Relevant bibliographies by topics / USA-North Korea

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'USA-North Korea'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 24 April 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "USA-North Korea"

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Kyu, Nam Kwang. "The Moon Jae-in administration’s North Korea policy and Korea–US relations." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-12-2017-0131.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present the North Korea policy pursued by the Moon Jae-in administration and discuss the possibility of a weakened alliance between South Korea and the USA. Design/methodology/approach This paper compares the North Korean policies and the ROK–US alliance under the Moon administration, analyzing the recent inter-Korean and North Korea–US summits, with a focus on the issues of denuclearization and establishing a peace regime. Findings This paper reveals that the approach taken by the Moon administration regarding North Korea is similar to that of North Korea and China, and that the ROK–US alliance is likely to weaken should there be any change concerning the North Korean nuclear issue. Originality/value Denuclearization takes place in accordance with the agreement between North Korea and the USA, there is a high likelihood of the ROK–US alliance weakening.
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Denisov, V. "Russia and Korean Peninsula in the New International Situation." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-39-48.

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Recent trends in international situation around Korean peninsula and the policy of main stateactors are being considered. The USA is trying to reinforce its military presence in South Korea. Seoul is seeking to revise its previous agreements with USA in the sphere of nuclear energy. Trilateral interaction (US-Japan-South Corea) on the problem of North Korean nuclear potential is strengthening. US policy towards North Korea is aimed at counteraction to reinforcement of Russian and Chinese influence in the region. At the same time the USA provides support to North-South dialogue while pressurizing North Korea on the issues of human rights and denuclearization.Pyongyang is concerned with military rapprochement between South Korea and USA and is trying to make North Korean nuclear program an object of bargaining for peaceful settlement on Korean peninsula. North-to-South relations should be regarded as military opposition in spite of constant appeals to peaceful reunification, development of economic and cultural ties etc. Current analysis reveals that both North and South Korea are still far from real progress in this respect.Chinese factor is essential though Beijing behavior is cautious. After Kim Rong Un rise to power political and economic relations between North and South weakened. Pyongyang is concerned with regular contacts between China and US on North Korea problems. Aggravation of international situation did not lead to decline in China-South Korea relations, though China is against deployment of missile-defence THAAD complexes. Chinese policy in Korea is aimed at sustaining of status-quo in the peninsula and barring collapse of the North Corea regime.Policy of Russia is invariably based on the principles formulated in 2001. Recently North Korea has revealed intentions to resume political dialogue with Russia, while South Korea is seemingly not interested in broader co-operation with Russia. Up to the author’s opinion it is necessary to promote six-sided negotiations process, avoid extremes in approaches to both Korean states, and oppose to US domination in the region.
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Denisov, Valeriy. "Prospects for North Korean Regime and the Interests of Russia." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1-2 (March 28, 2019): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2019-0-1-2-16-26.

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The paper deals with the dynamics of home and foreign policy of North Korea under Kim Jong-un leadership, especially in last several years. Analyzed are new trends in and prospects for the development of the situation on the Korean Peninsula in the context of North Korea transformation into a full-fledged nuclear state. The author considers the return to party-centered political system (instead of total militarization under Kim Jong-il) as well as cautious economic reforms including introduction of some market mechanisms and attempts aimed at formation of basics of innovative economics. Factors hampering the development of the country, in particular, various economic sanctions, are also discussed, as well as prospects for diplomatic dialogue of North Korea with countries on North-East Asia. Contact between the leaders of North Korea and the USA are touched upon. The problem of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is critically considered. In conclusion, possible directions of cooperation between Russia and North Korea are outlined.
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Kim, Jeehye, and Jiyoung Ko. "To condone, condemn, or ‘no comment’? Explaining a patron’s reaction to a client’s unilateral provocations." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 3 (October 14, 2019): 452–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319875202.

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What explains a patron’s decision to publicly condone, condemn, or forgo commenting on its client’s unilateral provocations? We present a new theoretical framework that identifies a patron’s two strategic considerations – maximizing its sphere of influence and avoiding entanglement – and factors that affect them. We claim that whenever a patron faces a great power rivalry or a vulnerable client, it is more likely to condone its client’s provocations in order to safeguard its sphere of influence. On the other hand, when the risk of escalation looms large, the patron is more likely to condemn its client’s provocations in order to avoid entanglement. Focusing on the Sino-North Korean patron–client relationship, we test our theory on an original dataset that tracks China’s official reactions to provocations initiated by North Korea. We find that China tends to condone North Korea’s provocations when the USA criticizes them, and refrains from condemning when North Korea is domestically fragile. We also find that China is more likely to condemn its client’s provocations in the period after North Korea became a nuclear state. In addition, we draw on examples from the USA–Pakistan and the USA–Israel patron–client relationships to illustrate our causal logic. This article offers new insights on how a patron manages its client’s unruly behavior, and provides the first large-N evidence on China’s responses to North Korean provocations from 1981 to 2016.
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Toloraya, G. D. "Russia and the Issues of the Korean Peninsula." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-82-91.

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The importance of Korean Peninsula in Russian foreign strategy is based on the need to preserve peace and stability in the Russia's Far East "soft underbelly" and to be a part of international efforts to solve the Korean problem, as well as to promote regional economic cooperation. In 1990-s Russia's position on the peninsula weakened, mainly because of the rupture of ties with North Korea, while relations with South Korea were reactive in nature. Rebalancing relations with the two Koreas in 2000-s increased Russia's involvement into Korean settlement, including the 6- party format. Russia/s relations with North Korea are now based on good neighborhood principle, however, they are far from idyllic as Russia disapproves of Pyongyang's behavior, especially its nuclear and missile activities. However to influence the situation more Russia should deepen its ties with the current Pyongyang leadership regardless of how irritating its behavior might be. Relations with the ROK are aimed at becoming strategic, but in reality are limited due to ROK's alliance with the USA. However South Korea has become the third most important economic partner in Asia. Russia is especially interested in three- party projects, such as Trans-Korean railroad (linked to Transsiberan transit way), gas pipeline and electricity grid. However implementation of these project is negatively influenced by the tensions in Korean peninsula. It can be solved only by multilateral efforts for comprehensive solution combining security guarantees for North Korea and its abandonment of nuclear option.
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Denisov, V. "The Nuclear Problem of the Korean Peninsula: Is There a Way of Ending the Deadlock?" Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 182–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-182-193.

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The nuclear problem of the Korean peninsula remains unsolved, tensions continuing for the past five years. The mechanism of the Six-Party Talks in which Russia, China, the USA, Japan, North and South Korea took part, is inactive, while each party develops its own strategy to counteract the new nuclear program of North Korea. Such an approach stimulates further escalation in the region, because there is no mutual understanding of North Korea nuclear status. In addition there exist a number of contradictions between the members of Six-Party Talks, each of them trying to resolve North Korean issue pursuing their own interests. However, in the current situation a peaceful resolution of the problem is still possible. Moreover, it is the only reasonable solution.
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Hayat, Muhammad Umer, Asefa Khilji, and Farrukh Shehzad. "American Conduct towards North Korea: Realist Analysis of Clinton and Bush Administration." Global Political Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).07.

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North Korea tends to be a state of the 21st century that redefines realism in the contemporary era while concentrating on protecting its sovereignty by making self-help the primary concern. US-North Korea bilateral relations face fluctuations. North Korean intentions have progressed from the Realism thought, now willing to attain security maximization along with maximizing its power based on the notions of defensive and offensive realism. The supremacy of North Korea does not quench as the Nuclear might in Northeast Asia; it aims to attack mainland USA with its developed technology. The study concentrates on the Clinton and Bush administration as a special reference. Recognizing the North Korean nuclear program would be intolerable for the International Community as it goes against all norms set by the powerful states for the world.
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Syafiq Rizqullah, Muhammad Fawwaz, Luna Tristofa, and Devia Farida Ramadhanti. "Disaster Diplomacy of South Korea toward North Korea as Efforts to Create Peace in the Korean Peninsula (2017 – 2020)." Nation State: Journal of International Studies 4, no. 1 (June 29, 2021): 140–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.359.

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This paper aims to analyze the reason why South Korea as a North Korea rival in the Koreanpeninsula willing to give aid toward North Korea. The tension in Korean peninsula has happened since a long time ago especially after the cold war between USA & USSR. The conflict event become worst because of North Korea always threatening South Korea by testing the Nuclear missile. Despite of what North Korea done in the region, South Korea still gave abundance of aid in term of health assistance, food, and others basis of human necessity. By using qualitative approach and collecting data from credible literature resource and using the concept of disaster diplomacy this research found that South Korea has special type in term of conflict resolution, South Korea often using soft diplomacy and negotiation in order to creating peace. South Korea also believe positive peace diplomacy should be implementing in order make better condition in Korean peninsula. This research also believe that the actor has a big impact in successfully to support better condition between both countries and strengthening the relation. Lastly, this paper proof if in order to win in some competition not always using hard diplomacy or military power.
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Ishaque, Waseem, and Mudassir Mukhtar. "Breaking the Stalemate: Re-engaging North Korea." Global Foreign Policies Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2021): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(iv-iv).03.

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The situation in the Korean Peninsula continues to remain tense and uncertain despite hectic diplomacy and peace overtures demonstrated by former President Donald Trump of the USA, President Moon Jae-in of South Korea, and the members of the six-party talks platform due to lack of coherent policy on how to engage North Korea. While the international community has displayed cautious optimism on the US-North Korea Summits, however, the change in US administration and overextended policy review by the new administration has created anxiety and stalemate. Chairman Kim Jong-un has once again resorted to brinkmanship and test-fired several missiles to draw the attention of President Joe Biden, who, after hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan, is still in the process of consolidation of his position and doesn’t appear to be in a hurry on North Korea. This article recapitulates the peace developments of the last three years, investigates the causes of its failure, and suggests a course of action to break the prevailing stalemate by engaging North Korea and advancing the peace process for enduring stability of the entire peninsula.
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Gee, Alastair. "USA and North Korea work together on tuberculosis." Lancet 375, no. 9729 (May 2010): 1862. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(10)60857-4.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "USA-North Korea"

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Allgott, Philip. "U.S. diplomatic relations : how has it been used in Iran and North Korea? /." Jönköping : Jönköping University. Jönköping International Business School, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:201405/FULLTEXT01.

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Holmgren, Simon. "Hawks and doves on the Korean peninsula : A content analysis of United States and South Korea policy vis-à-vis North Korea in 2013." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-27350.

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This study examines the South Korea President Park Geun-hye and United States President Obama respective administration's policy vis-à-vis North Korea. The scope is narrowed down to the year 2013, during which the regime in Pyongyang conducted its third nuclear test. How to perceive and engage the regime in Pyongyang have been debated in the post-cold war era, divided into progressive (doves) and hard liners (hawks). Periods of policy discrepancy have occurred between Washington and Seoul, that have been observed to bear effect on North Korean behavior vis-à-vis South Korea. This study ties on to the contemporary policy debate in Seoul and Washington on North Korean engagement strategies. Moreover, expanding the scope and examines the respective administration's policy through a analytical framework based on a content analysis from a system level perspective. Furthermore, how neo-realism, neo-liberalism and the concept of reciprocity can shed light upon respective policies and give a sense of notion of alignment or discrepancy between Seoul and Washington.
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Cho, Sungbok. "Nordkorea - Was nun?" Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3147/.

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Ein „Schurkenstaat“ weniger? Nach langen Verhandlungen haben die Vereinigten Staaten Nordkorea im Herbst 2008 von ihrer schwarzen Liste der Terrorunterstützer gestrichen und locken jetzt sogar mit einem Friedensvertrag. Es bleibt jedoch abzuwarten, welche Früchte die Nordkoreapolitik des neuen US-Präsidenten Obama tragen wird.
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Mathisen, Ragnhild. ""Røverstater" i amerikansk utenrikspolitikk : president Bushs politikk overfor Irak, Iran og Nord-Korea /." Oslo : Statsvitenskap, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/statsvitenskap/2007/57990/57990.pdf.

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Schillström, Felicia. "The United States’ Enemy Image against North Korea during the Presidency of Donald J. Trump : Decision-Making at the Elite-Level." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90880.

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The United States' enemy image of North Korea has been on its political agenda since the Korean war. Weapons of mass destruction has, since the Cold War, shown the complexity it brings on conflictual interests and decision-makers persuading efforts. Enemy image, per se, brings difficulties in achieving cooperation, substantially when both parties contempt high levels of enmity. However, the newly established U.S.-DPRK relationship brings hope for cooperative possibilities regarding denuclearization on the Korean peninsula. The relationship between Donald Trump and Kim Jong-Un is not based on trust, instead, it is dependent on the concrete steps taken by the other. The enemy image of North Korea has been settled on the U.S. political agenda firmly because of the principles regarding denuclearization and security. The enemy image is also an important factor to consider when examining political agendas, since the changing dynamics are dependent on how state A interpret state B and vice versa. What has articulated the dynamics of the U.S. enemy image against North Korea? and how has its enemy image changed? To answer the question at issue, a theory consumption of Eriksson and Noreen’s explanatory model is necessary. Which consists of context-dependent external and informal factors that will contribute different but coherent hypotheses.
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Viktor, Merell, and Karlsson Max. ""Han är som en ung man som precis fått körkort" : En studie om hur konflikten mellan Nordkorea och USA gestaltas i Aftonbladet." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-70112.

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The aim of this bachelor study was to examine how the conflict between USA and North Korea is framed by the swedish newspaper Aftonbladet and if there was a change in their use of frames after Donald Trump got inaugurated as president of The United States.   By using framing analysis we identified three different frames, “The dictatorship as a threat against world peace”, “The careless leader” and “The incompetent leader”.   We could then with a quantitative approach examine how often these frames was used by Aftonbladet and if there was a change after Donald Trump got inaugurated as president.   These were the questions examined: Which frames of the conflict between North Korea and USA are used in Aftonbladet and how often are they used? Is there any difference in which frames is used after Donald Trump became president of The United States?   We read 131 news articles from Aftonbladet which focused on the conflict. The period spanned from 2013-01-01 to 2017-12-07.   We found that the most commonly used frame was “The dictatorship as a threat against world peace” and we could also see that after Donald Trump became president a new frame emerged, “The careless leader”.
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Sdun, Maika Malina. "The six-party talks and the North Korean nuclear weapons programme: negotiation analysis." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-368859.

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ble agreement did not exist due to the involved parties' irreconcilable positions. Two hypoth- eses addressing factors that are exogenous to the negotiations such as the parties' underlying negotiators' pursuits within the Six
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Trzcionka, Magdalena. "Sankcje gospodarcze w polityce zagranicznej USA po II wojnie światowej." Praca doktorska, 2011. http://ruj.uj.edu.pl/xmlui/handle/item/41491.

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Hladíková, Kristýna. "Americko-čínská spolupráce během Six Party Talks." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-339150.

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This Master thesis deals with the Sino-American cooperation during the Six-Party Talks between 2003 and 2009 and it aims to analyze both the main interests and objectives, with which the US and China came in the negotiations, and the problematic issues between the US and China, most critically complicating a progress in the negotiations. Although both countries cordially declared common interest in denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, their real order of priorities within the Talks greatly differed. Contrary to the United States, China prioritized stability of the region to its denuclearization and was trying very hard to moderate the harsh US approach towards the DPRK's nuclear activities. In this way, it was, however, practically impossible to effectively force the North to abandon its nuclear program, which was something unconditionally demanded by the United States. What is more, the long-lasting political and strategic alliance between Beijing and Pyongyang considerably complicated the problem. In consequence, any statements or resolutions, which were adopted during the Talks, lacked sufficient strength and did not force North Korea to start dismantlement of its nuclear program. Thus, the US-China cooperation was not very fruitful. Based on these findings, the thesis concludes that the...
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Černá, Veronika. "Koncept "Rogue States" a postoj zahraniční politiky USA k Íránu a Korejské lidově demokratické republice." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-313250.

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Master thesis deals with the concept of "rogue states" and strategies of the United States that are used towards rogue states. Concretely, attention is focused on two such labeled countries - Iran and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Strategies used by the United States are further observed during the presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama and with regard to two typical characteristics of rogue states - effort to acquire weapons of mass destruction and the support of terrorism. Despite expectations, it appears that strategies used by the United States differ significantly and they are often influenced by historical experiences and strategic interests. Bush's and Obama's foreign policies were significantly different on the rhetorical level. However, as shown in the thesis there can be found certain continuities between the strategies towards rogue states.
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Books on the topic "USA-North Korea"

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Relations, Council on Foreign. U.S. policy toward North Korea: Next steps. New York: The Council, 1999.

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Abramowitz, Morton I., and James T. Laney. U.S. Foreign Policy Toward North Korea: Next Steps : Report of an Independent Task Force Sponsored by the Council on Foreigh Relations. Council on Foreign Relations Press, 2000.

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Christine, Gray. 5 The use of force against terrorism: a new war for a new century? Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198808411.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the impact of the ‘war against terror’ on international law. The US invasion of Afghanistan in response to the massive terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on 11 September 2001 led to a fundamental reappraisal of the law of self-defence. The US response to 9/11 was to announce ‘a different kind of war against a different kind of enemy’—a global war on terrorism. Many writers now argue that 9/11 and subsequent state practice have changed the law on self-defence, but the legal situation is not so clear-cut. More recently, the rise of ISIS in Iraq and Syria, and the military response by the USA and other states since 2014, have given rise to renewed debate about the scope of self-defence. And President Trump’s foreign policy with regard to North Korea and Iran has once again raised questions about the controversial doctrine of pre-emptive self-defence.
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International handbook of transportation policy. New York: Greenwood, 1990.

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1949-, Akaha Tsuneo, ed. International handbook of transportation policy. New York: Greenwood Press, 1990.

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Christine, Gray. International Law and the Use of Force. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198808411.001.0001.

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This book explores the use of force in international law. It examines not only the use of force by states but also the role of the UN in peacekeeping and enforcement action, and the increasing role of regional organizations in the maintenance of international peace and security. The UN Charter framework is under challenge: Russia’s invasion of Georgia and intervention in Ukraine, the USA’s military operations in Syria, and Saudi Arabia’s campaign to restore the government of Yemen by force all raise questions about the law on intervention. The ‘war on terror’ that began after the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the USA has not been won. It has spread far beyond Afghanistan, leading to targeted killings in Pakistan, Somalia, and Yemen, and to intervention against ISIS in Iraq and Syria. Is there an expanding right of self-defence against non-state actors? The development of nuclear weapons by North Korea has reignited discussion about the legality of pre-emptive self-defence. The NATO-led operation in Libya increased hopes for the implementation of ‘responsibility to protect’, but it also provoked criticism for exceeding the Security Council’s authorization of force because its outcome was regime change. UN peacekeeping faces new challenges, especially with regard to the protection of civilians, and UN forces have been given revolutionary mandates in several African states, but UN peacekeeping is not suited to counter-terrorism or enforcement operations. The UN now turns to regional organizations as first responders in situations of ongoing armed conflict.
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Book chapters on the topic "USA-North Korea"

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Bechtol, Bruce E. "Planning for the Future: How South Korea and the USA Will Deal with North Korean Collapse or Internal Crisis." In North Korea and Regional Security in the Kim Jong-un Era, 56–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137400079_4.

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Raja, Joshva. "United and Uniting Churches." In Christianity in South and Central Asia, edited by Kenneth R. Ross, Daniel Jeyaraj, and Todd M. Johnson, 236–47. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474439824.003.0022.

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In 1947, the Church of South India brought together Anglicans, Methodists, Presbyterians, Lutherans and Congregationalists. Since then, other churches have come together to form united churches in South Asian countries. Today the CSI is 4 million strong, within 15,000 congregations in 24 dioceses. The Church of North India (CNI) is a union of six churches and is spread out over northern, eastern, western, and mid-India. They grew from a sense of freedom from European institutions, a post-colonial fervour, and a global ecumenical movement. The Church of Pakistan, is the second largest church in the country after the Roman Catholic Church, called to unity in correspondence with the nationalistic movement in India. The Church of Bangladesh took shape through the Liberation War in 1971 uniting Anglicans and Presbyterians under the Church of Bangladesh. However, Christians from united churches are the most persecuted minorities. Christian fundamentalist groups from the USA and South Korea run public programmes against local faiths as part of their proclamation of the gospel. United churches must still address wage disparities, dependence on foreign donations, and following-up on education and social development in mission fields.
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Cox, Michael. "15. The USA, China, and rising Asia." In US Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199585816.003.0015.

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This chapter examines the United States’ relations with China and other countries in Asia. It considers how a region wracked by insurgencies and wars for almost forty years was transformed from being one of the most disturbed and contested in the second half of the twentieth century, into becoming one of the more stable and prosperous by century’s end. The chapter begins with a discussion of the United States’ relations with Japan and then with China and Korea. It shows that at the end of the Cold War in Europe, hostility continued in the Korean peninsula, and that North Korea has consciously used nuclear weapons as a bargaining chip in order to ensure the survival of the regime. The chapter concludes by assessing the outlook for the Asia-Pacific region and future prospects for American hegemony in East Asia.
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"3 Population change in Japan, past and projected, 1945–2045 190 8.4A comparison of the population structures of the Russian 190 Federation (1989) and Japan (1991) 8.5 Density of population in 1991 and per capita value of industrial 191 output in 1990 in Japan 8.6 Japanese production of rice, 1935–92 192 8.7 (a) The location of major industrial centres in Japan and Korea 194 (b) Economic map of Japan 194 8.8 Japanese production of timber, coal and fish, 1935–92 195 8.9 Japanese production of silk, cotton and man-made fibres, 1935– 196 92 8.10 Japanese production of pig-iron, cement and aluminium, 1935– 196 92 8.11 Japan’s existing and proposed fixed links between ‘mainland’ 198 Honshu and the three other large islands 8.12 The value of Japan’s foreign trade, 1960–92 201 9.1 The centre of United States population, 1790 to 1990 205 9.2 (a) Density of population, persons per square kilometre 206 (b) Cartogram of US population by states 207 9.3 Comparison of the population structures of Canada, the USA 210 and Mexico 9.4 (a) The population of the North American Free Trade 214 Agreement countries (b) Areas of USA and Mexico compared 215." In Geography of the World's Major Regions, 660. Routledge, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203429815-170.

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Conference papers on the topic "USA-North Korea"

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Shaw, Jesse, and Sungon Kim. "Transfer of the DDG-51 Ship Service Gas Turbine Generator (SSGTG) Marine Electrical Power System Assembly and Installation to the Republic of Korea Navy KDX-III Destroyer Program." In ASME Turbo Expo 2014: Turbine Technical Conference and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2014-27082.

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In 2004, Rolls-Royce Naval Marine, Inc. (RRNMI, Walpole, MA, USA, now Rolls-Royce Marine North America, RRMNA) reached an agreement with Samsung Techwin Co. Ltd. (Seoul and Changwon, Korea) for the transfer of the assembly and installation of a marine electrical power system. This agreement culminated in the installation and use of Rolls-Royce Ship Service Gas Turbine Generators (SSGTGs) in the Republic of Korea Navy (RoKN) KDX-III Destroyers. In order to deliver success for this program, both companies had to overcome numerous technical and non-technical challenges. Among these challenges were: - Development of a kitting structure supplemented with tailored assembly drawings and instructions that could duplicate an established production process - Agreement on the amount of Korean labor and materials to be utilized, referred to as “in-country” content - Development of appropriate and necessary training for the assembly and testing of AG9140RF SSGTGs - Determination of a correlation factor which equalizes the variables between RRMNA’s engine test cell and Samsung Techwin’s engine test cell - Application of DAPA Quality Assurance (QA) requirements upon a system designed in accordance with US Navy QA requirements - Ensuring compliance with Export Control guidelines, Export License requirements, and Manufacturing License Agreements - Obtaining US Government approval for sale and transfer of technology and hardware to the Republic of Korea (RoK)
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Tocheny, L. V. "Experimental and Research Study of Novel Nuclear Concepts (Survey of Current Results of ISTC Programs)." In 17th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone17-76031.

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Abstract:
The International Science and Technology Center (ISTC) is a unique international organization created in Moscow fifteen years ago by Russia, USA, EU and Japan. Later Korea and Canada, and several CIS countries as well acceded to ISTC. The basic idea behind establishing the ISTC was to support non-proliferation of the mass destruction weapons technologies by re-directing former Soviet weapons scientists to peaceful research thus preventing the drain of dangerous knowledge and expertise from Russia and other CIS countries. Numerous science and technology projects are realized with the ISTC support in different areas, from biotechnologies and environmental problems to all aspects of nuclear studies, including those focused on the development of effective innovative concepts and technologies in the nuclear field, in general, and for improvement of nuclear safety, in particular. Presently, the ISTC now has 40 member countries (27 from EU), representing the CIS, Europe, Asia, and North America. The Partner list includes over 180 organizations and leading industrial companies from all ISTC parties. ISTC Activities to the beginning of 2009: above 2500 projects approved for funding. More than 350 institutions and 35,000 specialists received grants from ISTC. The presentation addresses some consequences of the ISTC projects and programs, related to nuclear science and technologies, as well as methods and approaches employed by the ISTC to foster close international collaboration and joint manage projects towards fruitful results.
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3

Zou, Haibo, Qi-Cheng Fan, Hongfu Zhang, and Axel K. Schmitt. "URANIUM-SERIES DATING OF ZIRCONS FROM MULTIPLE ERUPTIONS OF THE CHANGBAI VOLCANO, CHINA/NORTH KOREA BORDER." In GSA Annual Meeting in Seattle, Washington, USA - 2017. Geological Society of America, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/abs/2017am-308328.

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