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Mancini, Cláudia. "O agronegócio e as negociações comerciais internacionais: uma análise da ação coletiva do setor privado." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-03122008-123146/.
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O texto discute a evolução do esforço do setor privado do agronegócio brasileiro na defesa de sua agenda de abertura de mercados externos. O foco é em especial no período entre a Rodada Uruguai (1986-1994) do Acordo Geral de Tarifas e Comércio (Gatt) e na Rodada Doha (desde 2001) da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). O objetivo é analisar de que forma o aumento da competitividade internacional desse setor, nas últimas décadas, contribuiu para o interesse dos empresários em elaborar uma agenda de demandas ofensivas. Busca-se ainda indicar como esse interesse se traduziu em ações coletivas. A ação coletiva pode ser entendida como a ação de indivíduos, ou de apenas um, interessados em obter um bem coletivo. Esse bem tem caráter primordialmente de partilhabilidade (seu uso por um indivíduo não diminui a quantidade para outros indivíduos) e de não exclusão, com todos do grupo tendo direito de usufruir dele. O caminho para se obter o bem é basicamente por meio de organizações. Entidades que representam empresas da agroindústria são aqui objetos de estudo. A análise ocorre sobre dois tipos de entidades: as de caráter geral, que representam diferentes segmentos do agronegócio, e as de caráter específico, que defendem interesses de um segmento. Devido à forte competitividade do agronegócio brasileiro, é sobre a ação de atores ofensivos que se concentra a discussão. A pesquisa indica que após a reestruturação do agronegócio no final dos anos 80 e nos anos 90, com o fim do pesado intervencionismo estatal e com a liberalização comercial do país, parte da agroindústria enfrentou o desafio de se modernizar e de abrir mercados externos. O que se assistiu foi a diversificação da pauta de exportação e o crescimento contínuo das vendas ao exterior. Tal aumento de vendas e diversificação adicionou atores ao grupo de interessados na abertura de mercados internacionais, inclusive por meio de redução de barreiras protecionistas aos produtos brasileiros. O país envolveu-se nos últimos anos em negociações internacionais com a meta de redução dessas barreiras. De uma participação incipiente e pouco organizada para a negociação da Rodada Uruguai, o setor privado caminhou em direção a um preparo técnico maior de conhecimento das barreiras enfrentadas e das soluções possíveis para eliminá-las, de forma a atuar com mais organização nas negociações dos anos 90 e das deste século, como a Rodada Doha. Este estudo aponta que essa atuação se deu por meio de ações coletivas organizadas pelas associações de segmentos da agroindústria, as quais, na percepção dos empresários, têm sido o principal canal de articulação de interesses, quando comparadas a entidades de caráter geral, como a Confederação da Agricultura e Pecuária do Brasil (CNA), órgão oficial de representação. Isso indica que grupos menores têm maior capacidade de mobilização do que grupos grandes. Mas há uma heterogeneidade dentro dessas associações de segmentos, com sócios de diferentes tamanhos, interesses e recursos. Os membros mais interessados no bem coletivo e com mais recursos formam uma massa crítica que parece ajudar a compreender a atuação desses grupos menoresThis research discusses the evolution of the efforts made by the private sector of the Brazilian agribusiness to defend its agenda of liberalization of international markets. It is especially focused on the period between the Uruguay Round (1986-1994) of the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (Gatt) and on the Doha Round (since 2001) of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The aim of this research is to analyse how the increase in the international competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness in the last few decades has affected the private sector interest in elaborating an offensive agenda. In addition, it is our purpose to indicate how this interest has generated collective actions by the private sector. Collective action can be understood as the action by a group of individuals, or just one individual, who are interested in reaching a collective good. The characteristics of this collective good are primarily the jointness of supply, meaning that an individual who has access to that good will not diminish the amount available to another individual, and non-excludibility, meaning that all the individuals of the group will have access to that good. Organizations are the mainly way to reach the collective goods. Associations that represent agribusiness firms are the objects of study in this research. The analysis will be made on two types of associations: those that represent different segments of the agribusiness and those that represent one segment of the agribusiness. Due to the strong competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness, the discussion will be concentrated on the actions taken by the players with an agenda demanding higher trade liberalization. This study indicates that after the restructure of the agribusiness in the late 80s and in the 90s, with the end of the heavy state intervention in the sector and the trade liberalization of the country, part of the agribusiness faced the challenge of modernisation and looked for new markets abroad. The result was a diversification of the products exported and the continuous expansion of the exports. Such diversification and increase in the exports added new players to the group formed by those interested in the liberalization of international markets, including the reduction of protectionist barriers against Brazilian products. In the last few years Brazil has participated in a number of international trade negotiations with the aim to put pressure on the reduction of those barriers. From an incipient organization to participate in the Uruguay Round, the private sector headed for a higher technical understanding of the international obstacles to its products and the possible solutions to open more markets. This resulted in it being also better organized to defend its agenda in the negotiations occurred during the 90s and the beginning of this century, such as the Doha Round. One of the conclusions of this study is that the private sector movement was made by collective actions organized by those associations representative of specific segments of the agribusiness, which are seen by the private sector as the main channel to articulate their interests, when compared to associations that represent different segments of the agribusiness, such as the Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock of Brasil (CNA), the official representative of the sector. This indicates that small groups are more successful in mobilizing a collective action than large groups. However, there is an heterogeneity inside those associations that represent one specific segment, with members of different sizes, different interests and different resources. The members more interested in the collective good and with more resources to provide it form a critical mass that seems to better explain the movements of the small groups
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Lamprecht, Jens. "Bargaining power in multilateral trade negotiations : Canada and Japan in the Uruguay Round and Doha development agenda." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/903/.
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The thesis analyses the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power in the multilateral trade negotiations of the Uruguay Round and Doha Development Agenda (DDA). It deals with two related research questions. The central question of this research is: to what extent and why did Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power decrease from the Uruguay Round to the DDA? This question is related to the following auxiliary research question: what are the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power during the Uruguay Round and DDA, and to what extent have these factors changed from one round to the other? While the thesis includes a general overview of their negotiation profiles, it analyzes specific, detailed case studies of the profiles of these countries in anti-dumping and market access/NAMA negotiations in both rounds. The hypothesis of this research is that Japan and Canada have lost bargaining power from the Uruguay Round to the DDA because of changes in the following conditioning factors: economic power; activity in country coalitions and groups; interests groups and decision-making structures on the domestic level; ideational power; and foreign policy objectives. In addition, the importance of the position of the preferences a country in the spectrum of the overall membership of multilateral trade negotiations is examined. The thesis finds that this hypothesis is partially confirmed. Canada and Japan have mainly lost bargaining power owing to a relative decrease in their economic power, a lower profile in central negotiation groups as well as coalitions, and due to domestic politics. Ideational power and especially foreign policy objectives can be considered less relevant. The thesis also finds that especially Japan’s bargaining power in anti-dumping negotiations was affected by a change of the position of its preferences within the spectrum of the overall membership of the negotiations.
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Júnior, Haroldo Ramanzini. "O Brasil e as negociações no sistema GATT/OMC: uma análise da Rodada Uruguai e da Rodada Doha." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-14032013-121719/.
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A presente Tese de Doutorado tem como objetivo analisar o comportamento do Brasil nas negociações comerciais multilaterais no sistema GATT/OMC, mediante o estudo do processo decisório doméstico que estruturou a atuação do país nas negociações agrícolas na Rodada Uruguai (1986-1994) e, na Rodada Doha (2001 2008), com foco no entendimento do processo de formulação das posições apresentadas, no Grupo de Cairns e, no G-20, respectivamente. A partir desses dois estudos de caso e da análise comparada do processo decisório, incorporando parte da literatura de Análise de Política Externa, pretendemos analisar, em dois momentos, no mesmo tema, a receptividade da política externa brasileira às pressões domésticas. O trabalho procura suprir certa lacuna da literatura sobre coalizões no sistema GATT/OMC, pois, a maior parte dos estudos tem dificuldade em incluir aspectos que se localizam, no interior dos sistemas decisórios nacionais, enquanto variáveis relevantes que ajudam a entender o comportamento dos países em coalizões.The objective of this thesis is to analyze Brazilian behavior in multilateral trade negotiations in the GATT/WTO system, through the study of the domestic decision making process that structured the country positions in the agricultural negotiations during the Uruguay Round (1986 1994) and the Doha Round (2001 2008). Our focus is to understand the domestic decision making process that structured the positions presented by Brazil in the Cairns Group and in the G-20, respectively. From these two case studies, the comparative analysis of the decision making process and incorporating the Foreign Policy Analysis literature, we intend to analyze at two different moments on the same issue, the openness of the Brazilian Foreign Policy to domestic pressure. The work seeks to fill the gap in the literature on coalitions in the GATT/WTO since most studies do not include aspects related to the national decision making process as important variables useful to understand countries behavior in coalitions.
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Lukavská, Darina. "Mezníky vývoje WTO." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77387.
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The main goal of this thesis is to describe crucial moments in the development of the WTO organization by focusing on key ministerial conferences and negotiations among influential members of this organization. The main goal is therefore to evaluate results and impacts of these ministerial conferences, to describe newly applied rules of international trade in selected trade areas and changes in the negotiation power among members of newly formed informal groups within the organization structures. The thesis is divided into four chapters, each of which describes a milestone which had a significant importance in the development of the WTO organization. The first chapter, called "The Uruguay round", is mainly focusing on the key initiators and players of the whole round of negotiations, on the results and impacts on further WTO development. The second chapter, called "The third ministerial conference in Seattle", is looking for the causes of the negotiations' failure and first strong disagreements among members which were notable since then. The third chapter , called "The fourth ministerial conference in Doha", is describing the process of the Doha negotiations by focusing on the crucial players, informal groups and on issues of the highest importance to most of the WTO members, i.e. trade in agricultural and nonagricultural products. The fourth chapter, called "The July package 2008", is analyzing the content of the proposed package. Even though the WTO members were able to reach conformity in some trade areas several crucial issues have remained unsolved which led to a collapse of the July negotiations and to a non-closure of the whole Doha round.
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Leche, Tsenolo. "Agricultural Trade:Prospects for Liberalization After Uruguay and Doha Rounds." OpenSIUC, 2009. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/103.
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AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Tsenolo Leche, for the Master of Science degree in Agribusiness Economics, presented on October 29, 2009, at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. TITLE: AGRICULTURAL TRADE: PROSPECTS FOR LIBERALIZATION AFTER URUGUAY AND DOHA ROUNDS MAJOR PROFESSOR: Dr. Wanki Moon Chapter 1 outlines the goal of the project by evaluating the prospects for agricultural trade liberalization by analyzing the progress and setbacks of the Uruguay and Doha Rounds. The international trade framework is analyzed with consideration of standard trade theory, agricultural protectionism, agricultural trade liberalization efforts and assessment of the prospects for liberalizing agricultural trade in the future. Chapter 2 deals with two issues of standard trade theory: economic rationales for trade and efforts to liberalize trade in industrial goods after World War II. Evidence suggests free trade is a stimulus for growth and development. Empirical evidence suggests liberalization of trade increases economic growth, decreases poverty, increases productivity and increases technology transfer. Global efforts to liberalize trade in industrial goods after World War II are summarized. Efforts to liberalize trade in industrial goods started in 1947 with the formation of the General Agreement of Tariff and Trade (GATT), a multilateral body. Subsequently, the chapter briefly discusses the GATT's accomplishments through its various rounds of multilateral trade talks. It also looks into other channels that the international community pursued to liberalize trade such as regional trade liberalization, one-way trade to developing countries and unilateral trade liberalization. Chapter 3 examines the history of agricultural protectionism in general and in developed countries. Furthermore, it explains theories behind agricultural protectionism. It identifies instruments countries used to protect their agricultural sector before the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) and in the post-Uruguay period. Chapter 4 examines efforts to liberalize agricultural trade beginning with the Uruguay Round, and including the GATT multilateral trade talks that brought agriculture under the discipline. It examines the commitments and limitations of the round in agriculture trade liberalization under three pillars of trade namely market access, export competition and domestic support. Subsequently, ongoing Doha Development Agenda Rounds are analyzed. Further, it examines the July 2004 framework and proposals from member countries for advancing agricultural trade liberalization. Chapter 5 measures the influence of the European Union's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and the U.S.'s Farm Bills on multilateral agricultural trade liberalization negotiations and their influence on the agricultural policies of both the European Union and the U.S. The impact of multifunctionality of agriculture on multilateral agricultural trade liberalization negotiations is discussed. Finally, the chapter focuses on the various perspectives by examining the roles of developing countries in the evolution of the Doha Development Agenda. Chapter 6 assesses the prospects for agricultural trade liberalization by examining agricultural trade following World War II, the WTO's Uruguay and Doha Rounds and the impact of four members of the WTO on international trade. Chapter 7 concludes that agricultural trade liberalization after the Uruguay and Doha Rounds is not likely to be as free as industrial trade liberalization because of some unique characteristics of agriculture. Based on both the Uruguay and Doha Rounds, the main goal seems to be reduction of trade-distorting domestic supports, improvement of market access and phasing out and eventual elimination of export subsidies.
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Leche, Tsenolo. "Agricultural trade : prospects for liberalization after Uruguay and Doha rounds /." Available to subscribers only, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1968025151&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Dlimi, Dounya. "L’Agriculture des Pays en Développement face à l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce." Paris 5, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA05D003.
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La libéralisation des échanges agricoles induite par la mondialisation a un impact mitigé sur l’économie des pays en développement du fait de leur hétérogénéité. Par conséquent, les négociations agricoles au sein de l’OMC soulèvent plusieurs enjeux importants. Le principal intérêt des pays en développement dans leur intégration au système commercial multilatéral est alors la mise en place d’un marché agricole moins soumis à distorsion. Telle est la vocation de l’Accord sur l’Agriculture issu de l’Uruguay Round. Mais cet Accord constitue –t-il un cadre juridique adéquat pour résoudre les problèmes de développement des pays du Sud ? L’instauration d’un Traitement Spécial et Différencié a permis d’introduire le principe juridique d’une gradation des droits et obligations en fonction du niveau de développement des pays. C’est dans ce sens que les négociations de Doha lancées en 2001 ont promu le Programme pour le Développement. Or, l’Accord agricole, tout en visant la libéralisation du commerce agricole mondial, a permis de légaliser les politiques protectionnistes utilisées par les pays développés. De ce fait, les négociations multilatérales stagnent depuis plusieurs années, et se trouvent dans une impasse. Elles devaient être initialement bouclées en 2005, mais leurs échéances ont été maintes fois repoussées. Le dossier agricole constituant leur principale pierre d’achoppement. Par conséquent, la difficulté à laquelle est confrontée l’OMC consiste à concilier deux objectifs qui paraissent antagoniques : la libéralisation du commerce mondial et le développement économique des pays du Sud. La difficulté de la tâche est alors proportionnelle à la divergence des positions des différents acteurs dans les négociations commerciales multilatérales sous l’égide de l’OMC. C’est en tout cas dans ce cadre institutionnel que devrait aboutir la réforme du commerce des produits agricolesGlobalization has induced the liberalization of agricultural trading. Such liberalization has a mitigated impact on the economy of developing countries given the diversity of their level of development. Consequently, the agricultural negotiations taking place within the WTO raise a number of important issues. The main advantage sought by developing countries in entering the multilateral trade system lies within the creation of a fairer and less distorted farming market. The Agriculture Agreement produced by the Uruguay Round aims precisely towards this goal. But does this agreement provide the adequate legal frame for tackling the issue of development in emerging countries? The drafting of the Special and Differential Treatment Provisions created the path for the introduction of a legal principle consisting in granting a country rights and obligations in proportion with its level of development. The Doha negotiations launched in 2001 promoted this idea through the Doha Development Agenda. But the Agriculture Agreement, while aiming at the liberalization of world agricultural trade, favored the legalization of protectionism policies used by developed countries. As a result, multilateral negotiations are hardly evolving and are caught in a deadlock situation. They should initially have come into end in 2005, but their deadline have been postponed many times. Indeed, the agricultural issue constitutes their stumbling block. As a consequence, the WTO faces the difficulty to conciliate two aims that seem antagonistic: the liberalization of world trade and the economical development of developing countries. The different actors participating, under the aegis of the WTO, in the multilateral trade negotiation have divergent thinking. The more different their position are, the harder the task of the WTO is. It is however within this institutional frame that the reform in farming product trade should take place
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Kutas, Géraldine. "Impact of the Doha Round on the European agricultural sector." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010IEPP0015.
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Cette thèse examine les liens entre commerce international et politique agricole à travers la négociation multilatérale des règles commerciales. Elle propose une analyse qualitative du projet de modalités pour les trois piliers des négociations agricoles, publié en décembre 2008, et de la dernière réforme de la Politique Agricole Commune, commencée avec la Revue à Mi-Parcours de 2003 et achevée avec le Bilan de Santé de 2009, et ce en s’appuyant sur des sources primaires. Les trois chapitres de cette thèse démontrent que les failles principales de l’Accord sur l’Agriculture du Cycle de l’Uruguay ont été traitées dans le projet actuel de modalités. Ils concluent également que malgré le vaste processus de réforme de la politique agricole lancé en 2003, la marge de négociation de l’Union européenne à l’Organisation Mondiale du Commerce est mince, ce qui implique que l’impact du Cycle de Doha sur la protection du secteur agricole européen est conséquent. Le chapitre 1 montre que l’Union européenne ne pourra pas maintenir les produits les plus protégés isolés de la concurrence internationale. Le chapitre 2 conclut que la dernière réforme de la politique agricole commune est à peine suffisante pour mettre en oeuvre les coupes proposées pour les mesures de soutien interne. Finalement, le chapitre 3 montre que malgré les réductions conséquentes des subventions aux exportations, leur élimination totale et définitive pourrait se révéler problématique car les restitutions à l’exportation ont tendances à être réactivées en période de crise de la productionThis dissertation examines the links between international trade and agricultural policy through the lens of multilateral trade rules negotiations. It provides a qualitative analysis, based on primary sources, of the December 2008 draft modalities for the three pillars of agricultural negotiations and the latest reform of the Common Agricultural Policy that started with the 2003 Mid-Term Review and concluded with the 2009 Health Check. The three chapters of this dissertation show that the main pitfalls of the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture are addressed in the current draft modalities. They also conclude that despite the broad reform process the European agricultural policy went through since 2003; the negotiating maneuver of the European Union at the World Trade Organization is thin, implying a significant impact of the Doha Round on the protection of the European agricultural sector. Chapter 1 shows that the European Union will not be able to maintain the most protected products isolated from international competition. Chapter 2 concludes that the agricultural reform is just sufficient to undertake the proposed cuts in domestic support. Chapter 3 shows that despite the significant reduction in the use of export subsidies, total elimination might prove difficult as export refunds tend to be reactivated in times of production crisis
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Mamaty, Isabelle. "L'Uruguay round et l'Afrique subsaharienne : les conséquences de l'accord agricole." Paris 10, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA100002.
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Objectif cette these a un double objectif 1. Analyser les impacts economiques des resultats de l'uruguay round sur les pays de l'afrique au sud du sahara en terme d'acces aux marches pour les exportations et les importations (principalement de cereales) 2. Definir les mesures a prendre afin d'y faire face. Methode cette these s'est focalisee essentiellement sur les trois grands marches internationaux que sont la cee, les etats-unis et le japon dans l'analyse des impacts de l'accord agricole en terme d'acces aux marches pour les pays de l'afrique subsaharienne. Elle est composee de quatre parties. La premiere partie analyse les blocages internes et externes de l'agriculture des pays de l'afrique subsaharienne. La deuxieme partie expose les grandes lignes de l'accord signe a marrakech en 1994 dans le domaine agricole et ses consequences sur les echanges agricoles mondiaux. La troisieme partie, reprend les etudes de la banque mondiale, gatt, f. A. O, cnuced et analyse les effets de cet accord sur les pays de l'afrique subsaharienne. Enfin, une quatrieme partie essentiellement consacree a des etudes de cas sur les filieres d'exportation (banane, coton, cafe-cacao, tabac, oleagineux (arachide) et d'importation (riz, ble, sucre) est un point de depart dans la definition des strategies a suivre pour repondre a la nouvelle configuration du commerce internationale. Resultats les deux principaux resultats qui ressortent de cet exercice sont que : 1. La liberalisation pese moins sur les secteurs qui ont connu une restructuration << reussie >> suite a la mise en place des politiques d'ajustement 2. Les pays qui ont su diversifier s'en sortent mieux que les autres de maniere generale.
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Howe, Valerie J. (Valerie Josephine) Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Canada at the Uruguay Round: regulating the information economy." Ottawa, 1991.
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Hailu, Martha Belete. "Agriculture under the Doha Round and food security in Sub-Saharan Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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The objectives of the research was to critically analyse arguments for and against agricultural trade liberalization and its impact on food security, investigating the nexus between the three pillars of agriculture and food security, considering how the Agreement on Agriculture and the Food Aid Convention addressed the concerns that were raised by the different parties during the negotiation period, and finally it considered how the current multilateral negotiations in agriculture can provide a secure framework within which developing African countries can pursue effective policies to ensure their food security.
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Abdel, Karim Imad. "The impact of the Uruguay round agreement on agriculture on Sudan's agricultural trade /." Aachen : Shaker, 2002. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/356661741.pdf.
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Steinberg, David Charles. "Why Hollywood lost the Uruguay Round : the political economy of mass communication revisited." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1568/.
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In this dissertation I examine the reasons why the U.S. film industry lost the GATT-Uruguay Round negotiations on audiovisual services and intellectual property rights (IPRs) related to copyright. I revisit the political economy approach to communication and implement Mosco's (1996) suggestions on the approach's renewal. Mosco notes that political economists of communication thematically view the state as supporting transnational business (1996, p. 94). However, Jarvie's (1992) analysis of the relationship between the U.S. government and film industry between 1920 and 1950 suggests that this 'support' theme does not adequately capture the often antagonistic and unproductive relationship between the two parties. I extend Jarvie's (1992) work by developing themes from his scholarship and applying them to a case study on the Uruguay Round. I review the literature on the media-cultural imperialism thesis and focus on Herbert Schiller's (1969 [1992], 1976, 1989) scholarship. Schiller's thesis implies that outcomes in international relations are dictated by domestic determinants such as the influence of corporate lobbyists. However, I argue that the reasons why Hollywood lost lie not in domestic determinants alone, but in a broader perspective (derived from the discipline of international relations) that focuses on the interaction between domestic trade politics and international relations (Putnam, 1988 [1993]). Putnam characterises international negotiations as an interactive process involving the bargaining between negotiators and the separate discussions each delegation has with constituents in its domestic market on the ratification of the agreement. I assess themes from Jarvie's work and propositions from Schiller's thesis using Putnam's (1988 [1993]) two-level analysis and empirical evidence from primary documents and thirty-five interviews conducted over a three-year period (1994 to 1997) with U.S. and European negotiators and film executives. I argue that U.S. domestic trade politics hampered efforts by U.S. negotiators to reach a bilateral accord on audiovisual services and IPRs related to copyright because of linkages forged by EU Member States between progress in those talks and progress in talks on agriculture, maritime transport services, geographic indications related to wines and anti-dumping. A second obstacle to a bilateral accord was an influential hawkish minority of the Hollywood lobby, who set an aggressive agenda for U.S. negotiators and set off a chain reaction in the final moments of the Round that led to Hollywood's defeat. Finally, I present an alternative scenario to the argument (cf. Waregne, 1994; Dehousse and Havelange, 1994; Joachimowicz and Berenboom, 1994) that the French government dictated the outcome of the audiovisual services and IPRs negotiations. My scenario emphasises the preeminent status of the General Affairs Council, the role of EU Member States other than France, and Commission efforts to forge a bilateral deal. In the end, the hawks dictated the outcome of the audiovisual services talks, while a majority of EU Member States dictated the outcome of the talks on IPRs related to copyright.
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Nyhodo, Bonani. "The impact of the Doha round of WTO agricultural negotiations on the South African economy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1734.
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Thesis (MScAgric (Agricultural Economics)--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.The Doha Round of negotiations on the liberalisation of agricultural trade inherited complications from its predecessor - the Uruguay Round (UR). It needs to be noted, as one of the fundamental differences, that agriculture sectors in the developed countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) get support from their governments. In contrast to the situation, in the developing countries, agriculture is taxed to generate government revenue. The subsidies that farmers receive in the developed countries affect farmers globally through world prices (world prices depression). Therefore protection and greater subsidies should be not encouraged. As such, after a long time of preferential treatment, agriculture trade was tabled as a separate issue of negotiations at the UR and resulted to the round to be prolonged. However, one of the achievements of the UR was imposing of bound tariffs on agricultural products and determining tariff equivalence for non-tariff measures. Then, the Doha Round (DR) also known as the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) which is the first round to place development and focus strongly on agricultural liberalisation as a tool for development. International trade theory supports agricultural liberalisation, as negotiated in the DDA. Therefore, the DDA, in seeking more liberalised agricultural markets, continues a theoretically sound approach, as in the UR. The effects of liberalising agricultural trade in the DDA will differ across countries, whereas some will gain, others may loose, and the same situation is true for different sectors within an economy. The focus of the DDA on agriculture, as a tool of development, links well to the fact that agriculture in the developing countries accounts for a substantial share of their gross domestic products (GDPs) and exports. This situation, therefore, calls for a closer consideration of the possible impact of agricultural liberalisation in South Africa even though agricultural share of GDP is less than 4 percent.
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Ferchichi, Mehdi. "L'Uruguay Round et le règlement des différends commerciaux interétatiques." Paris 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA010297.
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La procédure de règlement des différends instaure dans le cadre du GATT 1947 a permis, depuis sa création, de régler plusieurs litiges commerciaux. Toutefois, au fil du temps son application est apparue insuffisamment juridictionnelle pour pouvoir s'imposer aux parties contractantes et plusieurs dysfonctionnements ont permis aux parties en litige de bloquer la procédure a différents stades. Les négociations de l'Uruguay round ont remédier à ces faiblesses de la procédure en établissant dans le mémorandum d'accord sur les règles et les procédures régissant le règlement des différends un système plus légaliste, plus automatique, et plus contraignant qui entend avec la création de l'organe d'appel permanent faire respecter la règle de droit dans les relations commerciales internationales. Ce nouveau système fonctionnera dans une véritable organisation internationale : l'OMC, dont les membres, notamment les plus importants, se sont engagés, du moins officiellement, à respecter les décisions de l'organe de règlement des différends et à favoriser le multilatéralisme dans les échanges commerciaux mondiaux à l'aube du XXIème siècleThe disputes settlement system established in the 1947 GATT agreement has permitted, since its creation, to resolve many commercial disputes. However, its application appeared not enough judicial to be binding upon the contracting parties and many deficiencies allowed the parties to the dispute to paralyze the procedure at different levels. Uruguay round's negotiations have remedied to these weaknesses in establishing in the dispute settlement understanding a more legalistic, automatic and binding system, which will with the creation of appellate body bring respect towards the rule of law in commercial international relations. This new system will work in a genuine international organization : the WTO, in which the members, specially the more important ones, officially engaged themselves to respect the dispute settlement body's decisions and to favour multilateralism in world commercial exchange at the beginning of the 21st century
16
Sonmez, Haci Mehmet. "Negotiation Techniques In Turkish Foreign Policy: Wto Doha Round Negotiation Process And Its Implications For Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12612094/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes World Trade Organization Doha Round negotiation process and its implications for Turkey&rsquos relations with its neighbors. The thesis mainly focuses on two pillars of negotiating package, namely agricultural and non-agricultural products (NAMA) negotiations. Both segments of negotiations have different dimensions due to Turkey&rsquo
s regional and multilateral obligations. As a developing country, Turkey&rsquo
s position in agriculture is more in line with other developing countries
in NAMA however it defends more liberal policies because of its Customs Union with the EU. Results of Doha Round will affect not only Turkey but also Turkey&rsquo
s neighbors and these effects will be more dramatic in some of them. Chapter I is Introduction Chapter. Chapter II evaluates Doha Round in detail
Chapters III and IV examine agriculture and NAMA negotiations and their implications for Turkey. Chapter V evaluates other negotiation topics such as services, trade facilitation, environment and rules. Chapter VI analyzes Turkey&rsquo
s Customs Union with the EU and its bilateral trade arrangements. The last Chapter is the Conclusion.
17
Klemet-Nguessan, N. Kouamé. "La propriété intellectuelle et les négociations commerciales de l'Uruguay Round." Nice, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995NICE0025.
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La propriété intellectuelle est depuis le lancement de l'Uruguay Round au nombre des préoccupations des acteurs du commerce international. Le système international de protection s'est en effet révélé inapte à répondre adéquatement aux défis posés par l'apparition des nouvelles technologies ainsi que les différents nés entre états du fait de l'application des règles conventionnelles classiques. Tel est le contexte international qui a favorise la promotion du GATT comme cadre approprié de protection des droits de propriété intellectuelle. L’articulation des droits de propriété intellectuelle au système du GATT soulevait toutefois des difficultés tenant non seulement aux particularismes de ce système, mais aussi au fondement de la compétence du GATT à investir une matière qui a jusque-là relevé du champ de compétence quasi exclusive de l'OMPI. L’accord relatif aux aspects de droits de propriété intellectuelle qui touchent au commerce international, résultat des négociations du cycle d'Uruguay constitue sans conteste une amélioration du système conventionnel traditionnel. Il ne règle cependant pas tous les problèmes. L’organisation mondiale du commerce qui succède au GATT aura à faire face a un certain nombre de défis pour s'affirmer comme l'instance de régulation du commerce mondial.
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Poletti, Arlo <1977>. "The changing politics of preference formation in international trade negotiations: the European Union in the Doha Round." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1640/.
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This research seeks to provide an explanation for variations of “politics” of preference formation in international trade negotiations. Building on the ‘policy determines politics’ argument, I hypothesize the existence of a causal relationship between issue-characteristics and their variations with politics dynamics and their variations. More specifically, this study seeks to integrate into a single analytical framework two dimensions along which variations in the “politics of preference formation” can be organized: configurations of power relationships among the relevant actors in the structures within which they interact as well as the logic and the motivations of the actors involved in the policy making process. To do so, I first construct a four-cell typology of ‘politics of preference formation’ and, then, I proceed by specifying that the type of state-society configurations as well as the type of actors’ motivations in the “politics of preference formation” depend, respectively, on the degree to which a policy issue is perceived as politically salient and on the extent to which the distributional implications of such an issue can be calculated by the relevant stakeholders in the policy making process. The empirical yardstick against which the validity of the theoretical argument proposed is tested is drawn from evidence concerning the European Union’s negotiating strategy in four negotiating areas in the context of the so-called WTO’s Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations: agriculture, competition, environment and technical assistance and capacity building.
19
Lindström, Pia. "Change of Power in the WTO – Reality or Illusion? : A study of developing countries' bargaining power in the GATT/WTO negotiations from the Tokyo round to the Doha round." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-56092.
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The agenda of the multilateral trade negotiations has since the beginning of the creation of GATT in 1947, traditionally been dominated by the industrialised countries' interests. The last decade has, however, shown signs of a possible change in the power relations between developed and developing countries, in favour of the developing countries. The aim of this study is to document and analyse whether the developing countries have managed to increase their bargaining power in the GATT/WTO negotiations, and if this is the case, how this change can be explained. By providing a broad overview of the evolvement of developing countries' bargaining power in the Tokyo round, Uruguay round and the ongoing Doha round, it can be shown that over time, developing countries have strengthened their bargaining power, resulting in their interests being better reflected on the agenda of the multilateral trade negotiations. Possible explanatory factors for this change can in particular be found in developing countries having increased their ability to build sustainable coalitions, and in having enhanced their market shares in world trade. Yet, developing countries' ability to influence the actual substance and practical implementation of their bargained agreements is deficient.The thesis has also been published in the form of a book (May 2010).Published by: VDM Verlag. ISBN: 978-3639248234.
20
Otradovsky, Miranda. "Liberalizing non-tariff barriers : a comparative study of the 1948-58 intra-European trade liberalization and negotiations in the Uruguay round /." Genève : M. Otradovsky, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35586046b.
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Wiener, Jarrod. "Making rules for agriculture in the Uruguay round of the GATT : a study in international leadership." Thesis, University of Kent, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359425.
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Bardouille, Nand Cecil. "Managing technological transformation in the developing countries, lessons from east Asia and challenges from the Uruguay round." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ33835.pdf.
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Ullrich, Heidi Karen. "Impact of policy networks in the GATT Uruguay Round : the case of the US-EC agricultural negotiations." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1691/.
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This thesis investigates the membership, activities and policy impact of three distinct groups of policy networks operating within and between the agricultural policy environments of the US and EC as well as at the multilateral level during the preparation for and negotiations of the GATT Uruguay Round between 1980 and 1993. Briefly defined, these three groups are: 1) epistemic communities - networks of professionals who share both specialized knowledge and expertise in a specific issue area; 2) advocacy coalitions - policy actors from various levels of the policy process who share common policy beliefs and work together to turn these policy beliefs into government policy; and 3) elite transnational networks - incorporating political leaders, political appointees and senior government and international institutional officials, these elite level networks are formed through regular contact in either an official or unofficial capacity. The contention of this thesis is that various networks of actors within the distinct policy networks of epistemic communities, advocacy coalitions and elite transnational networks contributed significantly to bringing about the reform of agricultural policy that occurred within the EC and the US between 1980 and 1993 allowing for the establishment of consensus on the liberalization of agricultural trade policy at the multilateral level of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade during the Uruguay Round. The hypothesis of this thesis is that these three policy networks varied in their impact according to the specific stage of negotiations due to changing policy needs. I argue that in general: 1) epistemic communities exhibited the most impact during the agenda-setting stage owing in part to their expertise in agricultural trade issues, the existence of a common framework for discussion and their work in creating analytical tools that allowed agricultural liberalization to be politically and economically viable; 2) advocacy coalitions had the most significant role during the second, or policy-making stage, due to their ability to work within the policy environment and shape domestic policy development; and 3) elite transnational networks, due to their ability to provide the necessary political pressure, had the greatest impact in the third, or breakthrough stage.
24
Souza, Lylas Ameyo de. "Les blocs commerciaux regionaux et leurs incidences sur le commerce international." Reims, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999REIMD008.
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La proliferation des blocs commerciaux regionaux constitue aujourd'hui, un des faits majeurs de l'economie internationale. Peut-on dire que ce phenomene conduira a l'eclatement du cadre mondial des echanges commerciaux a moyen ou long terme. Presque trois ans ; apres la conclusion des accords de l'uruguay round, tout dependra de la maniere dont evolueront l'environnement international en general et le systeme multilateral en particulier. Compte-tenu de cette mutation, doit-on voir une opposition entre l'approche multilaterale et les approches regionales, ou doit-on inventer une gestion de commerce entre ces deux systemes.
25
Junior, José Luiz Pimenta. "Coalizões Internacionais e o G-20: aspectos da liderança brasileira na rodada Doha de desenvolvimento da OMC." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-17072013-143742/.
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Desde a criação da OMC em 1995, países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento intensificaram a busca por uma ação coordenada mais efetiva e, principalmente durante a Rodada Doha, passaram a influenciar o processo de tomada de decisão por meio da criação de coalizões internacionais. A atuação paradigmática do Brasil no processo de formação e atuação do G20 fez com que o país se tornasse um eminente player nas negociações agrícolas da Rodada de Desenvolvimento de Doha e entrasse de maneira definitiva no alto nível decisório da Organização. Dessa forma, o objetivo deste trabalho é explorar o debate relacionado à atuação das coalizões internacionais, bem como identificar os elementos que constituem a liderança política nesse modo de ação coletiva, sobretudo no que se relaciona ao caso da atuação do Brasil no G20 durante as negociações da Rodada Doha da OMC.Since the creation of the WTO in 1995, developed and developing countries intensified the demand for a more effective and coordinated action, especially during the Doha Round, and began to influence the decision making process through the creation of international coalitions. The paradigmatic role of Brazil in the formation and performance of the G20 has rendered the country a prominent position in the agricultural negotiations of the Doha Development Round. Thus, the objective of this paper is to explore the debate related to the performance of international coalitions, and to identify the elements that constitute the political leadership in this mode of collective action, especially with regard to the case of Brazil\'s role in G20 during negotiations of the WTO Doha Round.
26
Coskeran, Helen Mary. "Farm talks and the new quad : an analysis of agriculture negotiations in the Doha Round between the established and the rising powers." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608082.
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Caldas, Ricardo W. "The evolution of Brazil's position in the Uruguay Round of the GATT, with particular emphasis on the issue of services." Thesis, University of Kent, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.259452.
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Djemilou, Mohamed. "The impact of the Bali agreement on the Doha round stalemate with particular reference to the interests of developing and least developed countries." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5122.
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Magister Philosophiae - MPhilThe problem that this Research Paper is aiming to examine is whether the Bali Agreement has successfully impacted on the consensus pitfalls and the Doha Round stalemate as shown in the background to the study.
National Bursary and Grants Agency (ANBG)
29
Rodrigues, Vieira Vinícius Guilherme. "Players in the fields : national identity and the politics of domestic preferences of Brazil and India in the Doha Development Round (2001-2008)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0157e2e9-68bd-4e2a-9f62-9fe10a8576b4.
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I argue that a country’s preferences in an international trade negotiation ultimately reflect the domestic distribution of power across economic sectors not only in the field of the market, but also in the field of society. Fields correspond to arenas of power. Whereas in the market societal actors have economic capital (EC), their position in society determines their identity capital (IC). The more a sector is associated to the dominant conception of national identity, the higher is its IC. Both types of capital impact a sector’s political power (PP). IC manifests itself in the phase of ratification either instrumentally, when in dispute in the political field, or structurally, if embedded in state institutions. Hence, when IC is instrumentalised, only if the coalition in government espouses a social paradigm to which a sector is mostly associated it will be able to convert its level of IC into PP. As ratification shadows negotiation, constraints in this latter phase tend to be false positives in explaining the formation of the national interest. The hypothesis on the role of IC in shaping the weight of sectors’ preferences in trade negotiations is tested along with a process of theory-building through a multi-method structured-focused comparison. For the comparison, two countries were chosen as their societies are diverse in terms of identity, yet each represents a variety of the effects of IC. Brazil and India have identity-based social cleavages that are expressed in structural and instrumental terms respectively. They are key players in the World Trade Organisation’s (WTO) multilateral system of trade, having participated of the Doha Development Round of trade liberalisation. Brazil expressed interest for liberalisation as the mostly racially-diverse sectors had offensive demands. In turn, protectionist demands prevailed in India, as defensive sectors are associated to the dominant secularist paradigm of national identity.
30
Modwel, Suman. "Trade in services : an Indian perspective : [thèse soutenue sur un ensemble de travaux]." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993IEPP0004.
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Cette thèse comprend six travaux menés entre 1984 et 1992, sur le sujet des "échanges internationaux". Elle analyse les implications de la décision d'introduire "les services" à l'ordre du jour des négociations multilatérales du commerce au sein du GATT, (accord général sur les tarifs et le commerce)- "Uruguay Round", surtout du point de vue des pays en voie de développement comme l'inde. En conclusion, une discussion de l'ébauche du texte final proposé par le GATT et les réactions que ceci a provoqué en Inde et dans le reste du monde. Les travaux sont présentés en version originale (anglais). Les transitions et le "chapitre final" en français (traduction de l'anglais)This thesis comprises six studies conducted during the period 1984-92 on trade in services. The implications flowing from the decision to introduce services in the agenda of the Uruguay Round of the multilateral trade negociations have been analysed and discussed, specially from the point of view of India, a developing country that played an active role in these GATT talks. The thesis concludes with the "final chapter", which particulary discusses the draft final text proposed by GATT (Dec. 1991), and the reaction it provoked in India and elsewhere
31
Etogo, Messomo Mireille. "Les échanges de produits agricoles de la zone tempérée après le cycle d'Uruguay : un test de robustesse de la nouvelle théorie du commerce international." Nice, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000NICE0071.
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Le demi-succès de l'accord agricole de 1993 du GATT a suscité de nombreuses interrogations. Insuffisance des dispositions ? Inadaptation au contexte des échanges ou inefficacité ? L'analyse de telles questions nécessite une bonne connaissance des facteurs qui déterminent la forme du commerce mondial et orientent les choix de politiques commerciale et nationale des pays. Les échanges de produits agricoles sont généralement expliqués par les théories traditionnelles de Ricardo et Hecksher-Ohlin-Samuelson. Ces approches fondent le commerce international sur le principe de l'avantage comparatif issu des différences entre les pays, et sur l'hypothèse de concurrence parfaite avec des rendements constants dans la production. Dans ce contexte, le libre-échange est présenté comme étant la politique optimale, qui garantit des gains à tous les pays prenant part au commerce international, et sert de base aux dispositions du GATT. .The consequences of the agricultural agreement of the Uruguay Round of the GATT which took place between 1986 and 1993 was not a success and induced questions about efficiency, sufficiency or inadequacies of the decisions associated with the trade context. The analysis of such questions needs a deep knowledge of the world trade determinants, and of the orientation of domestic and trade policies of nations. The agricultural products trade is generally explained by Ricardo an Hecksher-Ohlin-Samuelson theories which base the world trade on the comparative advantage principle emerging from the differences between nations, and on the hypothesis of perfect competition with constant economies of scale. In this context, free trade is the optimal policy, providing gains to all the countries partipating to trade, and then orienting GATT s dispositions
32
Diverio, Tamara Silvana Menuzzi. "Negociações agrícolas internacionais na rodada Doha : interesses e influência dos atores domésticos na formação da posição brasileira." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/40235.
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Este estudo buscou compreender como se dá a participação dos atores domésticos na formulação da posição brasileira nas negociações agrícolas, da Rodada de Doha da OMC. A partir da análise de documentos oficiais e de entrevistas realizadas com representantes dos principais atores domésticos brasileiros, foi possível mapear a rede de articulações, interesses e posições que se forma em torno das negociações agrícolas internacionais. Além disso, buscouse compreender a atenção dispensada as demandas desses atores, bem como avaliar os critérios utilizados para incorporá-las na agenda negociadora do país. As reflexões sobre o assunto foram amparadas na Teoria dos Jogos de Dois Níveis, de Putnam (2010), na qual o autor parte do pressuposto de que toda negociação internacional envolve uma dimensão doméstica. Para elaboração deste estudo, partiu-se da hipótese de que existe no plano doméstico a formação de coalizões que se articulam e estabelecem limites para o negociador do país atuar no contexto internacional com os demais negociadores. Os resultados encontrados evidenciaram uma rede de articulação de atores domésticos, inclusive dentro do próprio governo, com interesses heterogêneos e visões diferenciadas da agricultura brasileira. Foram percebidos, assim, dois modelos em disputa que representam públicos e visões diferenciadas. Com o aumento do interesse por política internacional, em virtude, principalmente, do aumento da internacionalização da economia brasileira, muitos atores saíram em defesa de seus interesses, o que acentuou as divergências de posições nas discussões das negociações agrícolas. A atuação do MRE/Itamaraty, no processo das negociações da Rodada de Doha, foi voltada para a promoção de convergências. Este ministério buscou conciliar questões domésticas e internacionais, no entanto, não deixou de ter o domínio sobre a decisão final sobre as negociações agrícolas internacionais. Por fim, o estudo confirmou a hipótese de que há, no plano interno, a formação de coalizões que agem formal e informalmente, articulando-se para a defesa de seus interesses, moldando, assim, a posição nacional nas discussões agrícolas da Rodada de Doha.This study aimed at understanding how is established the participation of the domestic actors in the formularization of the Brazilian position in the agricultural negotiations, of the Doha Round of the OMC. From the analysis of official documents and interviews carried out with representatives of the main Brazilian domestic actors, it was possible to trace the net of articulations, interests and positions around the international agricultural negotiations. Moreover, it was tried to understand the attention given to the demands of these actors, as well as evaluating the criteria used to incorporate them in the negotiating agenda of the country. The reflections on the subject were supported in the Theory of the Games of Two Levels, by Putnam (2010), in which the author states that every international negotiation involves a domestic dimension. For the elaboration of this study, it was taken into account the hypothesis that in the domestic plan there is the formation of coalitions that articulate and establish limits for the negotiator of the country to act in the international context with the other negotiators. The results found, evidenced a net of articulation of domestic actors, also inside the government itself, with heterogeneous interests and differentiated views of Brazilian agriculture. It was, then, perceived two models in dispute that represent public and differentiated views. With the increase of the interest for international politics, due, mainly, to the increase of the internationalization of the Brazilian economy, many actors came to the defense of their interests, what accented the divergences of position in the arguments of agricultural negotiations. The performance of the MRE/Itamaraty, in the process of the negotiations of the Doha Round, was directed to the promotion of convergences. This ministry aimed to conciliate domestic and international issues; however, it continued having the domain on the final decision on the international agricultural negotiations. Finally, the study confirmed the hypothesis that there is, in the internal plan, the formation of coalitions that act formally and informally, articulating for the defense of their interests, molding, thus, the national position in the agricultural arguments of the Doha Round.
33
Phakathi, S’busiso. "The impact of agricultural subsidies on the policy of agricultural exports in South Africa within the context of WTO jurisprudence." University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5123.
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Magister Legum - LLMThe aim of the research is to establish how trade distorting agricultural subsidies have impacted South Africa’s agricultural exports. The research will explore trade distorting subsidies and how South Africa’s trade liberalisation approach relative to its trading partners have impacted South Africa’s trade output, as well as suggesting effective policy recommendations for South Africa’s agricultural trade going forward.
34
Simon, Silvana Aline Soares. "Diplomacia econômica brasileira : as negociações agrícolas da Rodada Doha (2003-2008)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/67241.
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Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar as alterações ocorridas no perfil da diplomacia econômica brasileira, atividade que era, tradicionalmente, de competência do Estado, desempenhada pelo Ministério de Relações Exteriores (MRE). Com as mudanças ocorridas nas estruturas políticas domésticas, a partir da redemocratização e da abertura econômica, no entanto, verificou-se a emergência de novos atores, estatais e não estatais, que passaram a participar desse processo. Essa remodelação ocasionou a ruptura do isolamento burocrático do MRE e de sua responsabilidade quase exclusiva pela formulação dos posicionamentos internacionais do Brasil. Para atender ao objetivo deste estudo, escolheu-se como objeto de análise o processo doméstico de elaboração dos posicionamentos brasileiros para as negociações agrícolas da Rodada Doha, no período entre 2003 e 2008, em que ocorreu uma expressiva interlocução entre atores representantes do Governo e da sociedade civil, no âmbito do Grupo Técnico Informal. Desse modo, este estudo busca identificar os diferentes atores que participaram desse processo, seus interesses específicos, em que medida eles foram incorporados na atuação internacional do Brasil e, por fim, o papel do MRE diante da emergência desses novos atores. O foco desta pesquisa é a análise do nível doméstico da diplomacia econômica e a compreensão de como ocorre a formulação desse processo. O nível internacional também será considerado, com a finalidade de explicarem-se os constrangimentos internacionais que influenciam nas decisões finais dos formuladores da diplomacia. Para tanto, serão utilizados, como ferramentas para a análise, os modelos teóricos que enfatizam a interação entre os níveis doméstico e internacional.This research aims to analyze the changes in the profile of Brazilian economic diplomacy. Traditionally, diplomacy was an activity of competence of the State, predominantly performed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MRE). However, with the changes in the national political structures, from democratization and economic liberalization, there has been the emergence of new actors, state and non-state actors, who came to participate in this process. This characterized the rupture of MRE’s bureaucratic insulation and its almost exclusive responsibility on the formulation of the Brazil's international placements. To reach the objective of this study, the object of analysis chosen was be the domestic process of preparation of Brazilian’s placements for agricultural negotiations of the Doha Round, in the period between 2003 and 2008, in which there was a significant dialogue between representatives of the government actors and civil society within the Informal Technical Group. Thus, this study seeks to identify the different actors who participated in this process, their specific interests, to what extent they have been incorporated into international operations in Brazil and, finally, the role of MRE before the emergence of these new actors. The focus of this research will be the domestic level of analysis, since the main goal is to understand how the process formulation of economic diplomacy occurs. However, the international level will also be taken into consideration, in order to explain the international constraints that influence the final decisions of the framers of diplomacy. For this purpose, theoretical models that emphasize the interaction between the domestic and international levels will be used as analysis tools.
35
Setser, Bradley W. "Slaying sacred cows : the sources of policy change in US/EU negotiations over agricultural policy and audiovisual services during the GATT Uruguay Round." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285443.
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Wei, Liming [Verfasser], Christian [Gutachter] Tietje, and Karsten [Gutachter] Nowrot. "Reasons for reforms to the WTO agreement on the implementation of article VI of GATT 1994 in the Doha Round negotiations : is there any way out of the Doha impasse? / Liming Wei ; Gutachter: Christian Tietje, Karsten Nowrot." Halle (Saale) : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1232726486/34.
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Meepiarn, Worakamol. "Bargaining strategies for Developing Countries at the WTO : the case of Thailand and the Agreement on Agriculture in the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2232/.
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The central research question of the thesis concerns the bargaining and negotiating strategy, as well as the negotiating process, at the GATT and the WTO in relation to developing countries. The key questions this study set out to answer were: considering the vast power disparity developing countries face in multilateral trade negotiations in the GATT/WTO institution and among a number of available strategies, what is, then, the most effective bargaining strategy, under what conditions? The thesis has sought to make a principal argument corresponding to the research question of this study, based on the findings of the case of Thailand’s participation at the Uruguay Round negotiations. Firstly, the thesis shows that Thailand, along with other developing countries with the same level of economic development and a similar level of experience in multilateral trade negotiations, has not been able to rely on merely one negotiating strategy in order to attain the sought after outcomes. The thesis then illustrates that bargaining strategies have to be exercised in all channels. To further systemise, bargaining strategies could possibly be grouped into three levels: (1) international, where coalition building and mixed strategy of distributive and integrative tactics can be utilised; (2) regional, where regional agreements/regional-based coalitions can be utilised as a springboard for bargaining; and (3) domestic, where the role of individual officials and ministers can feed into the effectiveness of the bargaining strategies being conducted. Therefore, the thesis argues that the limited bargaining power of developing countries makes coalition-building an especially crucial and most appealing tool for their effective diplomacy. The thesis also argues that the most effective bargaining tactics are those of a mixture of distributive and integrative tactics, as stipulated by Odell. The thesis contends that Thailand’s experience seems to throw light on the inadequacies of the conventional accounts of domestic-driven negotiation analysis that assume the great role of domestic institutional inputs in the trade policy formulation process. They assume that trade negotiators and officials arrive at the negotiating position after having calculated and balanced inputs from diverse interests within the state. It is believed that negotiation alternatives for any country are direct outcomes of the particular alignment of domestic actors and interests. However, the finding suggests that a very different dynamic is at work in Thailand. Finally, the thesis has maintained that the driving force in trade policy and negotiating strategy in Thailand remains in the hands of the state, mainly via bureaucratic officials. Therefore, new development in negotiation analysis is needed that is of relevance to developing countries’ experiences, since many developing countries with very different political structures and societies have reacted in very similar ways at the international level.
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Houée-Bigot, Magalie. "Modélisation économétrique des effets des instruments de soutien sur les marchés mondiaux des grandes cultures." Paris 9, 2006. https://portail.bu.dauphine.fr/fileviewer/index.php?doc=2006PA090078.
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L'Accord Agricole de l'Uruguay Round (1994) a constitué un tournant dans la libéralisation des échanges agricoles. Les négociations se poursuivent et engendrent de nouvelles réformes de la Politique Agricole Commune et un ajustement des instruments utilisés aux Etats-Unis. Afin de quantifier les effets des instruments de politique agricole, un modèle économétrique mondial représentant les productions, les demandes, et les échanges de produits agricoles est construit. L'originalité de ce projet porte, en particulier, sur la représentation explicite des instruments de politique agricole. La modélisation des fonctions d'exportations et d'importations permet de distinguer les instruments à l’exportation (subventions, crédits, aide alimentaire) et à l’importation (droit de douane, quotas à l’importation). Des simulations de scénarii de politique agricole (libéralisation totale, partielle,…). Sont réaliséesThe Agricultural Agreement of the Uruguay Round, 1994, was a real change in the liberalization of agricultural trade. Negotiations go on and generate new reform of the Common Agricultural Policy and adaptation of instruments used in the United States. In order to measure impacts of instruments of agricultural policies, a world econometric model which represents production, consumption and trade of agricultural products, is developed. The originality of this project is the explicit representation of instruments of agricultural policies. The modelling of export and import functions allows to distinguish export instruments (subsidy, credit, food aid) and import instruments (tariff, import quota). Simulations of agricultural policies (total or partial liberalization) are implemented
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Chaour, Chérifa. "Le libre-échange dans l'agriculture : entre le mythe et la pratique : ou l'Uruguay round, de la norme libre échangiste à la réalité interventionniste." Paris 10, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA100103.
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Cette these porte sur les mecanismes et le mode de construction de deux modeles agricoles : la politique agricole communautaire et la politique agricole des etats unis. L'analyse du role des etats et de la coordination au gatt cherche a mettre en evidence l'antagonisme entre la doctrine liberale de ces deux puissances agricoles et leurs pratiques interventionnistes. Elle montre comment, jusqu'a l'uruguay round, les arguments en faveur de l'exception agricole ont justifie cet antagonisme et pourquoi l'uruguay round a remis a l'ordre du jour les questions posees par les economistes liberaux depuis le xixeme siecle sur le role regulateur du marche, sans pour autant y apporter une reponse. Cette these veut demontrer que les negociations de l'uruguay round n'ont pas amoindri le role et l'intervention de l'etat dans les pays industrialises seules les formes de leur intervention ont changees. L'uruguay round aura servi a resoudre les conflits usa/cee et a imposer un modele agricole unique, celui des etats unis.
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Balúnová, Slávka. "Perspektívy Katarského kola: postoje veľkých ázijských ekonomík." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-199787.
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India, China and Indonesia are among the six largest and fastest growing economies in the world (BRIICS). Rich countries are still reluctant to accept the fact that developing countries are becoming stronger and that the balance of economic power is shifting. The international community therefore seeks to find the way how to deal with this situation and the answer is to involve developing countries in the international trade. The main objective of the WTO is to involve developing countries in world trade and to create better conditions for them. Therefore, in 2001, the Doha Development Agenda has commenced and its aim is to achieve the goals of the WTO. The main objective of this paper is to evaluate the success of the Doha round and its prospects with the focus on the attitudes and interests of the major Asian economies, namely China, India and Indonesia.
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Rizzotto, Alessandra Biavati. "Rodada Doha e a possível redução de barreiras tarifárias e não tarifárias : uma estimativa dos benefícios para o Brasil por meio do modelo de equilíbrio geral computável." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2018. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/7004.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
A Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) entrou em funcionamento no dia 1º de janeiro de 1995, com a finalidade de administrar o sistema multilateral do comércio. A Rodada Doha foi a primeira rodada de negociações da OMC, que iniciou em 2001 e se estende até os dias atuais. Inúmeros impasses no contexto multilateral afloraram das mesas de negociação na OMC, principalmente na área agrícola, de especial interesse para o Brasil. Sendo assim, o objetivo da dissertação é simular reduções de barreiras tarifárias e não tarifárias, no âmbito multilateral, e verificar quais seriam os benefícios para o Brasil, com ênfase sobre o setor primário. Para tanto, foi estimado um modelo de equilíbrio geral computável, por meio do software GTAP, e quatro cenários que incorporaram reduções de barreiras tarifárias e não tarifárias foram realizados. Os resultados mostram que, especificamente para o Brasil, nos cenários em que só são incorporadas reduções de tarifas, o setor primário e de agroindústria seriam os mais beneficiados. Já a redução multilateral das BNTs favoreceria, especialmente, os setores industriais, de maior conteúdo tecnológico. Quando simulados ambos, reduções de BNT combinados com reduções tarifárias, todos os setores aumentariam as exportações, principalmente a pecuária, agroindústria e manufaturas de alta intensidade tecnológica. Em relação ao bem-estar, os cenários que incorporam redução de BNTs ou reduções combinadas de BNTs e tarifas são os mais benéficos para todas as regiões incluídas no estudo, com ganhos mundiais que podem alcançar mais de US$ 1 trilhão.
The World Trade Organization (WTO) officially commenced on January 1, 1995, for the purpose of administering the multilateral trading system. Doha Round was the first round of WTO negotiations, which began in 2001 and extends to the present day. Numerous impasses in the multilateral context have emerged from the negotiating tables in the WTO, especially in the agricultural area, of special interest to Brazil. Thus, the objective of the dissertation is to simulate reductions in tariff and non-tariff barriers at the multilateral level, and to verify the benefits to Brazil, with emphasis on the primary sector. For that, a computable general equilibrium model was estimated using the GTAP software, and four scenarios that incorporated reductions of tariff and non-tariff barriers were performed. The results show that, specifically for Brazil, in the scenarios in which only tariff reductions are incorporated, the primary and agroindustry sectors would be the most benefited. The multilateral reduction of BNTs would favor, especially, the industrial sectors, with greater technological content. When both, BNT reductions combined with tariff reductions were simulated, all sectors would increase exports, especially livestock, agro-industry, and high-tech manufactures. Concerning well-being, scenarios incorporating reductions in BNTs or combined reductions in BNTs and tariffs are the most beneficial for all regions included in the study, with global gains that can reach over $ 1 trillion.
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Mouhot, Eric. "De l'adaptation dynamique du concept de juridiction : étude rapportée à une organisation internationale atypique, l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce (OMC)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAA028.
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Une telle étude n'aurait pas été possible immédiatement après la conclusion de l'Accord de Marrakech, suite aux premières analyses. Des analyses qu'il convenait de prendre en compte avec du recul, la richesse du substrat est à souligner. Le choix de l'organisation, quant à lui, est dicté par un constat: l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce qui est aussi en phase de mutation participe du réaménagement, de l'ordre économique mondial. Pour que cette participation de l'OMC contribue à l'équilibre global du système, il est nécessaire de proposer des pistes de travail aux représentants des Etats, aux négociateurs, aux différents groupes parties prenantes à ce processus évolutif. Proposer des pistes de réformes auto centrées exclusivement sur l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce reviendrait, par le biais d'un schéma réducteur à l'excès, à ne pas tenir compte de la dimension de la sphère internationale. Le plan et le déroulement de la thèse ont été dictés par cet incontournable cahier des charges. Incontournable tout comme le constat qui a servi d'armature à la première partie, le modèle juridictionnel est accessible mais non atteint par l'OMC. Deux de ces éléments, l'existence d'un différend et l'application du droit ne posent pas de problèmes lorsqu'ils sont soumis à la matrice de règlement des différends de l'OMC. Mais le caractère obligatoire des recommandations pose le problème de la compatibilité avec les critères formel et organique du modèle juridictionnel. . L'atypisme de l'OMC est illustré par le dédoublement fonctionnel auquel se livre le Conseil Général-Organe de Règlement des Différends. La juridictionnalisation du traitement des différends commerciaux peut s'envisager via la configuration de nouveaux schémas coopératifs, y compris avec des ramifications hors du centre William Rappard. La conclusion de lathèse, tout en synthétisant les causes de la non validation du qualificatif juridictionnel pour l'OMC, rend compte de virages prospectifs qui pourraient permettre l'émergence d'une juridiction commerciale internationale entre EtatsSuch a study would not have been possible straight after the conclusion of the Agreement of Marrakesh, further to the first analyses. Analyses which it was advisable to take into account with hindsight, the wealth of the substratum should be noticed. As for the choice of the organization, it is dictated by a report stating that the World Trade Organization which is also in the pro cess of being transferred participates in the reorganization of the world economic order. In order for this participation of the WTO ( .. ) to contribute to the global balance of the system, it is necessary to propose working tracks to the representatives of the States, to the negotiators, to the various groups involved in this progressive process. Proposing means of reforms centred only on WTO, excessive reduction and not taking into account the dimension of the international sphere. The plan and the progress of the thesis were dictated by these unavoidable specifications. As inevitable as the report which was used as a basis of the first part, the jurisdictional model is accessible but not reached by the WTO ( .. ). Two out of these elements, the existence of a dispute and the application of law do not pose problems when they are subjected to the matrix of dispute settlement of the WTO ( .. ). But the compulsory character of the recommendations poses the problem of the compatibility with the formaI and organiccriteria of the jurisdictional model. The atypism of the WTO ( .. ) is illustrated by the functional splitting in which the General-Organ Council of Dispute settlement is engaged. The 'jurisdictionnalisation" of the treatment of the trade disagreements can be envisaged via the configuration of new cooperative plans, including ramifications outside the William Rappard Center. The conclusion of the thesis, while synthesizing the causes of the invalidation of the jurisdictional qualifier for the WTO ( .. ), justifies means of prospection allowing the emergence of an international commercial jurisdiction between States
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Junior, Haroldo Ramanzini. "Processo decisório de política externa e coalizões internacionais: as posições do Brasil na OMC." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-02032010-174055/.
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O objetivo desta dissertação consiste em analisar a atuação da coalizão G-20, no âmbito da Rodada Doha, da OMC, tendo como foco principal o entendimento das posições brasileiras na coalizão. Procuramos compreender a receptividade da política externa brasileira às pressões domésticas, no caso da atuação do país, no G-20, bem como a influência dos atores domésticos, governamentais e não governamentais, no processo de formulação e de implementação da estratégia brasileira na coalizão. Argumentaremos que a forma como o Brasil atua, no G-20, relaciona-se, tanto com o processo interno de construção da posição negociadora do país, quanto com os limites que a própria lógica das negociações estabelece. A unidade de decisão que estrutura a posição brasileira é uma variável importante para o entendimento da postura do país e para manutenção da coalizão.The objective of this text is to analyze the performance of the G-20 at Doha Round in the WTO, having as main focus the brazilian position in the coalition. We will try to comprehend the receptiveness of the brazilian foreign policy to the domestic pressures considering the countries positions in the coalition. We argue that the brazilian positions, in the G-20, are related to the domestic decision making structure, as well as to the limits of the negotiations logic. The decision unit that structures the country position is an important variable to understand brazilian positions and the maintenance of the coalition.
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Lalanne, Guy. "Libéralisation des échanges commerciaux internationaux : quels ajustements et quelles conséquences pour les ménages et les entreprises." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0145.
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Les deux premiers chapitres examinent les stratégies des entreprises afin d'atteindre les marchés étrangers, sur données françaises. Le premier chapitre montre que les entreprises ont rencontré des difficultés pour saisir l'opportunité que constitue l'ouverture des marchés étrangers suite à la signature de l'Uruguay Round. Cela signifie que l'économie française ne parvient pas à bénéficier de l'ensemble des gains potentiels au commerce. Le second chapitre met en évidence le rôle des grossistes afin de contourner certaines des difficultés rencontrées par les entreprises cherchant à exporter. Un modèle théorique explique la présence des grossistes pour mutualiser les coûts fixes à l'exportation. Les grossistes permettent ainsi aux entreprises d'atteindre des marchés plus difficiles et constituent des catalyseurs de l'exportation des entreprises dont la compétitivité est proche du seuil nécessaire pour pouvoir exporter. Ensuite, les prédictions de ce modèle sont testées sur des données françaises, confirmant ce double rôle des grossistes. Les deux chapitres suivants se penchent, d'un point de vue théorique, sur les questions de distribution des bénéfices liés au commerce international. Ces chapitres cherchent à appréhender simultanément la formation des patrimoines et celle des attitudes face au commerce international. Dans un premier temps, il sera question de l'acquisition de capital humain. Dans un second temps, est étudié le rôle du patrimoine immobilier dans la formation des attitudes face au commerce international. Le patrimoine immobilier permet de prendre en compte une dimension régionale des effets du commerce international, jusque-là négligéeThe first two chapters study the strategy of firms in serving foreign markets, using French data. The first chapter shows that firms had difficulties in grasping the opportunity offered the foreign markets opening resulting from the Uruguay Round agreement. It reveals that the French economy did not benefit from the potential gains of trade. The second chapter put the emphasis on the role of wholesalers in helping firms to export. A theoretical model explains the use of wholesalers to share the fixed costs of exporting. The wholesalers allow firms to reach more difficult markets and act as a catalyst for the exports of firms whose competitiveness is close to the export rentability threshold. Then the predictions of this model are confronted with the French data, confirming this two-sided role of wholesalers. The next two chapters are theoretically addressing the issue of the distribution of the grains from trade. These chapters simultaneously consider the accumulation of human or physical capital and the formation of attitudes towards trade. The third chapter focuses on human capital. The fourth one studies the role of real estate in shaping the attitudes towards trade. Real estate also allows to take into account the regional dimension of gains from trade, that have largely been disregarded until now
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La, Barca Giuseppe. "Agriculture in the United States and the European Community : domestic developments and the GATT, with particular reference to the crises of the 1980s and to the Uruguay round negotiations." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/31071.
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This thesis argues that hostilities between the two main trade partners in the international farm market, the United States and the European Community, have their roots in the defence of their market share rather than in the conflict between different economic ideologies. In contrast to non-primary products, the agricultural trade rules in the stillborn Havana Charter and in the long-lasting GATT allowed wide room for manoeuvre for protectionist and subsidising measures. In the twenty years that followed the coming into being of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade the United States tried to secure its market in the member states of the European Community and to curb its growing competitive potential in the world market, but it does not seem that it was ready to make a reshaping of its own system conditional on an international agreement. The strains that afflicted the US and the EC systems in the early 1980s had some features in common but their causes and their effects differed. It is, therefore, natural that the attitudes of the parties in the Uruguay Round negotiations differed. The proposals tabled by the United States aimed at a freer market but did not mean the removal of all kinds of government-financed support and above all were bound to impose a much heavier burden on EC farmers than on their US competitors. In turn the European Community was not ready to commit itself to international deals whose effects on its farm policy would go beyond those of the limited domestic reforms agreed on by the member states. Finally, a formally multilateral, but actually bilateral, agreement was reached when the European Community implemented a farm reform that partially replaced its traditional price support system with an income support system similar to that in place in the United States and the latter abandoned its demands for a radical curtailment of domestic and export subsidies and focused on limited commitments that, however, could rein its European competitors' export capacity.
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Gerlach, Carina. "The EU, the WTO and trade in services : power and negotiation in the international political economy." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2008. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10873.
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For the European Union (EU), the field of trade policy is a main field in which the EU can assert its actorness and build its identity as an international actor. This "superpower" potential arises out of the EU's extensive resource equipment in trade policy and is driven forward by the EU's significant economic interests. To what extent, however, the EU has been able to use its resources to shape the rules of the international trade regime according to its own preferences has remained questionable. This thesis investigates the question of the EU's impact on and power utilisation in the international trade regime by analysing the EU's changing involvement in World Trade Organisation (WTO) negotiations. Drawing from the theoretical concepts of the "international regime" and "power", the thesis proposes an approach centred on the possession, mobilisation and impact of actors' power in international regimes. In particular, the thesis proposes a framework centred on five key elements: specification of the regime, its qualities and focus; the resources or 'underlying power' that actors bring to the regime; the resources derived by actors from the operation of the regime itself, or 'organisationally dependent capabilities'; the manifestation or deployment of resources and strategies by actors in negotiations; and outcomes defined in terms of actors' power over the regime itself. After an examination of the broad context of the WTO's development and the EU's involvement in the international trade regime, this framework is then explored through a detailed study of the EU's involvement in the negotiations over trade in services that took place in the WTO between 1995 and 2005, using evidence from a wide range of documentary sources and from interviews. On the basis of this exploration of trade in services, the thesis finds that despite the EU's outstanding resources, the WTO negotiations have become too complex for the EU to decisively influence them due to a power shift in the international trade regime. The special nature of the trade in services negotiations makes these particularly unmanageable and they do not seem to present the EU with a setting for achieving its preferences. A lack of cooperation among the WTO members in favour of the negotiations has made progress in the negotiations very hard to realise for the EU. At the same time, the erosion of the EU's resources by the shifting attitude in civil society towards trade policy, and an apparent Jack of business support, has increased the challenge for the EU of managing the international trade regime. Questions are therefore raised about the extent to which the EU has responded to change, mobilised its resources effectively and had a consistent impact on the international trade regime since the mid-1990s.
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Vašková, Michaela. "Mezníky ve vývoji současného kola mnohostranných liberalizačních jednání." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-204970.
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The thesis deals with the current round of WTO negotiations. The aim of thesis is to identify the most important milestones of Doha Round development. Particular chapters are devoted to identified milestones, which are the most important ministerial conferences. The thesis describes the process and the outcomes of these conferences and the potential impact of outputs on international trade.
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Seichepine, Annick. "Les exportations de l'Afrique subsaharienne face aux nouvelles règles du commerce international." Grenoble 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003GRE21004.
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Les pays d'Afrique subsaharienne ont abordé les négociations de l'Uruguay en position de faiblesse : exportations fortement polarisées d'un point de vue géographique et sectoriel, endettement extérieur poussant à exporter davantage, nouveaux concurrents mettant en cause les "économies rentières". Marginalisés dans le commerce mondial, ils ont eu du mal à faire valoir leur point de vue lors des négociations. Les accords de Marrakech qui en découlent n'apportent guère de nouvelles opportunités d'exportations mais génèrent de nouvelles contraintes, comme le respect des DPI dans un contexte où le traitement différencié s'affaiblit et où l'intégration économique se heurte au contrôle de l'OMC, ce qui se traduit par un bouleversement de la convention de Lomé.
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Sadok, Hocine. "Les apports juridiques de l'accord de Marrakech instituant l'Organisation mondiale du commerce." Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999STR30016.
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Les développements contenus dans ce travail de recherche permettent d'appréhender les acquis du commerce international a la suite de la signature, le 15 décembre 1994, de l'accord de Marrakech instituant l'organisation mondiale du commerce. Ainsi, la première partie constate que les domaines traditionnels appréhendés par le GATT de 1947 et par les accords du Tokyo round de ont été l'objet de réformes à deux niveaux différents. D'une part, celui des règles techniques et des régimes de défense commerciale vis-à-vis des pays tiers, en procédant a une amélioration et une actualisation de ces règles. D'autre part, celui des réglementations sectorielles par la réintégration, à titre principal, dans le jeu classique du commerce des marchandises, de l'agriculture des pays à climat tempéré, ainsi que des textiles. Ensuite, la seconde partie aborde la question de l'introduction de normes dans les nouveaux domaines du commerce international appréhendes par les négociations : les échanges de service, les droits de propriété intellectuelle liés au commerce et les mesures relatives à des investissements et liés au commerce. Mais ce ne sont pas là les seules innovations de la nouvelle réglementation du commerce mondial ; d'une part, le cadre institutionnel du commerce mondial est profondément rénové. L'accentuation de la <> des procédures de règlement des différends constitue à cet égard une innovation déterminante de cette institutionnalisation. D'autre part, on ne saurait non plus ignorer qu'un certain nombre de questions, primordiales pour le développement pacifique des relations commerciales futures, ont été, dans une large mesure, prises en compte lors du cycle d'Uruguay. Il s'agit a la fois de la prise en considération de thématiques particulières, telles que la relation commerce-environnement ou la coopération économique régional, mais également de la prise en compte du statut particulier de certains états, a savoir les pays en transition, et surtout les pays en développementThe results contained in this research work allow us to apprehend the innovations of international trade that followed the signature, on the 15th of december 1994, of the Marrakech agreement which created the Word trade organisation. This thesis will start by establishing that the traditional domains apprehended by the GATT and by the agreements of the Tokyo round have been the subjects of reforms at two different levels : on one hand, at the level of the technical rules and regimes of commercial defence regarding third countries which have been updated and improved ; on the other hand, at the level of sectoral regulation by reintegration of the agricultural and textiles sectors of countries of temperate climate in the classical merchandise trade. The thesis will then tackle the question of the introduction of norms in the new domains of international trade apprehended by the negotiations : the trade in services, the rights of intellectual property associated to trade and the measures related to investment and associated trade. However, these are not the only innovations of the new world trade regulations. On one hand, the institutional framework of the world trade is deeply renewed. The increase of the "juridictionalisation" of the procedures for settlement of disagreements constitutes, in this respect, a decisive innovation for this institutionalisation. On the other hand, it cannot either be ignored that a certain number of questions which are essential for the pacific development of the future trade relations have been, to a great extent, taken into account at the Uruguay round. It is important not only to take into consideration particular subjects, such as regional economic cooperation or the relationship trade-environment, but also the partyicular statute of some states, namely those in transition and specially the developing countries
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Bhatanacharoen, Pojanath. "Assessing the influence of small EU member states on WTO global trade negotiations on agricultural policy in the Doha Round : a comparative analysis of Denmark and Ireland through a multi-level game perspective." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.500902.
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This thesis assesses the implications of multilateralism on state behaviour and the ability to shape the negotiation outcomes. More specifically, this thesis examines the small European Union (EU) states' strategy, motivation and influence on the agricultural trade negotiations. Small states face greater challenge as the European Council decides trade issues by Qualified Majority Voting which generally favours bigger member states with heavier voting weight. In the current Doha Round negotiations of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) (2000 - 2006), the increasing pressures from within the EU and WTO continue to challenge the viability of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). In particular, the United States and the CAIRNS group countries criticised heavily the EU's protectionist approach to CAP.