsche suggests that there is no possible equivalence between a concept and its objects, or, to use Frege’s vocabulary, between sense or reference. We speak of a "snake" [see “horse” in Dickens]: this designation touches only upon its ability to twist itself and could therefore also fit a worm. What arbitrary differentiations! What one-sided preferences, first for this, then for that property of a thing! The various languages placed side by side show that with words it is never a question of truth, never a question of adequate expression; otherwise, there would not be so many languages. The "thing in itself" (which is precisely what the pure truth, apart from any of its consequences, would be) is likewise something quite incomprehensible to the creator of language and something not in the least worth striving for. This creator only designates the relations of things to men, and for expressing these relations he lays hold of the boldest metaphors.The literal is always already a reductive—as opposed to literature’s sometimes expansive agency—metaphorisation of events as “one of those” (a token of “its” type). The “necessary” equivalence in nomos is uncovered but demanded. The same is reproduced by the habitual projection of certain “essential qualities” at the expense of all those others residing in every experiential multiplicity. Only in this prison of nomos can anomaly appear: otherwise all experience would appear as it is, anomalous. With this paradoxical metaphor of the straight and equal, Nietzsche inverts the paradigm of scientific expression. He reveals as a repressive social and political obligation the symbolic assertion homology where actually none can be. Supposed equality and measurement all transpire within an Apollonian “dream within a dream”. The concept captures not the manifold of chaotic experience but supplies its placebo instead by an analytic tautology worthy of Gradgrind. The equivalence of event and definition is always nothing but a symbolic iteration. Such nominal equivalence is nothing more than shifting events into a symbolic frame where they can be commodified, owned, and controlled in pursuit of that tertiary equivalence which has become the primary repressive modality of modern societies: money. This article has attempted, with absurd rapidity, to hint why some ubiquitous concepts, which are generally considered self-evident and philosophically unassailable, are open not only to metaphysical, political, and ethical challenge, but are existentially unjustified. All this was done to defend the smaller thesis that the concept of anomaly is itself a reflection of a global misrepresentation of the chaos of becoming. This global substitution expresses a conservative model and measure of the world in the place of the world’s intrinsic heterogenesis, a misrepresentation convenient for those who control the representational powers of governance. In conclusion, let us look, again too briefly, at a philosopher who neither accepts this normative world picture of regularity nor surrenders to Nietzschean irony, Gilles Deleuze.Throughout his career, Deleuze uses the word “pure” with senses antithetical to so-called common sense and, even more, Kant. In its traditional concept, pure means an entity or substance whose essence is not mixed or adulterated with any other substance or material, uncontaminated by physical pollution, clean and immaculate. The pure is that which is itself itself. To insure intelligibility, that which is elemental, alphabetic, must be what it is itself and no other. This discrete character forms the necessary, if often tacit, precondition to any analysis and decomposition of beings into their delimited “parts” that are subject to measurement and measured disaggregation. Any entity available for structural decomposition, then, must be pictured as constituted exhaustively by extensive ones, measurable units, its metrically available components. Dualism having established as its primary axiomatic hypothesis the separability of extension and thought must now overcome that very separation with an adequacy, a one to one correspondence, between a supposedly neatly measurable world and ideological hegemony that presents itself as rational governance. Thus, what is needed is not only a purity of substance but a matching purity of reason, and it is this clarification of thought, then, which, as indicated above, is the central concern of Kant’s influential and grand opus, The Critique of Pure Reason.Deleuze heard a repressed alternative to the purity of the measured self-same and equivalent that, as he said about Plato, “rumbled” under the metaphysics of analysis. This was the dark tradition he teased out of the Stoics, Ockham, Gregory of Rimini, Nicholas d’Autrecourt, Spinoza, Meinong, Bergson, Nietzsche, and McLuhan. This is not the purity of identity, A = A, of metrical uniformity and its shadow, anomaly. Rather than repressing, Deleuze revels in the perverse purity of differencing, difference constituted by becoming without the Apollonian imposition of normalcy or definitional identity. One cannot say “difference in itself” because its ontology, its genesis, is not that of anything itself but exactly the impossibility of such a manner of constitution: universal anomaly. No thing or idea can be iterative, separate, or discrete.In his Difference and Repetition, the idea of the purely same is undone: the Ding an sich is a paradox. While the dogmatic image of thought portrays the possibility of the purely self-same, Deleuze never does. His notions of individuation without individuals, of modulation without models, of simulacra without originals, always finds a reflection in his attitudes toward, not language as logical structure, but what necessarily forms the differential making of events, the heterogenesis of ontological symptoms. His theory has none of the categories of Pierce’s triadic construction: not the arbitrary of symbols, the “self-representation” of icons, or even the causal relation of indices. His “signs” are symptoms: the non-representational consequences of the forces that are concurrently producing them. Events, then, are the symptoms of the heterogenetic forces that produce, not reproduce them. To measure them is to export them into a representational modality that is ontologically inapplicable as they are not themselves themselves but the consequences of the ongoing differences of their genesis. Thus, the temperature associated with a fever is neither the body nor the disease.Every event, then, is a diaphora, the pure consequent of the multiplicity of the forces it cannot resemble, an original dynamic anomaly without standard. This term, diaphora, appears at the conclusion of that dialogue some consider Plato’s best, the Theaetetus. There we find perhaps the most important discussion of knowledge in Western metaphysics, which in its final moments attempts to understand how knowledge can be “True Judgement with an Account” (201d-210a). Following this idea leads to a theory, usually known as the “Dream of Socrates”, which posits two kinds of existents, complexes and simples, and proposes that “an account” means “an account of the complexes that analyses them into their simple components … the primary elements (prôta stoikheia)” of which we and everything else are composed (201e2). This—it will be noticed—suggests the ancient heritage of Kant’s own attempted purification of mereological (part/whole relations) nested elementals. He attempts the coordination of pure speculative reason to pure practical reason and, thus, attempts to supply the root of measurement and scientific regularity. However, as adumbrated by the Platonic dialogue, the attempted decompositions, speculative and pragmatic, lead to an impasse, an aporia, as the rational is based upon a correspondence and not the self-synthesis of the diaphorae by their own dynamic disequilibrium. Thus the dialogue ends inconclusively; Socrates rejects the solution, which is the problem itself, and leaves to meet his accusers and quaff his hemlock. The proposal in this article is that the diaphorae are all that exists in Deleuze’s world and indeed any world, including ours. Nor is this production decomposable into pure measured and defined elementals, as such decomposition is indeed exactly opposite what differential production is doing. For Deleuze, what exists is disparate conjunction. But in intensive conjunction the same cannot be the same except in so far as it differs. The diaphorae of events are irremediably asymmetric to their inputs: the actual does not resemble the virtual matrix that is its cause. Indeed, any recourse to those supposedly disaggregate inputs, the supposedly intelligible constituents of the measured image, will always but repeat the problematic of metrical representation at another remove. This is not, however, the traditional postmodern trap of infinite meta-shifting, as the diaphoric always is in each instance the very presentation that is sought. Heterogenesis can never be undone, but it can be affirmed. In a heterogenetic monism, what was the insoluble problem of correspondence in dualism is now its paradoxical solution: the problematic per se. What manifests in becoming is not, nor can be, an object or thought as separate or even separable, measured in units of the self-same. Dogmatic thought habitually translates intensity, the differential medium of chaosmosis, into the nominally same or similar so as to suit the Apollonian illusions of “correlational adequacy”. However, as the measured cannot be other than a calculation’s placebo, the correlation is but the shadow of a shadow. Every diaphora is an event born of an active conjunction of differential forces that give rise to this, their product, an interference pattern. Whatever we know and are is not the correlation of pure entities and thoughts subject to measured analysis but the confused and chaotic confluence of the specific, material, aleatory, differential, and unrepresentable forces under which we subsist not as ourselves but as the always changing product of our milieu. In short, only anomaly without a nominal becomes, and we should view any assertion that maps experience into the “objective” modality of the same, self-evident, and normal as a political prestidigitation motivated, not by “truth”, but by established political interest. ReferencesDella Volpe, Galvano. Logic as a Positive Science. London: NLB, 1980.Deleuze, Gilles. Difference and Repetition. Trans. Paul Patton. New York: Columbia UP, 1994.———. The Logic of Sense. Trans. Mark Lester. New York: Columbia UP, 1990.Guenon, René. The Reign of Quantity. New York: Penguin, 1972.Hawley, K. "Identity and Indiscernibility." Mind 118 (2009): 101-9.Hume, David. A Treatise of Human Nature. 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