Relevant bibliographies by topics / Uruguay Round and Doha Round

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Academic literature on the topic 'Uruguay Round and Doha Round'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 17 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Uruguay Round and Doha Round"

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GRYNBERG, ROMAN. "Towards Doha-lite." World Trade Review 3, no. 3 (November 2004): 427–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745604002022.

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The works of Winters and Martins (W&M) and Mattoo and Subramanian (M&S) are two serious and innovative papers that begin to analyse not only what the WTO means for small states but now, just as significantly, what the numerical preponderance of small states might mean for the WTO. This latter issue is especially significant as members grapple with increasingly complex web of interests that need to be accommodated in order to arrive at a consensus in the Doha round. While neither papers represents the position of the World Bank and IMF, what they both have in common is that they approach the current round from the possibility that some WTO members, the smallest, poorest and most trade preference dependent – for example, Mauritius, Fiji, Guyana and Jamaica – may only benefit from Doha round trade liberalisation in geological time! The research, while not representing official Bretton Woods views, constitutes a dramatic shift in thinking inside the beltway from that which existed at the end of the Uruguay round when the dominant position was that ‘all members would benefit’.
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Deitos, Marc Antoni. "Antidumping e a Organização Mundial do Comércio: da emergência à incerteza da regulação internacional/Anti-dumping and the World Trade Organization: from the emergency to the uncertainty of the international regulation." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 4, no. 3 (December 21, 2015): 608–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2015.v4n3.08.p608.

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Esse artigo tem como objetivo analisar a mudança de padrão do comportamento dos Estados nas negociações dos sucessivos acordos antidumping do sistema multilateral de comércio desde Bretton Woods. Parte-se do estudo histórico do comportamento dos Estados em relação aos códigos antidumping, após o fechamento das Rodadas Kennedy, Tóquio e Uruguai, e as reformas que se seguiram nas legislações domésticas dos signatários. Demonstra-se que, historicamente, os países aproximaram as práticas internas aos acordos multilaterais. Contudo, o mandato de abertura para negociar um novo acordo antidumping em Doha inseriu um componente desestabilizador na evolução histórica da regulação multilateral das medidas antidumping. Os membros, diante das incertezas de Doha, se anteciparam ao fechamento da rodada, alterando as legislações nacionais para adaptá-las aos novos desafios do comércio internacional, em movimento contrário ao historicamente verificado. Esse comportamento tende a dificultar ainda mais o fechamento da Rodada de Doha, uma vez que os membros limitaram, antecipadamente, em suas legislações nacionais antidumping, grande parte dos temas que poderiam transigir nas negociações internacionais.Palavras-chave: antidumping; Organização Mundial do Comércio; Rodada de Doha. Abstract: This article analyses the change in the pattern of State behavior throughout the successive antidumping agreements at the multilateral trade regime since Bretton Woods. It analyses the historic pattern of State behavior related to the antidumping agreements after each round of negotiation – Kennedy, Tokyo and Uruguay Round. It suggests that, historically, the signatories have brought together national and international regulations. On the other hand, it also suggests that the Doha Round has made a change in this historic pattern of State behavior. Confronted with Doha Round uncertainties, WTO members issued new anti-dumping regulations to face the challenges imposed by the actual international economic context. This behavior difficult even more to reach a final say on the new antidumping agreement negotiated during the Doha Round. The signatories have already written down their international position, when they passed new antidumping regulations at home. This behavior constraints the natural bargain that occurs in international negotiations, since it implicates changes in brand new national legislation. Key-words: antidumping; World Trade Organization; Doha Round. DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n3p608-627
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Steger, Debra P. "Commentary on the Doha Round: Institutional Issues." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850065. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1152.

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Commentary on Robert Howse's article "WTO Governance and the Doha Round." Debra Steger is Executive in Residence at the University of Ottawa Faculty of Law where she is working to establish a new institute for international law, economy and security in Canada. Previously, she was Senior Counsel with Thomas & Partners, a law firm specializing in international trade and investment matters. From 1995-2001, she served as the founding Director of the Appellate Body Secretariat of the World Trade Organization in Geneva, Switzerland, during which time she helped to establish the Appellate Body as the first appellate tribunal in international trade. She is Chair of the Trade and Customs Law Committee of the International Bar Association, and has been on the executive of the Trade Committee of the International Law Association for the past 10 years. She is also a member of the Editorial Advisory Board of the Journal for International Economic Law. She participates on the Advisory Council of the UNCTAD Project on Building Capacity through Training in Dispute Settlement in International Trade Investment and Intellectual Property as well as the Governing Council of the World Trade Law Association. During the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, she was the Senior Negotiator for Canada on Dispute Settlement and the Establishment of the World Trade Organization as well as the Principal Legal Counsel to the Government of Canada for all of the Uruguay Round agreements. From 1991—1995, she was General Counsel of the Canadian International Trade Tribunal in Ottawa, the agency responsible for administering the antidumping, countervail, safeguards, and government procurement legislation in Canada. Her most recent book is entitled: “Peace Through Trade: Building the WTO” which was published by Cameron May International Legal Publishers in 2004. Steger holds an LL.M. from the University of Michigan Law School, an LL.B. from the University of Victoria Faculty of Law, and a B.A. (Honours) in History from the University of British Columbia.
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Messerlin, Patrick. "Agricultural Liberalization in the Doha Round." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850049. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1136.

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Agriculture is an urgent and vital problem for developing countries, and even more so for the poorest countries that are often dependent on a very small set of commodities, many of which are highly subsidized and protected in the OECD countries. The Uruguay Round brought agriculture into the WTO legal framework, but did not lower the effective level of OECD farm protection after 1995 and granted many exceptions to WTO rules that reinforced agricultural protection. While there are a number of diverging forces that are potential sources of change in the levels and patterns of agricultural protection, the recent farm policies adopted by the U.S. and EU reflect an absence of significant domestic reform and appear to be going in the wrong direction. The analysis of agricultural liberalization reveals very large potential gains for both developed and developing countries that will come especially from own-country liberalization as well as from inter-country trade, significant benefits that may be realized by the poorest developing countries, and limited benefits from existing preferential agricultural arrangements. An ideal program for agricultural liberalization in the Doha Round would involve substantial reductions in the high tariffs that exist in both developed and developing countries using the Swiss formula approach and limiting exceptions and special and differential treatment, elimination of agricultural export subsidies, and making meaningful reductions in domestic supports. The negotiations should not get hung up on issues of food security and the effects of higher prices for low-income consumers, and a special safeguard for agriculture is not recommended. It is imperative that agricultural liberalization should be combined with appropriate domestic policies and actions and international assistance, if needed, to help finance emergency food inventories and aid to disadvantaged groups. Patrick A. Messerlin is Professor of Economics at the Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris (Sciences Po) and director of the Groupe d'Economie Mondiale de Sciences Po (GEM) which is an independent research center seeking to improve the performance of French and European public policies in a global world. In 2002-2005, he was co-chairman with Dr Ernesto Zedillo, Former President of Mexico, Director of the Yale Center for the Study on Globalization, of the Task Force on Trade in the UN Millenium Development Goals Project, which produced a Report on Trade for Development released in May 2005. In 2001-2002, he was special advisor to Mike Moore, WTO Director General. He has published a dozen books and a hundred papers on trade theory and policy. His most recent book is Measuring the Costs of Protection in Europe: European Commercial Policy in the 2000s, Institute for International Economics (Washington) 2001.
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Blandford, David. "El establecimiento de reglas de la Organización Mundial de Comercio sobre laayuda interna. Una evaluación del enfoque de la Ronda de Doha." Economía Agraria y Recursos Naturales 5, no. 9 (October 19, 2011): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.7201/earn.2005.09.01.

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<div data-canvas-width="513.466583333333">The elements of the approach to disciplining domestic support for agriculture in the Doha round of WTO negotiations are evaluated using data for a selection of OECD countries. Despite a substantial increase in complexity in comparison to the Uruguay Round Agreement, the new approach is unlikely to require real reductions in trade-distorting support. As a result it is unlikely to stimulate further reforms in domestic agricultural policies in OECD countries.</div>
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Prekajac, Zora. "Agriculture and developing countries in the new round of negotiations within WTO." Privredna izgradnja 48, no. 1-2 (2005): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/priz0502053p.

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The Ministerial Conference held in Doha (Qatar) launched a new round of multilateral trade negotiations in World Trade Organization. It is called the development round because the interests and needs of developing countries are in the focus of negotiations. One of the most important (and controversial) questions is the liberalization of international trade in agricultural products. The beginning of that process was the conclusion of the Agreement on agriculture during the Uruguay Round which was followed by the negotiations initiated in 2000. The negotiations are supposed to finish until the end of the year 2006. Analyzing the recent results of negotiations, we can conclude that a lot of questions are not harmonized and that in front of the negotiators is a very difficult and complex task to overcome the existing differences and find compromise solutions. The results of the Doha negotiations (including agriculture) are very important for the future of the multilateral trading system.
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Singh, J. P., and Surupa Gupta. "Agriculture and Its Discontents: Coalitional Politics at the wto with Special Reference to India’s Food Security Interests." International Negotiation 21, no. 2 (June 2, 2016): 295–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341334.

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The demise of the Doha round of trade negotiations is often attributed to deadlocks in agricultural negotiations between the developed and the developing world. Why has agriculture been so difficult to negotiate? This article explains North-South agricultural negotiations through the lens of coalition politics, especially the shift from bloc to issue-based diplomacy from the developing world. We argue against the proposition in the negotiation literature that multiple coalitions at the international level allow negotiators room to maneuver. Our study shows that bloc coalitions in fact allowed for compromise more than issue-based coalitions in agriculture, which are often supported by strong domestic constituencies. Empirically, the article focuses on the Uruguay Round when the North and South struck an agreement on agriculture and the Doha Round, which remains deadlocked. The article also provides an in-depth case study of India’s agricultural interests and its food security program in the context of thewto.
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Quinsaat, Sharon Madriaga. "The Philippines Waltzes with the Big Boys: Coalition-building Strategy in the WTO." Asian Survey 52, no. 5 (September 2012): 970–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.5.970.

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Abstract This article explores the emergence and development of the Philippine coalition-building strategy in the World Trade Organization (WTO) from the Uruguay Round to the Doha Development Agenda. Coalition building is an outcome of social learning, adaptation, and bounded rationality of trade negotiators based on years of working within the norms of the WTO.
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Crump, Larry, and Daniel Druckman. "Turning Points in Multilateral Trade Negotiations on Intellectual Property." International Negotiation 17, no. 1 (2012): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180612x630910.

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Abstract Application of a turning points analysis to detailed chronologies of events that transpired prior to and during two matched cases of multilateral intellectual property rights (TRIPS) negotiations yields useful lessons for understanding negotiation process and effective negotiator behavior. The unfolding negotiation process is traced in the GATT Uruguay Round and prior to and during the WTO Doha Ministerial. Departures from earlier trends in the chronologies merit special attention. A departure is defined as a clear and self-evident change from earlier events or patterns in the form of an impactful decision taken by one or more parties. By coding the causes (precipitants) and effects (consequences) of the departures, we perform a turning points analysis. The turning points analysis, composed of three-part sequences, reveals the triggers and impacts of departures during the extended TRIPS negotiation process. The analyses will allow a comparison of the patterns that unfolded during the two phases of TRIPS negotiations, which will highlight the breakthroughs that occurred during the Uruguay Round and the crises that emerged later, prior to and during the Doha Ministerial. Improving the effectiveness of multilateral trade negotiations depends in part on understanding how critical turning points emerge.
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Duchesne, Erick. "Governing Global Trade: International Institutions in Conflict and Convergence." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 4 (December 2004): 1070–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904500215.

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Governing Global Trade: International Institutions in Conflict and Convergence, Theodore H. Cohn, Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002, pp. xi, 329.At a time when all eyes are riveted on the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the ups and downs associated with its current round of negotiation initiated in Doha, Qatar, in November 2001, Theodore Cohn's latest publication provides a vivid reminder: The global trading regime is made up of much more than the WTO. The GATT/WTO is still pivotal in Cohn's diachronic overview of the evolution of the global trade regime since the creation of the General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT) in 1947, but unlike several other studies on a similar topic, the author untangles the relationship between the GATT/WTO and other formal and informal international institutions, such as the G7/G8, the Quadrilateral Group (Quad), the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the G77, and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). Each institution, as well as the United States and the European Union, is given relatively equal coverage in this notable study. Yet, as an indication that the GATT/WTO is still primus inter pares, most chapters revolve around the major negotiation rounds of the international organization. Chapter 2 traces the origins and early period of the postwar trade regime (1947–1962). Chapters 3 and 4 concentrate on the Kennedy (1962–1972) and Tokyo (1973–1979) rounds of the GATT respectively. Chapter 5 details the uncertainty associated with the survival of the GATT (1980–1986). Chapters 6 and 7 focus on the momentous Uruguay Round of the GATT (1986–1994), and chapter 8 highlights the post-Uruguay Round period (1995–2001).
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Uruguay Round and Doha Round"

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Mancini, Cláudia. "O agronegócio e as negociações comerciais internacionais: uma análise da ação coletiva do setor privado." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-03122008-123146/.

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O texto discute a evolução do esforço do setor privado do agronegócio brasileiro na defesa de sua agenda de abertura de mercados externos. O foco é em especial no período entre a Rodada Uruguai (1986-1994) do Acordo Geral de Tarifas e Comércio (Gatt) e na Rodada Doha (desde 2001) da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). O objetivo é analisar de que forma o aumento da competitividade internacional desse setor, nas últimas décadas, contribuiu para o interesse dos empresários em elaborar uma agenda de demandas ofensivas. Busca-se ainda indicar como esse interesse se traduziu em ações coletivas. A ação coletiva pode ser entendida como a ação de indivíduos, ou de apenas um, interessados em obter um bem coletivo. Esse bem tem caráter primordialmente de partilhabilidade (seu uso por um indivíduo não diminui a quantidade para outros indivíduos) e de não exclusão, com todos do grupo tendo direito de usufruir dele. O caminho para se obter o bem é basicamente por meio de organizações. Entidades que representam empresas da agroindústria são aqui objetos de estudo. A análise ocorre sobre dois tipos de entidades: as de caráter geral, que representam diferentes segmentos do agronegócio, e as de caráter específico, que defendem interesses de um segmento. Devido à forte competitividade do agronegócio brasileiro, é sobre a ação de atores ofensivos que se concentra a discussão. A pesquisa indica que após a reestruturação do agronegócio no final dos anos 80 e nos anos 90, com o fim do pesado intervencionismo estatal e com a liberalização comercial do país, parte da agroindústria enfrentou o desafio de se modernizar e de abrir mercados externos. O que se assistiu foi a diversificação da pauta de exportação e o crescimento contínuo das vendas ao exterior. Tal aumento de vendas e diversificação adicionou atores ao grupo de interessados na abertura de mercados internacionais, inclusive por meio de redução de barreiras protecionistas aos produtos brasileiros. O país envolveu-se nos últimos anos em negociações internacionais com a meta de redução dessas barreiras. De uma participação incipiente e pouco organizada para a negociação da Rodada Uruguai, o setor privado caminhou em direção a um preparo técnico maior de conhecimento das barreiras enfrentadas e das soluções possíveis para eliminá-las, de forma a atuar com mais organização nas negociações dos anos 90 e das deste século, como a Rodada Doha. Este estudo aponta que essa atuação se deu por meio de ações coletivas organizadas pelas associações de segmentos da agroindústria, as quais, na percepção dos empresários, têm sido o principal canal de articulação de interesses, quando comparadas a entidades de caráter geral, como a Confederação da Agricultura e Pecuária do Brasil (CNA), órgão oficial de representação. Isso indica que grupos menores têm maior capacidade de mobilização do que grupos grandes. Mas há uma heterogeneidade dentro dessas associações de segmentos, com sócios de diferentes tamanhos, interesses e recursos. Os membros mais interessados no bem coletivo e com mais recursos formam uma massa crítica que parece ajudar a compreender a atuação desses grupos menores
This research discusses the evolution of the efforts made by the private sector of the Brazilian agribusiness to defend its agenda of liberalization of international markets. It is especially focused on the period between the Uruguay Round (1986-1994) of the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (Gatt) and on the Doha Round (since 2001) of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The aim of this research is to analyse how the increase in the international competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness in the last few decades has affected the private sector interest in elaborating an offensive agenda. In addition, it is our purpose to indicate how this interest has generated collective actions by the private sector. Collective action can be understood as the action by a group of individuals, or just one individual, who are interested in reaching a collective good. The characteristics of this collective good are primarily the jointness of supply, meaning that an individual who has access to that good will not diminish the amount available to another individual, and non-excludibility, meaning that all the individuals of the group will have access to that good. Organizations are the mainly way to reach the collective goods. Associations that represent agribusiness firms are the objects of study in this research. The analysis will be made on two types of associations: those that represent different segments of the agribusiness and those that represent one segment of the agribusiness. Due to the strong competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness, the discussion will be concentrated on the actions taken by the players with an agenda demanding higher trade liberalization. This study indicates that after the restructure of the agribusiness in the late 80s and in the 90s, with the end of the heavy state intervention in the sector and the trade liberalization of the country, part of the agribusiness faced the challenge of modernisation and looked for new markets abroad. The result was a diversification of the products exported and the continuous expansion of the exports. Such diversification and increase in the exports added new players to the group formed by those interested in the liberalization of international markets, including the reduction of protectionist barriers against Brazilian products. In the last few years Brazil has participated in a number of international trade negotiations with the aim to put pressure on the reduction of those barriers. From an incipient organization to participate in the Uruguay Round, the private sector headed for a higher technical understanding of the international obstacles to its products and the possible solutions to open more markets. This resulted in it being also better organized to defend its agenda in the negotiations occurred during the 90s and the beginning of this century, such as the Doha Round. One of the conclusions of this study is that the private sector movement was made by collective actions organized by those associations representative of specific segments of the agribusiness, which are seen by the private sector as the main channel to articulate their interests, when compared to associations that represent different segments of the agribusiness, such as the Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock of Brasil (CNA), the official representative of the sector. This indicates that small groups are more successful in mobilizing a collective action than large groups. However, there is an heterogeneity inside those associations that represent one specific segment, with members of different sizes, different interests and different resources. The members more interested in the collective good and with more resources to provide it form a critical mass that seems to better explain the movements of the small groups
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Lamprecht, Jens. "Bargaining power in multilateral trade negotiations : Canada and Japan in the Uruguay Round and Doha development agenda." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/903/.

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The thesis analyses the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power in the multilateral trade negotiations of the Uruguay Round and Doha Development Agenda (DDA). It deals with two related research questions. The central question of this research is: to what extent and why did Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power decrease from the Uruguay Round to the DDA? This question is related to the following auxiliary research question: what are the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power during the Uruguay Round and DDA, and to what extent have these factors changed from one round to the other? While the thesis includes a general overview of their negotiation profiles, it analyzes specific, detailed case studies of the profiles of these countries in anti-dumping and market access/NAMA negotiations in both rounds. The hypothesis of this research is that Japan and Canada have lost bargaining power from the Uruguay Round to the DDA because of changes in the following conditioning factors: economic power; activity in country coalitions and groups; interests groups and decision-making structures on the domestic level; ideational power; and foreign policy objectives. In addition, the importance of the position of the preferences a country in the spectrum of the overall membership of multilateral trade negotiations is examined. The thesis finds that this hypothesis is partially confirmed. Canada and Japan have mainly lost bargaining power owing to a relative decrease in their economic power, a lower profile in central negotiation groups as well as coalitions, and due to domestic politics. Ideational power and especially foreign policy objectives can be considered less relevant. The thesis also finds that especially Japan’s bargaining power in anti-dumping negotiations was affected by a change of the position of its preferences within the spectrum of the overall membership of the negotiations.
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Júnior, Haroldo Ramanzini. "O Brasil e as negociações no sistema GATT/OMC: uma análise da Rodada Uruguai e da Rodada Doha." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-14032013-121719/.

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A presente Tese de Doutorado tem como objetivo analisar o comportamento do Brasil nas negociações comerciais multilaterais no sistema GATT/OMC, mediante o estudo do processo decisório doméstico que estruturou a atuação do país nas negociações agrícolas na Rodada Uruguai (1986-1994) e, na Rodada Doha (2001 2008), com foco no entendimento do processo de formulação das posições apresentadas, no Grupo de Cairns e, no G-20, respectivamente. A partir desses dois estudos de caso e da análise comparada do processo decisório, incorporando parte da literatura de Análise de Política Externa, pretendemos analisar, em dois momentos, no mesmo tema, a receptividade da política externa brasileira às pressões domésticas. O trabalho procura suprir certa lacuna da literatura sobre coalizões no sistema GATT/OMC, pois, a maior parte dos estudos tem dificuldade em incluir aspectos que se localizam, no interior dos sistemas decisórios nacionais, enquanto variáveis relevantes que ajudam a entender o comportamento dos países em coalizões.
The objective of this thesis is to analyze Brazilian behavior in multilateral trade negotiations in the GATT/WTO system, through the study of the domestic decision making process that structured the country positions in the agricultural negotiations during the Uruguay Round (1986 1994) and the Doha Round (2001 2008). Our focus is to understand the domestic decision making process that structured the positions presented by Brazil in the Cairns Group and in the G-20, respectively. From these two case studies, the comparative analysis of the decision making process and incorporating the Foreign Policy Analysis literature, we intend to analyze at two different moments on the same issue, the openness of the Brazilian Foreign Policy to domestic pressure. The work seeks to fill the gap in the literature on coalitions in the GATT/WTO since most studies do not include aspects related to the national decision making process as important variables useful to understand countries behavior in coalitions.
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Lukavská, Darina. "Mezníky vývoje WTO." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77387.

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The main goal of this thesis is to describe crucial moments in the development of the WTO organization by focusing on key ministerial conferences and negotiations among influential members of this organization. The main goal is therefore to evaluate results and impacts of these ministerial conferences, to describe newly applied rules of international trade in selected trade areas and changes in the negotiation power among members of newly formed informal groups within the organization structures. The thesis is divided into four chapters, each of which describes a milestone which had a significant importance in the development of the WTO organization. The first chapter, called "The Uruguay round", is mainly focusing on the key initiators and players of the whole round of negotiations, on the results and impacts on further WTO development. The second chapter, called "The third ministerial conference in Seattle", is looking for the causes of the negotiations' failure and first strong disagreements among members which were notable since then. The third chapter , called "The fourth ministerial conference in Doha", is describing the process of the Doha negotiations by focusing on the crucial players, informal groups and on issues of the highest importance to most of the WTO members, i.e. trade in agricultural and nonagricultural products. The fourth chapter, called "The July package 2008", is analyzing the content of the proposed package. Even though the WTO members were able to reach conformity in some trade areas several crucial issues have remained unsolved which led to a collapse of the July negotiations and to a non-closure of the whole Doha round.
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Leche, Tsenolo. "Agricultural Trade:Prospects for Liberalization After Uruguay and Doha Rounds." OpenSIUC, 2009. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/103.

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AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Tsenolo Leche, for the Master of Science degree in Agribusiness Economics, presented on October 29, 2009, at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. TITLE: AGRICULTURAL TRADE: PROSPECTS FOR LIBERALIZATION AFTER URUGUAY AND DOHA ROUNDS MAJOR PROFESSOR: Dr. Wanki Moon Chapter 1 outlines the goal of the project by evaluating the prospects for agricultural trade liberalization by analyzing the progress and setbacks of the Uruguay and Doha Rounds. The international trade framework is analyzed with consideration of standard trade theory, agricultural protectionism, agricultural trade liberalization efforts and assessment of the prospects for liberalizing agricultural trade in the future. Chapter 2 deals with two issues of standard trade theory: economic rationales for trade and efforts to liberalize trade in industrial goods after World War II. Evidence suggests free trade is a stimulus for growth and development. Empirical evidence suggests liberalization of trade increases economic growth, decreases poverty, increases productivity and increases technology transfer. Global efforts to liberalize trade in industrial goods after World War II are summarized. Efforts to liberalize trade in industrial goods started in 1947 with the formation of the General Agreement of Tariff and Trade (GATT), a multilateral body. Subsequently, the chapter briefly discusses the GATT's accomplishments through its various rounds of multilateral trade talks. It also looks into other channels that the international community pursued to liberalize trade such as regional trade liberalization, one-way trade to developing countries and unilateral trade liberalization. Chapter 3 examines the history of agricultural protectionism in general and in developed countries. Furthermore, it explains theories behind agricultural protectionism. It identifies instruments countries used to protect their agricultural sector before the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) and in the post-Uruguay period. Chapter 4 examines efforts to liberalize agricultural trade beginning with the Uruguay Round, and including the GATT multilateral trade talks that brought agriculture under the discipline. It examines the commitments and limitations of the round in agriculture trade liberalization under three pillars of trade namely market access, export competition and domestic support. Subsequently, ongoing Doha Development Agenda Rounds are analyzed. Further, it examines the July 2004 framework and proposals from member countries for advancing agricultural trade liberalization. Chapter 5 measures the influence of the European Union's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and the U.S.'s Farm Bills on multilateral agricultural trade liberalization negotiations and their influence on the agricultural policies of both the European Union and the U.S. The impact of multifunctionality of agriculture on multilateral agricultural trade liberalization negotiations is discussed. Finally, the chapter focuses on the various perspectives by examining the roles of developing countries in the evolution of the Doha Development Agenda. Chapter 6 assesses the prospects for agricultural trade liberalization by examining agricultural trade following World War II, the WTO's Uruguay and Doha Rounds and the impact of four members of the WTO on international trade. Chapter 7 concludes that agricultural trade liberalization after the Uruguay and Doha Rounds is not likely to be as free as industrial trade liberalization because of some unique characteristics of agriculture. Based on both the Uruguay and Doha Rounds, the main goal seems to be reduction of trade-distorting domestic supports, improvement of market access and phasing out and eventual elimination of export subsidies.
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Leche, Tsenolo. "Agricultural trade : prospects for liberalization after Uruguay and Doha rounds /." Available to subscribers only, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1968025151&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Dlimi, Dounya. "L’Agriculture des Pays en Développement face à l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce." Paris 5, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA05D003.

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La libéralisation des échanges agricoles induite par la mondialisation a un impact mitigé sur l’économie des pays en développement du fait de leur hétérogénéité. Par conséquent, les négociations agricoles au sein de l’OMC soulèvent plusieurs enjeux importants. Le principal intérêt des pays en développement dans leur intégration au système commercial multilatéral est alors la mise en place d’un marché agricole moins soumis à distorsion. Telle est la vocation de l’Accord sur l’Agriculture issu de l’Uruguay Round. Mais cet Accord constitue –t-il un cadre juridique adéquat pour résoudre les problèmes de développement des pays du Sud ? L’instauration d’un Traitement Spécial et Différencié a permis d’introduire le principe juridique d’une gradation des droits et obligations en fonction du niveau de développement des pays. C’est dans ce sens que les négociations de Doha lancées en 2001 ont promu le Programme pour le Développement. Or, l’Accord agricole, tout en visant la libéralisation du commerce agricole mondial, a permis de légaliser les politiques protectionnistes utilisées par les pays développés. De ce fait, les négociations multilatérales stagnent depuis plusieurs années, et se trouvent dans une impasse. Elles devaient être initialement bouclées en 2005, mais leurs échéances ont été maintes fois repoussées. Le dossier agricole constituant leur principale pierre d’achoppement. Par conséquent, la difficulté à laquelle est confrontée l’OMC consiste à concilier deux objectifs qui paraissent antagoniques : la libéralisation du commerce mondial et le développement économique des pays du Sud. La difficulté de la tâche est alors proportionnelle à la divergence des positions des différents acteurs dans les négociations commerciales multilatérales sous l’égide de l’OMC. C’est en tout cas dans ce cadre institutionnel que devrait aboutir la réforme du commerce des produits agricoles
Globalization has induced the liberalization of agricultural trading. Such liberalization has a mitigated impact on the economy of developing countries given the diversity of their level of development. Consequently, the agricultural negotiations taking place within the WTO raise a number of important issues. The main advantage sought by developing countries in entering the multilateral trade system lies within the creation of a fairer and less distorted farming market. The Agriculture Agreement produced by the Uruguay Round aims precisely towards this goal. But does this agreement provide the adequate legal frame for tackling the issue of development in emerging countries? The drafting of the Special and Differential Treatment Provisions created the path for the introduction of a legal principle consisting in granting a country rights and obligations in proportion with its level of development. The Doha negotiations launched in 2001 promoted this idea through the Doha Development Agenda. But the Agriculture Agreement, while aiming at the liberalization of world agricultural trade, favored the legalization of protectionism policies used by developed countries. As a result, multilateral negotiations are hardly evolving and are caught in a deadlock situation. They should initially have come into end in 2005, but their deadline have been postponed many times. Indeed, the agricultural issue constitutes their stumbling block. As a consequence, the WTO faces the difficulty to conciliate two aims that seem antagonistic: the liberalization of world trade and the economical development of developing countries. The different actors participating, under the aegis of the WTO, in the multilateral trade negotiation have divergent thinking. The more different their position are, the harder the task of the WTO is. It is however within this institutional frame that the reform in farming product trade should take place
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Kutas, Géraldine. "Impact of the Doha Round on the European agricultural sector." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010IEPP0015.

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Cette thèse examine les liens entre commerce international et politique agricole à travers la négociation multilatérale des règles commerciales. Elle propose une analyse qualitative du projet de modalités pour les trois piliers des négociations agricoles, publié en décembre 2008, et de la dernière réforme de la Politique Agricole Commune, commencée avec la Revue à Mi-Parcours de 2003 et achevée avec le Bilan de Santé de 2009, et ce en s’appuyant sur des sources primaires. Les trois chapitres de cette thèse démontrent que les failles principales de l’Accord sur l’Agriculture du Cycle de l’Uruguay ont été traitées dans le projet actuel de modalités. Ils concluent également que malgré le vaste processus de réforme de la politique agricole lancé en 2003, la marge de négociation de l’Union européenne à l’Organisation Mondiale du Commerce est mince, ce qui implique que l’impact du Cycle de Doha sur la protection du secteur agricole européen est conséquent. Le chapitre 1 montre que l’Union européenne ne pourra pas maintenir les produits les plus protégés isolés de la concurrence internationale. Le chapitre 2 conclut que la dernière réforme de la politique agricole commune est à peine suffisante pour mettre en oeuvre les coupes proposées pour les mesures de soutien interne. Finalement, le chapitre 3 montre que malgré les réductions conséquentes des subventions aux exportations, leur élimination totale et définitive pourrait se révéler problématique car les restitutions à l’exportation ont tendances à être réactivées en période de crise de la production
This dissertation examines the links between international trade and agricultural policy through the lens of multilateral trade rules negotiations. It provides a qualitative analysis, based on primary sources, of the December 2008 draft modalities for the three pillars of agricultural negotiations and the latest reform of the Common Agricultural Policy that started with the 2003 Mid-Term Review and concluded with the 2009 Health Check. The three chapters of this dissertation show that the main pitfalls of the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture are addressed in the current draft modalities. They also conclude that despite the broad reform process the European agricultural policy went through since 2003; the negotiating maneuver of the European Union at the World Trade Organization is thin, implying a significant impact of the Doha Round on the protection of the European agricultural sector. Chapter 1 shows that the European Union will not be able to maintain the most protected products isolated from international competition. Chapter 2 concludes that the agricultural reform is just sufficient to undertake the proposed cuts in domestic support. Chapter 3 shows that despite the significant reduction in the use of export subsidies, total elimination might prove difficult as export refunds tend to be reactivated in times of production crisis
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Mamaty, Isabelle. "L'Uruguay round et l'Afrique subsaharienne : les conséquences de l'accord agricole." Paris 10, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA100002.

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Objectif cette these a un double objectif 1. Analyser les impacts economiques des resultats de l'uruguay round sur les pays de l'afrique au sud du sahara en terme d'acces aux marches pour les exportations et les importations (principalement de cereales) 2. Definir les mesures a prendre afin d'y faire face. Methode cette these s'est focalisee essentiellement sur les trois grands marches internationaux que sont la cee, les etats-unis et le japon dans l'analyse des impacts de l'accord agricole en terme d'acces aux marches pour les pays de l'afrique subsaharienne. Elle est composee de quatre parties. La premiere partie analyse les blocages internes et externes de l'agriculture des pays de l'afrique subsaharienne. La deuxieme partie expose les grandes lignes de l'accord signe a marrakech en 1994 dans le domaine agricole et ses consequences sur les echanges agricoles mondiaux. La troisieme partie, reprend les etudes de la banque mondiale, gatt, f. A. O, cnuced et analyse les effets de cet accord sur les pays de l'afrique subsaharienne. Enfin, une quatrieme partie essentiellement consacree a des etudes de cas sur les filieres d'exportation (banane, coton, cafe-cacao, tabac, oleagineux (arachide) et d'importation (riz, ble, sucre) est un point de depart dans la definition des strategies a suivre pour repondre a la nouvelle configuration du commerce internationale. Resultats les deux principaux resultats qui ressortent de cet exercice sont que : 1. La liberalisation pese moins sur les secteurs qui ont connu une restructuration << reussie >> suite a la mise en place des politiques d'ajustement 2. Les pays qui ont su diversifier s'en sortent mieux que les autres de maniere generale.
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Howe, Valerie J. (Valerie Josephine) Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Canada at the Uruguay Round: regulating the information economy." Ottawa, 1991.

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Books on the topic "Uruguay Round and Doha Round"

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Finger, J. M. The Doha agenda and development: A view from the Uruguay Round. Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2002.

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Finger, J. M. The Doha agenda and development: A view from the Uruguay Round. Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2002.

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Finger, J. M. The Doha agenda and development: A view from the Uruguay Round. Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2002.

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Wunsch-Vincent, Sacha. WTO, e-commerce and information technologies: From the Uruguay Round through the Doha development agenda : a report to the UN ICT Task Force. New York: United Nations Information and Communication Technologies Task Force, 2005.

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Wunsch-Vincent, Sacha. WTO, E-commerce and information technologies: From the Uruguay Round through the Doha Development Agenda : a report to the ICT Task Force. New York: UN, 2005.

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David, Bailey, and Roberts Ivan, eds. Agriculture in the Doha Round. London: Commonwealth Secretariat, 2004.

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1949-, Schott Jeffrey J., and Wong Woan Foong, eds. Figuring out the Doha Round. Washington, DC: Peterson Institute for International Economics, 2010.

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Verbiest, Jean-Pierre A. The Doha Round: A development perspective. Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2002.

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Arndt, Channing. The Doha trade round and Mozambique. [Washington, D.C: World Bank, 2005.

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Jackson, John Howard. Implementing the Uruguay Round. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Uruguay Round and Doha Round"

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Michalopoulos, Constantine. "The Doha Round Negotiations." In Emerging Powers in the WTO, 206–23. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137297082_9.

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Josling, Timothy E., Stefan Tangermann, and T. K. Warley. "The Uruguay Round Negotiations." In Agriculture in the GATT, 133–74. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230378902_7.

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Sutherland, Peter D. "Globalisation and the Uruguay Round." In The Uruguay Round and Beyond, 143–53. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-10413-2_9.

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Maswood, S. Javed. "The Doha Round and Pharmaceutical Trade." In The South in International Economic Regimes, 104–16. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230626270_5.

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Maswood, S. Javed. "The Doha Round and Agricultural Liberalization." In The South in International Economic Regimes, 117–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230626270_6.

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Whalley, John. "Introduction." In The Uruguay Round and Beyond, 1–6. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20110-5_1.

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Whalley, John. "The System, the Players and the Issue of Participation in the Uruguay Round and Beyond." In The Uruguay Round and Beyond, 7–14. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20110-5_2.

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Whalley, John. "Developed and Developing Country Perspectives on the Trading System Leading up to the Uruguay Round." In The Uruguay Round and Beyond, 15–29. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20110-5_3.

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Whalley, John. "Recent Changes in the Trading System and the Opportunities they Create in the Uruguay Round." In The Uruguay Round and Beyond, 31–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20110-5_4.

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Whalley, John. "Strategies for Developing Countries in the Uruguay Round and Beyond." In The Uruguay Round and Beyond, 45–76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20110-5_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Uruguay Round and Doha Round"

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Ferro, Santiago, Pablo Rodríguez, Juan Tomasini, Pablo Gristo, Natalia Blánquez, Bruno Conti, Cecilia Romeu, and Josefina Marmisolle. "Minimum Economic Field Size and Probability of Success of Conventional Hydrocarbon Discoveries, in the Light of the New Open Uruguay Round Framework." In SPE Latin American and Caribbean Petroleum Engineering Conference. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/199069-ms.

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Kim, Jong Deog, and Sung Gwi Kim. "Evaluation and Prospect on Comprehensive Fishing-Village Development Project in the Republic of Korea." In ASME 2003 22nd International Conference on Offshore Mechanics and Arctic Engineering. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2003-37333.

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In terms of fishery policy in the Republic of Korea (hereinafter Korea), efficient resources management and the improvement of the infrastructure have been main targets of the industrial policy for a long time. On the other hand, fishermen’s society has maintained an exclusive and conservative socio-economic structure based on fishery cooperatives. However, with the advent of the new global trade order, the so-called Uruguay Round (UR), Korea’s fishery policy was requested to change the existing paradigm. To address this change in circumstances, the Korea government has begun to emphasize a people-oriented policy, for example, welfare, safety, education and diversified income sources, etc., instead of a production-oriented policy. In particular, the new law — Act on Special Tax for Rural Development — was enacted in 1994 to provide financial funding for various policy changes, including the implementation of the Comprehensive Fishing-village Development Project (hereinafter CFDP) as a new measure to address fishermen’s difficulties originating from the new trade round. CFDP aimed at raising the competitiveness of the fishery and the improvement of the quality of life in fishing-villages. The present study was conducted as an interim evaluation of the socio-economic effects of the projects implemented in the early stage of the CFDP, from 1994 to 1998.
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Nesmachnow, S., and A. Tchernykh. "Affinity multiprocessor scheduling considering communications and synchronizations using a Multiobjective Iterated Local Search algorithm." In 1st International Workshop on Advanced Information and Computation Technologies and Systems 2020. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47350/aicts.2020.14.

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This article studies the affinity scheduling problem in multicore computing systems, considering the minimization of communications and synchronizations. The problem consists in assigning a set of tasks to resources to minimize the overall execution time of the set of tasks and the execution time required to compute the schedule. A Multiobjective Iterated Local Search method is proposed to solve the studied affinity scheduling problem, which considers the different times required for communication and synchronization of tasks executing on different cores of a multicore computer. The experimental evaluation of the proposed scheduling method is performed over realistic instances of the scheduling problem, considering a set of common benchmark applications from the parallel scientific computing field, and a modern multicore platform from National Supercomputing Center, Uruguay. The main results indicate that the proposed multiobjective Iterated Local Search method improves up to 21.6% over the traditional scheduling techniques (a standard Round Robin and a Greedy scheduler)
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WAELBROECK, JEAN, JEAN MARC BURNIAUX, and MONCEF HADHRI. "SOME GENERAL EQUILIBRIUM MODEL ESTIMATES OF THE IMPACT OF THE URUGUAY ROUND AND OF THE “1992” PROCESS IN THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY ON THE NEWLY INDUSTRIALIZED COUNTRIES OF EAST ASIA." In Proceedings of the Economic Development of ROC and the Pacific Rim in the 1990s and Beyond. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814440998_0012.

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Reports on the topic "Uruguay Round and Doha Round"

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Amiti, Mary, and John Romalis. Will the Doha Round Lead to Preference Erosion? Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12971.

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Bagwell, Kyle, and Robert Staiger. Can the Doha Round be a Development Round? Setting a Place at the Table. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w17650.

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Research Institute (IFPRI), International Food Policy. Assessing the potential cost of a failed Doha Round. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/9780896292499_06.

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Howse, Robert, and Petrus B. van Bork. Options for Liberalising Trade in Environmental Goods in the Doha Round. Geneva, Switzerland: International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.7215/nr_ip_20060703.

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Anderson, James. The Uruguay Round and Welfare in Some Distorted Agricultural Economies. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w5923.

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Zumwalt, James P. Pressure Politics and Free Trade: Influence of the Services Industry on the Uruguay Round. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, December 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada442438.

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Hayami, Yujiro, and Yoshihisa Godo. Economics and Politics of Rice Policy in Japan: A Perspective on the Uruguay Round. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, November 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w5341.

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Research Institute (IFPRI), International Food Policy. More or less ambition? Modeling the Development Impact of U.S.–EU Agricultural Proposals in the Doha Round. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/researchbrief02.

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Hamilton, Colleen, and John Whalley. Coalitions in the Uruguay Round: The Extent, Pros and Cons of Developing Country Participation 1,2. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w2751.

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Research Institute (IFPRI), International Food Policy. The Doha Round: Virtuous circle or infinite loop? In Agriculture, development, and the global trading system: 2000– 2015. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/9780896292499_02.

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