Dissertations / Theses: 'Utopian socialism'

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Alexander, Tarryn Linda. "Smashing the crystal ball: post-structural insights associated with contemporary anarchism and the revision of blueprint utopianism." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003099.

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This thesis is an exploration of the images which define revolution's meaning. It suggests a possible shifting of emphasis from the scientific imaginary which centres on identifying the correct way to totalising revolution, towards a post-structuralist-anarchistic imaginary which privileges prefigurative radicalisations of social relations in the here and now. It looks specifically at how the field of post-structuralism intertwines with historically anarchist concepts to generate an horizon of social change animated by experimental and open-ended transformations. While the thesis offers positive characterisations of the types of contemporary movements, tactics and principles which embody the change from closed to open utopianism, it is chiefly a commentary on the role of theory in depicting the complexity of relations on the ground and the danger of proposing one totalising pathway from one state of society to another. It asks the reader to consider, given the achievements of movements and given the insights of post-structuralism, whether it is still worthwhile to proclaim certainty when sketching the possibilities for transcendence toward emancipation, an aim, which in itself, is always under construction. I engage this by firstly establishing a practical foundation for the critique of endpoints in theory by exploring the horizontal and prefigurative nature of a few autonomous movements today. Secondly I propose the contemporary theory of post-structuralist anarchism as concomitant with conclusions about transformation made in the first chapter. Finally I recommend a few initial concepts to start debate about the way forward from old objectivist models of transformation. The uncertainties of daily life, crumbling of economic powers and rapid pace of change in the twenty-first century have opened up fantastic spaces for innovative thought. Reconsidering old consensus around what constitutes a desirable image of revolution is of considerable importance given today's burgeoning bottom-up political energy and the global debate surrounding the possibilities for bottom-up revolutionisation of society. I submit that theories which portray stories of permanent, pure and natural end-points to revolution are deficient justifications for radical action.

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Cubbin, Tom. "Critical Soviet design : Senezh studio and the utopian imagination in late socialism." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15881/.

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This is the first academic study of the socialist critical design practice known as artistic projecteering [khudozhestvennoe proektirovanie], developed at the Central Experimental Studio of the Soviet Union Artists between 1964 and 1991 (commonly referred to as Senezh studio). While some Soviet designers saw their practice as ‘applied science,’ Senezh studio was established to develop practical and theoretical tools for overcoming technocratic tendencies in Soviet design. The aim of the studio’s founders was to create a space for design that would not be subsumed by the constraints of technology or economics, or the bureaucracy of Soviet central planning. Senezh studio was tasked with creating new design methodologies that could be applied following the transition to communism to produce a material environment that would maximise the creative and collaborative potential of humankind. During the 1970s, however, the failures of the Soviet Thaw became apparent and designers at the studio worked on critical projects that highlighted how the government’s treatment of citizens, urban heritage and the environment were materially manifest in daily life. The projects produced at Senezh came to reflect the aspirations, hopes and anxieties of the Soviet cultural intelligentsia during and after the ‘Thaw’ of the 1960s. Based on archival research, extensive interviews and analysis of images in private collections – this dissertation engages Mannheim and Ricoeur’s theories of utopia to show how experimental design projects reflected changing relationships towards communism, ideology, history and the state.

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Langdon, John C. "Pocket editions of the new Jerusalem : Owenite communitarianism in Britain 1825-1855." Thesis, University of York, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10872/.

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Castro, Bárbara 1984. "A economia solidaria de Paul Singer : a construção de um projeto politico." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281660.

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Orientador: Angela Maria Carneiro Araujo
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa investigou a categoria de economia solidária de Paul Singer. O objetivo era compreender, de maneira crítica, o caráter de transição para uma sociedade socialista que ele outorga às iniciativas de economia solidária. Para tanto, foi necessário traçar uma cronologia de seus argumentos, entender sua concepção de socialismo e pinçar alguns dos elementos que ele seleciona na tradição marxista e na história do movimento operário para construir seu projeto político, posto que ele toma as experiências dos Pioneiros de Rochdale e o Complexo Cooperativo de Mondragón como exemplos. A continuidade histórica concomitante à recriação que ele vê na economia solidária é o fio condutor de sua argumentação, sustentada pela autogestão e por concepções similares às dos socialistas utópicos. O silenciamento sobre a questão do Estado e a preocupação com o autoritarismo justificam o uso desses elementos empíricos e teóricos, que visam dar sustentação ao seu projeto político alternativo de superação do capitalismo
Abstract: This study investigates the Paul Singer School of solidarity economy with the objective of critically understanding the transitional character towards a socialist society given to solidarity economy initiatives. With this purpose in mind, a chronology of Singer's arguments is outlined in order to understand how he conceives socialism and extract some of the elements that he selects from Marxist tradition and labor movement history to construct his political project, in which the experiences of the Rochdale Pioneers and the Mondragón Cooperative Complex are used as examples. Historical continuity accompanies the regeneration that Singer seeks in the solidarity economy and is the conducting wire in his argument, continuity that is sustained through self- management and similar concepts to those of utopian socialists. Singer's silence over the question of the State and a preoccupation with authoritairianism justify the use of these emperical and theoretical elements, that aim to justify their alternative political project beyond capitalism
Mestrado
Trabalho, Movimentos Sociais, Cultura e Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política

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Brick, Michael 1984. "The proffered pen: Saint-Simonianism and the public sphere in 19th century France." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11270.

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viii, 157 p.
The French "utopian socialist" movement known as Saint-Simonianism has long been recognized for its influence among 19th century engineers. An examination of the early Saint-Simonian journal, Le Producteur , however, reveals the articulation of an appeal to contemporary men of letters. A survey of the life and career of Hippolyte Carnot, a prominent Saint-Simonian man of letters, confirms and illustrates the nature of this appeal as it developed alongside Saint-Simonian ideology. Central to this appeal was the Saint-Simonians' attributing to the "artist" the role of moral educator. In their conceptualization of this function, the Saint-Simonians essentially presented a model of what Jürgen Habermas has termed the "public sphere" in strong contrast to that of classical liberalism. In the final analysis, however, the Saint-Simonians can be read as arguing not for the totalitarian domination of public life (as some have suggested) but rather the necessity of what Antonio Gramsci described as "hegemony."
Committee in charge: Dr. George Sheridan, Chair; Dr. David Luebke, Member; Dr. Daniel Pope, Member

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Graf, Rüdiger. "Die Zukunft der Weimarer Republik : Krisen und Zukunftsaneignungen in Deutschland 1918-1933 /." München : Oldenbourg, 2008. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=3051914&prov=M&dokv̲ar=1&doke̲xt=htm.

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Cruz, Crislaine Santana. "“Caridade sem limites. Sciência sem privillegios” : o ensino universal de Jacotot por Benoît Mure no Brasil (1840-1848)." Pós-Graduação em Educação, 2018. http://ri.ufs.br/jspui/handle/riufs/9612.

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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
This research intends to analyze the actions undertaken by the intellectual, homoeopathic and utopian socialist, Benoît Jules Mure (1809-1858), for the dissemination of the Method of Universal Teaching while he was in Brazil, bearing in mind that this Method presupposes equality between human intelligences and which was discovered by the French pedagogue Jean-Joseph Jacotot (1770-1840) in the year 1818 gaining notoriety in several regions of Europe, one can see its circulation also in nineteenth-century Brazil. The time frame used here is justified, therefore, it comprises the period of 1840, the year in which Mure landed in the country, in 1848, the date on which it left, and marks its passage in Brazilian lands. It is worth mentioning that this research is based on the presuppositions of the History of Education, in the perspective of Cultural History. The research uses as sources, non-pedagogical periodicals that circulated in the province of Rio de Janeiro during the period. Especially the Jornal do Commercio of Rio de Janeiro, founded in 1827 and also A Sciencia: Synthetica Magazine of Human Knowledge, a production of Mure himself and his group of adepts with periodical publication from 1847 to 1848. The sources worked here were found in archives online from the National Library of Brazil. It is noteworthy that Benoît Mure acted in different ways in favor of the dissemination of Universal Teaching, from publications about the Method, to its application in the Homeopathic School of Brazil. We hope that this analysis represents an important contribution to the historical knowledge of the Method of Universal Teaching in Brazil, making possible the broadening of the field of Education History, since it is an unexplored subject in Brazilian educational historiography.
Esta pesquisa analisa as ações empreendidas pelo intelectual, médico homeopata e socialista utópico, Benoît Jules Mure (1809-1858), na divulgação do Método do Ensino Universal, enquanto esteve no Brasil, tendo presente que tal Método defende a igualdade entre as inteligências humanas e, que foi descoberto pelo pedagogo francês Jean-Joseph Jacotot (1770-1840) no ano de 1818 ganhando notoriedade em diversas regiões da Europa; percebe-se sua circulação também no Brasil do século XIX, através da atuação do intelectual. O marco temporal aqui utilizado justifica-se, pois, compreende o período de 1840, ano em que Mure desembarcou no país à 1848, data em que foi embora e, marca sua passagem em terras brasileiras. Vale destacar que esta investigação encontra-se alicerçada nos pressupostas da História da Educação, na perspectiva da História Cultural. A pesquisa utiliza como fontes, periódicos não pedagógicos que circularam na província do Rio de Janeiro durante a época. Especialmente o Jornal do Commercio do Rio de Janeiro, fundado em 1827 e, também A Sciencia: Revista Synthetica dos Conhecimentos Humanos, uma produção do próprio Mure e seu grupo de adeptos com publicação periódica de 1847 a 1848. As fontes aqui trabalhadas foram encontradas nos arquivos online da Biblioteca Nacional do Brasil. Destaca-se que Benoît Mure atuou de diferentes formas a favor da divulgação do Ensino Universal, desde publicações sobre o Método, até a sua aplicação na Escola Homeopathica do Brasil. Esperamos que essa análise represente uma contribuição importante quanto ao conhecimento histórico do Método do Ensino Universal no Brasil, possibilitando o alargamento do campo da História da Educação, já que trata-se de um assunto, por enquanto, inexplorado na historiografia educacional brasileira.
São Cristóvão, SE

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Kayaligil, Munir Cem. "Socialism And Feminism: An Analysis Of Turkish Radical Socialist Articles (1987-1994)." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606812/index.pdf.

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In this study, radical socialist articles written on feminism, the feminist movement and the woman question published between 1987 and 1994 in Turkey are examined. The study attempts at describing, classifying and analyzing the Turkish socialist discourse manifested in response to the emergence of feminism in Turkey. It is argued that the Turkish socialists&rsquo
approaches to feminism and the feminists do not differ much, nor a change in their approaches with time can be observed. It is also argued that the theoretical content of the radical socialist articles is usually futile and far from being comprehensive.

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Evans, Peter William Robert. "British and American socialist utopian literature, 1888-1900." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.681497.

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This dissertation studies socialist utopian literature published in Britain and America from 1888-1900. The central thesis is that they shared an underlying theoretical basis regarding how they were imagined to function, and why. Details obviously varied, but these texts shared a common structure which can be defined in terms of five interrelated themes: economics; ethics; environment; education; and evolution. These socialist utopias embodied a certain set of relations between these themes. Planned cooperative economies would be founded upon a socialist ethic inculcated by education and the environment, and the whole was posited as the product of historical evolution. These interrelated aspects were seen as the necessary foundations that would enable a socialist utopia - a united, harmonious society, characterised by association, community, and cooperation. This would convert society into a "community of interests", and an "administration of things", enabling collective democratic control of a socialist economy. This pattern can be found across the literature, underlying various strands of contemporary socialism and internal splits dividing the ideology. The most prominent of these, as manifested in utopian literature, was between state socialism and communitarian or libertarian socialist approaches. This divide is best encapsulated in the two most-famous examples, represented by Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward and William Morris' News from Nowhere respectively, which dominate existing secondary accounts. However, the differences between these two strands were not as great as often supposed. These complex issues have been approached through the prism of the key figure of Bellamy, and five of his respondents who are essentially unstudied. This is both because of the size of the literature (around 50 texts), but also Bellamy's overwhelming significance in existing secondary accounts, and to his contemporaries. Morris however is considered mainly as a touching-point in relation to other texts, there being little to add to existing accounts.

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Navas, Perrone Maria Gabriela. "Utopía y privatopía en la Vila Olímpica de Barcelona: Los impactos sociales de un barrio de autor." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/401430.

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La Vila Olímpica se asume como la Nova Icària del siglo XX y se constituye como la obra inaugural del afamado "modelo Barcelona". Es construida sobre los restos de una importante zona industrial del Poblenou, con la voluntad de regenerar este suelo ocupado históricamente por usos considerados malsanos. Ello refleja la vocación utópica del urbanismo, empeñado en neutralizar la manifestación de conflictos que contradigan el renacer de la ciudad olímpica, mediante la creación artificial de un barrio in vitro, que active la rentabilidad del suelo y canalice el control burgués de la ciudad hacia la fachada marítima. Este es un caso representativo del urbanismo neoliberal, que ha promovido el reemplazo del barrio por proyectos de urbanización. La consecuencia es un conjunto residencial privatizado que ha sido construido a partir de la segregación y el aislamiento.
The Olympic Village is presumed as the Nova Icària of the twentieth century and is recognized as the introductory work of the renowned "Barcelona model". It was built on the remains of an important industrial area of Poblenou, with the intention of regenerating this land, which has been historically used for activities that are considered as unhealthy. This practice echoes the utopian vocation of urbanism as follows: it neutralizes the conflict manifestation that contradicts the olympic city’s revival, through the artificial creation of an in vitro neighborhood, which stimulates the land value and channels the bourgeois control of the city to the seaboard. This is a representative case of neoliberal urbanism, which promotes the substitution of the neighborhood by urbanization projects. The result is a privatized residential complex that has been built from segregation and isolation.

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Bottero, Giulia <1978&gt. "La letteratura utopico-fantascientifica degli anni Venti: utopie tecniche e sociali nella Russia post-rivoluzionaria." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/917.

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Procentese, Cristiano. "Utopia versus pensiero unico. Il cammino del pensiero utopico come ricerca di un'alternativa globale." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/286178.

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Questa ricerca si propone di offrire una ricostruzione complessiva degli aspetti salienti dell'utopia, le cui riflessioni si focalizzano attorno al tentativo di pervenire ad una comprensione non riduttiva dell'universo utopico. L'utopia abbraccia una vasta gamma di ambiti diversi che vanno dall'ideologia alla religione, dalla filosofia sociale, alla filosofia politica e all'economia; rappresenta, dunque, un valido strumento d'indagine per analizzare la pluralità delle diverse dimensioni delle relazioni sociali. Il concetto di utopia, inteso come ricerca di una legge ideale sulla quale fondare le istituzioni sociali, è già presente nel mondo antico, si manifesta nel mondo medievale nella forma millenarista del ritorno di Cristo, per divenire quasi un genere letterario a sé stante nel Rinascimento. Man mano che ci si avvicina ai tempi più recenti le utopie si colorano sempre più di interesse sociale e di progettualità politica. Ai primi interpreti di queste utopie, viene dato generalmente il nome di socialisti utopisti. Nella seconda metà dell’Ottocento iniziano le storie dell’utopia che s’intrecciano — in particolare con Marx ed Engels — con la storia del socialismo. Nel frattempo, lungo il Novecento si assistite ad un drastico cambio di prospettiva il cui bersaglio polemico è l'universo totalitario e i pericoli derivanti dall'uso distorto della scienza e della tecnologia che porterà all'affermazione delle distopie come genere letterario. Gli ultimi decenni, invece, anche a causa della pessimismo della ragione moderna e del pensiero debole, si sono caratterizzati per una crisi ed una sfiducia generalizzata nei confronti della politica da un lato e dall'affermazione dell'ideologia neoliberale dall'altro. In questo periodo, inoltre, l'utopia vive una certa marginalità filosofica e appare incapace di offrire al mondo un orizzonte nuovo. La speranza è riposta nei nuovi movimenti sociali che si stanno dimostrando i più strenui difensori dell'ambiente e dei beni comuni. Gli unici attualmente che, pur tra mille difficoltà, cercano di opporsi all'ideologia mercatista del pensiero unico, e di proporre un'alternativa comunitaria.
This research aims to provide a complete reconstruction of the salient aspects of utopia, whose thoughts are focused around the attempt to achieve a non-reductive understanding of the utopian universe. The utopia embraces a wide range of different areas ranging from ideology, religion, social philosophy, political philosophy and economics. Therefore, it represents a useful tool to analyze the plurality of the different dimensions of social relations. The concept of utopia, understood as a search for an ideal law on which to base social institutions, is already present in the ancient world, it manifests itself in the medieval world in the millennialist form of return of Christ, to become almost a literature genre in the Renaissance. As you get closer to more recent times, utopias are increasingly colored of social interest and political planning. The name of utopian socialists is generally given to the first interpreters of these utopias. In the second half of the nineteenth century, especially with Marx and Engels, the utopia stories begin to intertwine with the history of socialism. Instead, along the twentieth century occurs a drastic change of perspective, whose polemical target is the totalitarian universe and the dangers arising from the use of the distorted science and technology that will lead to the affirmation of dystopias as a literary genre. The last decades, however, partly because of the crisis of modern reason and “weak thought”, were characterized by a crisis and a generalized distrust of politics on the one hand, and affirmation of neoliberalism ideology on the other. In this period, the utopia lives a sort of philosophical marginality and it seems unable to offer new horizons to the world. The hope is now placed in the new social movements that are proving to be the most strenuous defenders of the environment and public goods. They currently are the only ones who, in spite of thousand difficulties, try to oppose to the “single thought” and to the unbridled competition, and propose a communitarian alternative.

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Zarpelon, Sandra Regina. "A esquerda não socialista e o novo socialismo utopico : aproximações entre a atuação das ONGs e o cooperativismo da CUT." [s.n.], 2003. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279397.

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Orientador: Armando Boito Junior
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta dissertação trata das aproximações entre as práticas políticas de parte da esquerda não-socialista, representada no presente trabalho pelas organizações não-governamentais, e alguns programas socialistas não-marxistas, incorporados em parte pela inserção da CUT - Central Única dos Trabalhadores - na chamada economia solidária. A não consideração da função desempenhada pelo Estado de organizar a dominação de classe num dado modo de produção, e a despreocupação com a luta de classes fazem com que autores considerem possível a construção do socialismo nos interstícios da sociedade capitalista, sem ruptura ou transição. Este socialismo direto, ao não entender necessária a destruição do Estado burguês para a construção do socialismo, acaba por se aproximar não do socialismo como a superação do capitalismo, mas simplesmente como incremento da democracia e melhoria nas condições de exploração
Abstract: This thesis examines the proximity between the political practices of part of the non-socialist left, namely some non-governmental organizations, and some non-Marxist socialist programs, partly incorporated when CUT (Central Única dos Trabalhadores - United Labor Federation) adhered to the so-called economy of solidarity. Their option not to consider the role played by the State in the organization of class domination in a given production mode, and not to worry about class struggle leads the authors to consider it is possible to construct socialism in the interstices of the capitalist society, without rupture or transition. This direct socialism, which does not think building socialism entails destroying the bourgeois State, ends up approximating socialism, not as a way to overcome capitalism, but simply as an increment of democracy and an improvement of the exploitation conditions
Mestrado
Mestre em Ciência Política

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Aguiar, Thais Florencio de. "Uma genealogoa de princípios de demofilia em comcepções utópicas de democratização." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2013. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=6440.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Ao aplicar o método genealógico a teorias que apresentam subsídios à reflexão sobre a democratização, infere-se a constituição de duas matrizes de pensamento, a demofóbica e a demofílica. A concepção da demofobia deriva da ideia spinozista de que o pensamento político moderno se constitui em torno do medo das massas e das multidões. Os termos dessa demofobia manifestam-se no pensamento de teóricos liberais como Constant, Tocqueville, Stuart Mill, Spencer, Schumpeter, Pareto, entre outros; mas também se insinua no de teóricos socialistas, como Marx, Engels e Lênin. A compreensão de que a demofobia resulta em obstáculo epistemológico ao conhecimento da dinâmica das massas na política leva a buscar nova base teórica. Para isso, esta tese explora as distinções entre a noção de multidão, em Spinoza, e o conceito de povo, em Hobbes. A concepção de demofilia baseia-se fortemente nas premissas spinozistas, como a ideia de que a potência da multidão excede o ordenamento jurídico-político, sendo composta por elementos extraídos das éticas de Spinoza, Aristóteles e Cícero, nas quais a philia ou amizade revela-se como fundamento da comunidade política. A partir da análise desses elementos, formula-se a proposição demofílica que, à maneira de imperativo categórico, sentencia agir como se a demofilia fosse o mundo a realizar na esfera ético-política. Entendendo a demofilia como um ideal a partir do qual se julga a política, estabelece-se como âmbito teórico para derivação de princípios demofílicos o pensamento utópico, do qual participam também, mas não exclusivamente, teorias identificadas como anarquistas, comunistas e socialistas, estudadas nas figuras de Bakunin, Thoreau, Winstanley e Fourier.
By applying the genealogical method to theories that reflect on democratization, the formation of two matrices of thought arises: demophobia and demophilia. The concept of demophobia is derived from the Spinozan idea that modern political thought is built on a fear of masses and multitudes. The terms of this demophobia manifest themselves in the work of liberal theorists such as Constant, Tocqueville, Stuart Mill, Spencer, Schumpeter, and Pareto, among others; as well as socialist theoreticians such as Marx, Engels and Lenin. Because demophobia creates an epistemological obstacle to accessing an understanding of the dynamics of masses in politics, we have been led to pursuing new theoretical bases. As such, this dissertation explores the distinctions between the notion of multitudes, according to Spinoza, and the concept of people as understood by Hobbes. The concept of demophilia relies heavily on Spinozan assumptions, such as the idea that the power of multitudes exceeds legal-political order, composed as it is of elements drawn from the ethics of Spinoza, Aristotle and Cicero, for whom philia, or friendship, is the foundation of the political community. By analyzing these elements, we can formulate the demophilic proposition that, in a categorically imperative manner, makes us act as though demophilia were a world to be created in the ethical-political sphere. Understanding demophilia as an ideal from which to judge politics, utopian thought establishes itself as a theoretical framework for deriving demophilic principles. This framework allows for the inclusion of theories considered to be anarquist, communist, and socialist, incorporating such thinkers as Bakunin, Thoreau, Winstanley and Fourier.

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Fontanals, García David. "From the World of Yesterday to the Europe of Tomorrow: On Commitment, Ethics, and Europe in the Works of Stefan Zweig." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671051.

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In July 1941, Stefan Zweig (1881-1942), finished the first draft of his memoirs, which he titled Blick auf mein Leben. One month later, in August 1941, he and his wife Lotte would leave for Brazil never to return. The last years of Zweig’s life were surrounded by an impending sense of doom. In this context, his autobiography, which was finally published posthumously in 1942 as Die Welt von Gestern, emerged as a farewell from someone—an Austrian, a Jew, a writer, a pacifist, and above all, a European—who wished to leave his testimony for posterity, who believed that he had the duty to bear witness, to pass down to the next generations his hopes and dreams and the story of how these had been shattered twice by the forces of nationalism and war. The current scenario of Zweigian Studies, marked by an incipient Zweig ‘revival’, coincides with a moment in history when the need to rethinking and redefine our common spaces of cohabitation has become an imperative. This dissertation examines the intellectual and committed dimension of Stefan Zweig’s oeuvre as it crystallizes around the idea of Europe. It seeks, above all, to question and problematize the understanding of Stefan Zweig as an ‘uncommitted’, ‘silent’ writer which has dominated a significant part of the critical reception of his works since the nineteen thirties. With Die Welt von Gestern as the point of departure of my reflections, given the text’s unique combination of Zweig’s life-story with the construction of a collective, historical account, the Introduction aims to reconstruct and assess the reception of Stefan Zweig’s works and figure, both from an aesthetic and a political perspectives. Especially, it addresses the question of Zweig’s ‘politics’ and ‘apoliticism’ as it is crucial in the configuration of his committed responses. Chapter I examines a selection of Zweig’s works in order to analyze how his commitment—to Europe, broadly speaking—informed the construction of his public, authorial persona and resulted in the articulation of a narrative of commitment. After considering the textual specificities of Zweig’s personal discourse in Die Welt von Gestern in an attempt to establish the parameters that inform Zweig’s self-writing, this chapter leads us through a succession of Zweigian intellectuals, from Émile Verhaeren, Jeremias and Romain Rolland to Erasmus, Castellio and Michel de Montaigne. In doing so, it aims to provide a critical assessment of the way(s) in which Zweig constructed his figures of intellectuality, that is to say, of how he negotiated through those figures his commitment to a set of values and, above all, to a vision of the world (Weltanschauung). In doing so, Chapter I reveals the difficulties, contradictions and limitations that emerge throughout Zweig’s articulation of his beliefs and ideas in the public sphere. Chapter II examines the construction of Zweig’s ‘European’ project and Weltanschauung as the main goal or enterprise towards which the Austrian writer orients the figures of commitment discussed in the previous chapter, their ‘intellectual’ efforts and responses. More specifically, I focus my analysis on three main valences or functions of Zweig’s ‘Europe’. On the one hand, in its potential to become an ‘identity’ paradigm and affiliation, I distinguish between Europe’s individual and collective dimensions. On the other, I conclude my reflections in Chapter II by considering the possibilities of discussing Zweig’s ‘Europe’ as an ethical program. In my reading, Zweig’s ethical (‘European’) program emerges as the core of Zweig’s commitment, the foundations of his utopian ‘Europe’, allowing us to consider the possibility of expanding the Austrian writer’s engagement beyond the fight for the ‘spiritual’ union of Europe. In this sense, it becomes the link between Zweig’s figures of commitment and his ‘European’ project. In sum, I argue that at the center of Zweig’s commitment lies an ethical program made up of four essential notions—human(ism), peace, freedom, and post-nationalism— that invites us to travel from the Zweig’s world of yesterday to the Europe of tomorrow.

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Minico, Elisabetta di. "Antiutopía y control. La distopía en el mundo contemporáneo y actual." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/351716.

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Antiutopía y Control. La distopía en el mundo contemporáneo y actual è una tesi dottorale che nasce con l'obiettivo di studiare, dal punto di vista politico, sociale e culturale, le più rilevanti tipologie di controllo a cui varie forme di governo, dalle dittature alle democrazie, hanno sottoposto e sottopongono i propri cittadini. Focalizzandosi principalmente sul XX e XXI sec., l'analisi storica, sociologia e psicologica del fenomeno parte, però, da un punto di vista inusuale, quello letterario della distopia. Oscuro e disincantato opposto dell'ottimista utopia, essa è un genere letterario che descrive il peggiore dei mondi possibili e racconta di popoli pesantemente manipolati, disperati e repressi. L'intenzione dichiarata della letteratura e del cinema distopico è di mettere in guardia i loro fruitori dalle possibili conseguenze di situazioni politiche, sociali o ambientali già degenerate nelle realtà di riferimento degli autori. Lo fanno usando mondi immaginari, lontani nel tempo o nello spazio, invece che ambientazioni contemporanee ai lettori, ma, nella maggioranza dei casi, il male esposto non è altro che la trasfigurazione di una paura o di un problema reale, drammaticamente attuale. La distopia non è solo svago e divertimento, essa può aiutarci a capire l'attuale stato delle cose perché la letteratura, il cinema e i fumetti di una data comunità riflettono la società a cui appartengono. Se il contesto è infetto, la cultura riconoscerà, assimilerà e denuncerà l'infezione. Le ipotesi principali da cui la tesi muove sono tre: La distopia, con la sua brutale estremizzazione e/o la sua dissacrante parodia di problematiche attuali, può aiutare a delineare un'analisi storica, sociologica e psicologica del controllo politico, sociale e culturale. La distopia non è solo una degenerazione rintracciabile nei noti processi repressivi del potere totalitario o autoritario, ma è uno strumento di persuasione usato anche nei poteri democratici. La differenza maggiore tra la distopia dei regimi dittatoriali e quella delle società democratiche risiede nel differente dosaggio che essi fanno di controllo positivo e negativo, di piacere e dolore, di benessere e paura. Per sviluppare e dimostrare queste ipotesi, la tesi è divisa in tre parti principali. Nella prima, si ripercorre la storia dell'utopia e della distopia, rintracciandone le tematiche ricorrenti e maggiormente caratteristiche e focalizzandosi sul sottogenere politico. Quest'ultimo, infatti, è il tema che più di tutti mostra connessioni con la ricerca in corso, dal momento che la distopia specificatamente politica presenta società fortemente controllate e gerarchizzate, con popolazioni spersonalizzate e manipolate dal potere. Si procede, quindi, con l'analisi di quelle opere che, secondo chi scrive, meglio esprimono il senso soffocante e deformante dell'autorità, come ad esempio 1984 di George Orwell, Brave New World di Aldous Huxley e Fahrenheit 451 di Ray Bradbury. Completata questa analisi, la tesi si dedica allo studio più strettamente storico, sociologico e psicologico del fenomeno distopico. Nelle seconda e nella terza parte, infatti, si mettono in comparazione le caratteristiche principali delle opere riportate con quelle di diverse realtà storiche del secolo passato e di quello presente. Nella seconda parte, nello specifico, ci si occupa dei poteri dominanti, ossia di totalitarismi e autoritarismi, perché essi incarnano tragicamente meglio di qualunque altro sistema politico l'idea di distopia. Il nazismo, il fascismo, il franchismo, il socialismo sovietico e i regimi che gravitano intorno ad esso, le dittature in America Latina o in Asia, infatti, portano letteralmente l'inferno sulla terra e condannano all'incubo milioni di vite. Nella terza parte, invece, sono le società democratiche, con la loro tendenza a controllare le popolazioni attraverso tecniche suadenti e persuasive del genere panem et circenses, le protagoniste dell'analisi. Sia per i poterei dominanti, sia per quelli democratici, si prendono in esame delle tematiche specifiche. Si indaga sugli agenti e sulle ragioni della violenza fisica e psicologica a cui le popolazioni sono sottomesse, oltre che sull'uso della cultura, della religione, dell'educazione e dell'informazione come strumento di repressione e di condizionamento, soffermandosi in particolare sul ruolo della propaganda e dei mass-media. Si studia la rappresentazione del nemico, in tempo di pace e guerra, e la necessità della sua esistenza per mantenere meglio il controllo sui cittadini. Si valuta, inoltre, la risposta psico-fisica della popolazione all'uso della repressione e della persuasione, per osservare come l'autorità possa influenzare, modificare o, peggio, distruggere, i corpi e le menti dei cittadini ad essa soggetti. Si fa tutto questo con la speranza di circoscrive il “cattivo luogo”, che dovrebbe spaventare non solo nella finzione.
Antiutopía y Control. La distopía en el mundo contemporáneo y actual is a doctoral thesis that offers an historical, sociological and psychological analysis of the social, political and cultural control, implemented by various forms of government, from dictatorships to democracies, to submit their citizens. Focusing on the 20th and 21th century, the research moves from an unusual literary and cinematographic point of view, the dystopian one. Dark and disillusioned opposite of optimistic utopia, dystopia is a genre that describes the worst of all possible worlds and tells about heavily manipulated, desperate and repressed people. The present work is divided into three main parts. In the first, it traces the history of utopia and dystopia, discovering the recurring and most distinctive themes and focusing on the political sub-genre (Orwell's 1984, Huxley's Brave New World, Bradbury's Fahrenheit 451, etc.). Completed this analysis, the thesis studies more closely the dystopian dynamics in historical, sociological and psychological processes. In the second part, the thesis investigates totalitarian and authoritarian powers, because they embody the idea of dystopia tragically better than any other political system. In the third part, the focus is on democratic societies, with their tendency to control populations through persuasive techniques as panem et circenses. For both groups, the research examines specific issues. It analyzes the agents and the reasons of physical and psychological violence, as well as the use of culture, religion, education and information as tools of repression and conditioning, with particular emphasis on the role of propaganda and mass media. It studies the representation of the enemy in time of peace and war, and the need for its existence to maintain a more stable control over the citizens. It also evaluates the psycho-physical response of the population to the use of constraint and persuasion. It tries to understand how authority can influence, change, or worse, destroy the bodies and the minds of citizens subjected to it. The aim of Antiutopía y Control is to delineate the "bad place" in history and remember readers that dystopia should scare not only in fiction.

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Marsden, J. J. "Marxism, utopia and the Kingdom of God : Towards a socialist political theology." Thesis, University of Kent, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.382091.

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Bovet, Anaïs. "La reconfiguration de l'utopie dans les imaginaires sociaux des acteurs/trices de l'économie sociale et solidaire au Québec et en France." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020GRALH010.

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La thèse porte sur la reconfiguration de l’utopie dans les imaginaires sociaux des acteur∙trices de l’économie sociale et solidaire au Québec et en France, à travers le cas de l’alimentation.Dans une première partie, elle commence par présenter ce que désigne le concept d’utopie dans une revue de la littérature scientifique pluridisciplinaire : partant du constat que le terme d’ « utopie » renvoie à de multiples réalisations et est approprié par des propositions théoriques parfois contradictoires entre elles (chapitre 1), elle propose une définition de l’utopie à partir notamment de Mannheim (1929) revisité à la lumière de Martuccelli (2014). L’axe problématique de cette définition résulte en une tension entre l’utopie comme phénomène global s’opposant à l’idéologie et l’utopie comme s’incarnant dans des actions toujours limitées.Une deuxième partie expose la méthodologie. Les entretiens étant une manière privilégiée d’appréhender les imaginaires sociaux des acteurs dans leur diversité. Ils sont analysés sur NVivo dont les fonctionnalités sont présentées (chapitre 3).Dans une troisième partie, issue de l’analyse des entretiens, les résultats sont présentés. On constate un rapport ambigu des acteurs à la question économique qui aboutit à un modèle de la débrouille : la réalisation de l’action est préférée à la prise en considération politique du rapport à l’idéologie économique (chapitre 4). Dès lors, la politisation, entendue comme capacité à monter en généralité et en conflictualité, semble s’effacer face à la possibilité de poser une action limitée répondant à la recherche d’un sentiment d’utilité des acteurs (chapitre 5).Dans une quatrième et dernière partie, la discussion vise à mettre en perspective les résultats. Evitant la confrontation à un sentiment d’impuissance qu’impliquerait la montée en généralité par la construction d’un horizon utopique commun, les acteur∙trices se réfugient dans l’illusion de la maîtrise. Iels ne projettent pas la transformation sociale à une échelle globale mais se centrent sur leur propre action, leur engagement devenant la preuve de leur utilité dans une démonstration tautologique (chapitre 6). C’est plus volontiers le niveau de l’individu qui fait office de réceptacle d’une transformation qui n’est plus véritablement globale. En effet, les changements espérés relatifs à la consommation ne concernent qu’une partie initiée de la population. Quant aux changements comportementaux plus larges, ils s’appliquant uniquement à une partie dominée de la population, qui voit se reproduire dans la relation d’aide mise en place par les acteur∙trices de l’économie sociale et solidaire des assignations normatives plutôt qu’une émancipation (chapitre 7)
The dissertation is about utopia reconfiguration in social and solidarity economy players social imagination in Quebec and France, through the food case.In the first part, it presents what the concept of utopia means in a multidisciplinary scientific literature review: noticing that the term “utopia” refers to many realizations and is used in theoretical statements sometimes opposed (chapter 1), it suggests a definition especially from Mannheim (1929) revisiting with Martuccelli (2014). The problematical issue of this definition results in a tension between utopia as a global phenomenon opposed to ideology and utopia as it materializes in limited actions.A second part sets the methodology out. Interviews are a privileged way to understand players social imagination in their diversity. They are analyzed with NVivo which functionalities are shown.In a third part, from the interviews analysis, results are described. We observe that the players have an ambiguous relation to the economic question which brings about a resourceful-improvised model: carrying out an action is preferred to taking into account the political relation to economic ideology (chapter 4). Since then, politicization, defined as the ability to generalize and make source of conflict, seems to step aside to the possibility of limited actions, answering the players search for a usefulness feeling (chapter 5).In the fourth and last part, discussion attempts to give an overview of the results. Avoiding to face a powerlessness feeling implied by the construction of a common utopian horizon, the players withdraw to the illusion of control. They do not hope for a global social transformation but focus on their own action, their commitment proving their usefulness in a tautological demonstration (chapter 6). It is instead the individual level that is being took as the container of a transformation which is not really global. Indeed, the changes hoped regarding consumption only concern insiders. As for wider behavior changes, they only apply to a dominated part of the people, whom see in the help relation led by the social and solidarity economy players the reproduction of normative summons instead of emancipation (chapter 7)

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Foufoulas, Dimitrios. "Sociologie et utopie socialiste : essai sur Saint-Simon." Paris 7, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA070095.

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« L'âge d'or du genre humain n'est point derrière nous, il est au-devant, il est dans la perfection de l'ordre social ». C'est par cette célèbre phrase que Saint-Simon se range irrévocablement parmi les grandes figures utopiques du XIXe siècle. Et pourtant, les diverses écoles sociologiques qu'elles soient d'une orientation durkheimienne, proudhonienne ou marxiste ont négligé l'inspiration utopique de la pensée saint-simonienne. Malgré leurs différentes orientations épistémologiques et théoriques, Emile Durkheim, Georges Gurvitch et Pierre Ansart ont classé Saint-Simon aux origines d'une sociologie progressiste et réformatrice qui s'oppose, par son pragmatisme, à tout plan utopique d'organisation sociale. Dans la première partie de cette thèse, nous procédons à une critique de ces trois lectures « sociologiques » de Saint-Simon afin d'arracher ce dernier à une tradition de pensée essentiellement anti-utopique. Mais, étant donné que les images utopiques du XIXe siècle équilibrent entre le rêve et la fantasmagorie, entre l'espoir d'un monde harmonieux et réconcilié et la chimère de la répétition des formes oppressives d'organisation sociale, nous nous considérons obligé de procéder à la deuxième partie de cette thèse à une critique salvatrice de l'utopie de Saint-Simon. À cet égard, la pensée de Walter Benjamin est d'une importance majeure. C'est grâce à elle que nous pouvons mettre en œuvre une technique du réveil qui nous permet, même momentanément, de transformer les images utopiques en images dialectiques, c'est-à-dire en images d'un monde émancipé qui ne court plus le danger de la catastrophe
« L'âge d'or du genre humain n'est point derrière nous, il est au-devant, il est dans la perfection de l'ordre social ». By this famous saying, Saint-Simon found his place among the other great utopian figures of XIXth century. However the different sociological schools neglected the utopian inspiration of saint-Simonian thought. Despite having different epistemological and theoretical orientations, Emile Durkheim, Georges Gurvitch and Pierre Ansart pointed out that Saint-Simon's thought is at the origin of a progressive and reforming sociology which goes, due to its pragmatism, against the utopian projects for social organization. In the first part of this thesis, we remain critical towards these « sociological » readings so as to detach Saint-Simon's thought from an anti-utopian tradition. As we know the utopian images of the XIX* century balanced between dream and phantasmagoria, in other words, between promise of a harmonious, reconciled world and illusion of progress which leads to the conservation of the oppression. In thee second part of this thesis, we try to resolve the ambivalence of the utopian images by changing them into dialectical, that is to say into images of an emancipated world which is no more threatened by a catastrophe. To do so Walter Benjamin's thought is of a major importance because it allows us to put forward a technique of awakening which could purify the utopian dreams from their phantasmagorical aspects

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Yonnet, Franck. "Saint-Simonisme et système bancaire : utopie et pratique." Evry-Val d'Essonne, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000EVRY0001.

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Cette these etudie les conceptions bancaires du saint-simonisme de la restauration jusqu'au second empire. Notre hypothese principale est que la comprehension de la pensee et de la pratique de ces auteurs est inseparable d'une utopie bancaire qui les domine, dans la mesure ou les problemes relatifs au processus de socialisation sont censes etre resolus a priori. Ils proposent un projet politique ou une banque centrale est indispensable a la mise en place de l'ordre social : elle doit se substituer au marche financier - mais aussi a la monnaie - devenant l'unique mode de socialisation des agents economiques. Le projet de saint-simon (partie i, chapitre i) preconise l'"association des producteurs" et l'euthanasie du rentier. La banque de france devait permettre la "fin de la revolution" de 1789. La banque - non le marche, ni l'etat, ni le socialisme - structure le projet politique de saint-simon. Nous qualifierons une telle organisation de corporatisme bancaire centralise. La problematique de saint-simon fut reprise, dans les annees 1820, par l'ecole saint-simonienne dont les jeunes freres pereire etaient membres (chapitre ii). Ceux-ci vont rester fideles a l'enseignement de saint-simon (partie ii). En 1853, ils proposent a napoleon iii un plan general de reforme du systeme bancaire, dans lequel le credit mobilier devait substituer le capital a la monnaie (chapitre iii). Ils tenteront, par la suite, d'appliquer leur programme politique avec le seul credit mobilier (chapitre iv). L'utopie rend coherente leurs idees et leur pratique. Cette meme coherence conduira certes a la chute du credit mobilier en 1867, mais cet echec meme contribuera a la formation du systeme bancaire moderne.

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Santiago, Gabriel Lomba. "As utopias nos processos de libertação na América latina... /." Campinas [Brasil] : Universidade estadual de Campinas-Faculdade de educação, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36709475k.

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Leo-Stone, Gesine Charlotte Maria. "Esotericism and conservative utopias : a study of the School of Wisdom in Darmstadt, 1920 - 1930." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1995. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296947.

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Vassoler, Flávio Ricardo. "Dostoiévski e a dialética: fetichismo da forma, utopia como conteúdo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8151/tde-11042016-110905/.

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Esta tese tem como objetivo a análise e interpretação do sentido histórico, estético, político e literário das tensões dialéticas expostas na obra do escritor russo Fiodor Dostoiévski. Na primeira parte (tese), Dostoiévski e o fetichismo da forma mercadoria, a análise da obra de Dostoiévski nos leva às tensões e às afinidades eletivas que enredam duas vertentes: a polifonia proposta pelo crítico russo Mikhail Bakhtin (1895-1975), em Problemas da Poética de Dostoiévski (1929/1963), e a dialética materialista, sobretudo a partir da Teoria Estética (1968), do autor frankfurtiano Theodor Adorno (1903-1969). Trata-se de totalizar as aporias do concerto polifônico, de modo que, dialeticamente, o transcurso analítico desvele a mimese imanente da forma mercadoria como o sentido histórico-tautológico da forma dostoievskiana, sobretudo a partir de Memórias do Subsolo (1864). Na segunda parte (antítese), O conteúdo em Dostoiévski como a cicatrização do espírito rumo à utopia?, procuramos estruturar a filosofia da história que transpassa a obra do escritor russo. Os diálogos dostoievskianos envolvendo socialismo e cristianismo nos fazem correlacionar as discussões estabelecidas nesse sentido em Recordações da Casa dos Mortos (1862), Notas de Inverno sobre Impressões de Verão (1863), Memórias do Subsolo (1864), Crime e Castigo (1866), O Idiota (1869), Os Demônios (1872) e, fundamentalmente, em dois capítulos de Os Irmãos Karamázov (1879): A Revolta e O Grande Inquisidor. Ao fim e ao cabo e como um prenúncio de superação (Aufhebung) o conteúdo dostoievskiano da história como o movimento dialético rumo à utopia nos faz colocar em diálogo o conto O sonho de um homem ridículo (1877) com o conceito de cicatrização do espírito, que o filósofo alemão Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770- 1831) desenvolve em sua Filosofia da História (1837).
The aim of this dissertation is to analyse and interpret the historical, aesthetic, political and literary meaning of the dialectical tensions exposed in the work of the Russian author Fyodor Dostoevsky. On the first part (thesis), Dostoevsky and the Fetishism of Commodity Form, the analysis of Dostoevskys work takes us to both tensions and elective affinities which intertwine two perspectives: polyphony, as it is proposed by the Russian critic Mikhail Bakhtin (1895-1975), in Problems of Dostoevskys Poetics (1929/1963), and materialist dialectics, mainly from the Aesthetic Theory (1968), by the German author Theodor Adorno (1903-1969). The aim is to totalize the polyphonic concerts aporias, so that the analysis dialectically unveils the immanent mimesis of commodity form as the historical and tautological meaning of Dostoevskys form, mainly from Notes from Underground (1864). On the second part (antithesis), Dostoevskys Content as the Healing of the Spirit towards Utopia?, we try to structure the philosophy of history which is established through the authors work. Dostoevskys dialogues which intertwine socialism and Christianity make us correlate the discussions which are established in Memoirs from the House of the Dead (1862), Winter Notes on Summer Impressions (1863), Notes from Underground (1864), Crime and Punishment (1866), The Idiot (1869), The Devils (1872) and, essentially, in two chapters of The Brothers Karamazov (1879): The Revolt and The Grand Inquisitor. Finally and as a harbinger of an overcoming (Aufhebung) Dostoevskys content of history as a dialectical movement towards utopia makes us put into dialogue the short story The dream of a ridiculous man (1877) with the concept of healing of the spirit, which the German philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831) develops in his Philosophy of History (1837).

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Abramson, Pierre-Luc. "Les utopies sociales en Amérique Latine au dix-neuvième siècle." Paris 4, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA040027.

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La principale thèse de cette thèse est que le lien originel entre l'utopie et l'Amérique est encore vivant et fécond au XIXe siècle. Nous avons été conduit à cette constatation par l'examen successif de trois aspects des utopies sociales en Amérique latine durant ce siècle : les rapports entretenus par les théoriciens du socialisme utopique avec l'Amérique latine, les révolutions de 1848 en Amérique et les tentatives communautaires de construire des mondes nouveaux au nouveau monde. Nous prêtons une attention particulière à tout ce qui sert de pont entre les deux continents (voyages, traductions, éditions) et au rôle du terrain américain dans l'adoption et la transformation des idées sociales utopiques d'origine européenne
The main thesis of this doctoral dissertation is to show that the native bond between the new world and utopia was still alive throughout the 19th century, in Brazil and Hispanic America. Three historical realities lead us to state our thesis : the interest of utopian socialism theorists for America, the far-reaching impact of 1848 European revolutions in Latin America, the attempts to build new worlds in the new world in the form of utopian communities. Each of these points is dealt with in the three parts of this doctoral dissertation

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Almeida, Olga Maria de Azevedo. "Utopias realizadas : Da New Lanark de Robert Owen à Vista Alegre de Pinto Basto." Master's thesis, Porto : [Edição do Autor], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10216/55238.

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No contexto do século XIX, na sequência da Revolução Francesa e em plena Revolução Industrial, New Lanark afirmou-se como a maior fábrica da Grã-Bretanha, palco das experiências sociais que Robert Owen viria a descrever, em termos teóricos em A New View of Society. Robert Owen, gestor de sucesso, tentou obsessivamente convencer os políticos e poderosos do seu tempo da eficácia das suas teorias para a resolução dos terríveis problemas sociais que assolavam a Europa. Em Portugal, a burguesia, mais do que uma revolução industrial, queria “ter sangue azul” e assim se adiavam o progresso e desenvolvimento económicos. O liberalismo, adaptado à realidade portuguesa, permitiu que José Ferreira Pinto Basto ampliasse o seu património imobiliário, se tornasse um homem verdadeiramente rico e persistentemente transformasse uma quinta numa povoação, fundando a primeira fábrica de porcelanas do país. Este trabalho não tratará dos aspectos técnicos do fabrico da porcelana ou do seu papel no desenvolvimento do país, visando antes cotejar New Lanark e a Vista Alegre tendo em consideração seus traços comuns, isto é, a organização espacial das comunidades fundadas e as obras sociais realizadas. Será dado particular destaque aos aspectos tocantes ao tipo de relações estabelecidas entre patrões e operários, à educação e à religião nestas duas utopias paternalistas realizadas.

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Almeida, Olga Maria de Azevedo. "Utopias realizadas : Da New Lanark de Robert Owen à Vista Alegre de Pinto Basto." Dissertação, Porto : [Edição do Autor], 2010. http://aleph.letras.up.pt/F?func=find-b&find_code=SYS&request=000206124.

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No contexto do século XIX, na sequência da Revolução Francesa e em plena Revolução Industrial, New Lanark afirmou-se como a maior fábrica da Grã-Bretanha, palco das experiências sociais que Robert Owen viria a descrever, em termos teóricos em A New View of Society. Robert Owen, gestor de sucesso, tentou obsessivamente convencer os políticos e poderosos do seu tempo da eficácia das suas teorias para a resolução dos terríveis problemas sociais que assolavam a Europa. Em Portugal, a burguesia, mais do que uma revolução industrial, queria “ter sangue azul” e assim se adiavam o progresso e desenvolvimento económicos. O liberalismo, adaptado à realidade portuguesa, permitiu que José Ferreira Pinto Basto ampliasse o seu património imobiliário, se tornasse um homem verdadeiramente rico e persistentemente transformasse uma quinta numa povoação, fundando a primeira fábrica de porcelanas do país. Este trabalho não tratará dos aspectos técnicos do fabrico da porcelana ou do seu papel no desenvolvimento do país, visando antes cotejar New Lanark e a Vista Alegre tendo em consideração seus traços comuns, isto é, a organização espacial das comunidades fundadas e as obras sociais realizadas. Será dado particular destaque aos aspectos tocantes ao tipo de relações estabelecidas entre patrões e operários, à educação e à religião nestas duas utopias paternalistas realizadas.

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27

Andes, Derek. "Aiming for the moon." Thesis, University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2811.

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28

Bozkurt, Engin. "The Critical Analysis Of Alternative Local Government Experiences In Turkey: The Case Of Hozat Municipality." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613746/index.pdf.

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When analyzed within Marxist theory understandings, local governments can be considered as a body of administrative, political, social and economic relations which are defined in a certain spatial scale based on uneven development of capital accumulation. This definition removes the local governments from the context of a simple organizational-administrative problem and places them into a political context. Hence, as experience and strategies of socialist customs in our country is investigated regarding local governments, it can be observed that a serious experience is not present excepts certain limited examples. In this study, different from municipalism understanding constrained within today&rsquo
s neoliberal marketism and Islamist conservatism, possibilities of socialist municipalism will be discussed. In this context, &ldquo
socialist municipalism&rdquo
claim, which is trying to be actualized in Hozat Municipality, which is the study area of this thesis, will be analyzed depending on statement and application relation of the municipal administration, with observations made in the area and interviews.

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Braham, Kira. "Working in Utopia: Locating Marx's "Realm of Necessity" in the Socialist Futures of Bellamy and Morris." ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2015. http://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/507.

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This project examines two works of nineteenth-century utopian fiction, Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward and William Morris's News from Nowhere, and considers the way in which the organization of work in these imagined post-capitalist futures is guided by their respective philosophies of labor: while Bellamy's utopia is structured by an understanding of labor as primarily a social duty, Morris presents labor as central to the full development and happiness of the individual. These two utopias are read as representative of a fundamental tension within the writings of Marx: while Morris's understanding of labor aligns with the early works of Marx, Bellamy's vision is an expression of later attempts by Marx to distinguish between productive activity performed in the "realm of necessity" and that performed in the "realm of freedom." This project identifies in Bellamy's utopia a continued presence of alienated labor and reads this limitation as the inevitable outcome of an attempt to realize Marx's distinction between necessary and free production; Morris's ability to eradicate alienated labor in his utopia is thus only possible because he abandons this distinction and recognizes, as did the early Marx, the centrality of all forms of production to the individual's realization of her creative human essence. However, while Morris overcomes alienation, his attempt to break with the material foundations of capitalism leaves his utopia unsustainable; this project therefore looks to Bellamy's economic structures in an attempt to imagine how Morris's labor philosophy might be infused with Bellamy's structural elements to create a socialist future which would grow from the material conditions of capitalism while fully separating itself from the alienation of capitalist labor relations.

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30

Santiago, Gabriel Lomba. "As utopias nos processos de libertação na America Latina." [s.n.], 1995. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/253866.

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Orientador: Silvio Ancizar Sanchez Gamboa
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-20T23:17:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santiago_GabrielLomba_D.pdf: 8729908 bytes, checksum: 4248b360983a3b487a9bc9e361d9a891 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1995
Resumo: As opressões e violências da realidade passada e presente na América Latina, criaram as condições para o imaginário latino-americano, despertando o nosso desejo de mudança para o melhor. A imaginação utópica gera outra realidade que aponta erros e sugere novas perspectivas de vida concreta. Lugar de contrastes, a América Latina oscila entre o autoritarismo ou ditaduras ocasionais e a democracia frágil, ameaçada de golpes. A cultura sofre os mesmos contrastes: vai do formalismo à cultura popular de grande criatividade. Há uma elite e uma camada de letrados ao lado de uma massa enorme sem acesso à educação. Assim, diante de tanta diversidade, os pensadores se debruçam sobre questões antropológicas tentando construir um perfil do "ser" latino-americano. Nesse panorama, os latino-americanos não vivem somente o presente, mas projetam e sonham um futuro, têm uma esperança, uma utopia num presente ameaçado. As utopias são as reações naturais às condições adversas a que os latino-americanos, em sua maioria, são submetidos. A utopia da educação popular é urna das alternativas (para romper esse quadro negativo e o fracasso dos paradigrnas educacionais), propondo currículos adequados às necessidades básicas dentro de sua índole cultural. Os movimentos históricos de libertação em suas variadas formas de ação estão envolvidos pela utopia de urna nova era de justiça. A utopia na Filosofia da Libertação de Enrique Dussel com seu projeto libertador pela mediação do conceito de exterioridade, do Outro. A utopia socialista peruana de J.C. Mariátegui que.utilizando pela primeira vez na América Latina o modelo marxista do Materialismo Histórico, sugere a integração e a participação política indígena nas decisões das nações latino-americanas, fazendo urna crítica dura ao capitalismo. O movimento guerrilheiro peruano Sendero Luminoso, que na trilha de Mariátegui, luta por uma sociedade de base econômica agrária, baseando-se nas condições culturais e sociais do povo. A utopia atravessa essa crise política existente, subvertendo o presente e indicando horizontes novos pela imaginação, pelos projetos e pelas lutas históricas da vida do povo latino-americano
Abstract: Las opresiones y violencias pasadas y presentes en America Latina, crean Ias condiciones objetivas para 10 imaginário latinoamericano, despertando nuestro deseo de cambio para 10 mejor. La imaginación utópica genera otra realidad en que apunta errores y sugiere nuevas perspectivas de vida muy concretas. Lugar de contrastes, America Latina oscila entre el autoritarismo o dictaduras ocasionales y Ia débil democracia, amenazada de golpe de Estado. La cultura sufre de los mismos contrastes: de 10 formal a Ia cultura popular de gran creatividad. Hay un élite y una camada de especializados por un lado y por otro una gran masa sin oportunidad a Ia educación. De esta forma y delante de tanta diversidad los intelectuales se asomar aios problemas antropológicos intentando Ia construción de un perfil deI "ser" latinoamericano. En esta panorámica, los latinoamericanos no viven unicamente el presente, pero si, proyectan y suenan el futuro, hay esperanza, una utopia en el presente amenazado. Las utopias son Ias reaciones naturales a Ias condiciones adversas en que los latinoamericanos son sometidos en su mayoria. La utopia de Ia educación popular és una de Ias opciones (para romper esta situación negativa y el fracas o de los paradigmas educacionales) proponiendo un "curriculum"adecuado a Ias necesidades básicas dentro de su naturaleza cultural. Los movimientos históricos de liberación en sus distintas formas de acción están involucrados por Ia utopia de una nueva era de justícia. La utopia en Ia Filosofia de Ia Liberación de Enrique Dussel con su projecto libertador por médio deI concepto de exterioridad, deI Otro. La utopia socialista peruana de 1. C. Mariátegui, usando por vez primera, em Americ.a Latina, el modelo marxista deI Materialismo Historico, sugiere Ia integración y Ia participación política indígena en Ias decisiones de Ias naciones latinoamericanas, haciendo fuerte crítica ai capitalismo. EI movimiento guerrillero peruano Sendero Luminoso, que por Ia senda de "Mariátegui, lucha por una sociedad en base economica agrária, basandose en Ias condiciones culturales y sociales deI pueblo. La utopia transpasa esa crisis política existente, subvertiendo el presente y apuntando horizontes nuevos a través de Ia imaginación, por los proyectos y por Ias luchas históricas de Ia vida deI pueblo de latinoamérica
Doutorado
Filosofia da Educação
Doutor em Educação

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31

Thomas, Matthew. "Paths to utopia : anarchist counter-cultures in late Victorian and Edwardian Britain 1880-1914." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1998. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4237/.

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Most historiography on British Anarchism has concluded that the Anarchists contributed very little to the political, social and cultural life of Britain. This thesis aims to provide an alternative view. The failure of Anarchism as a coherent political movement has been adequately charted by others. The purpose of the present work is to investigate the impact of Anarchist ideas and practices within the wider political culture. It will demonstrate that Anarchism had significant things to say about many of the issues troubling British society at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries. The Anarchist contribution often demonstrated a high degree of originality and coherence and therefore deserves to be taken seriously. The first chapter outlines the evolution of British Anarchism from the 1880's onwards in order to construct a chronological and organisational context for the thematic debates that follow. It provides an historical account of the various Anarchist groups in Britain and their relations with the rest of the Socialist movement. Chapter Two builds on this by discussing the various social and cultural mileux characteristic of British Anarchism. The following chapters present evidence of the Anarchist contribution to a variety of diverse developments in British society between the 1880's and 1914. In order, these are educational practices, communal ways of living, trade unionism, Syndicalism and finally the status of women in society. The conclusion maintains that, although Anarchist influence was weakened by sectarianism and organisational failures, the Anarchists nevertheless made an original contribution to the political culture, both as theorists and practical activists.

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Zea, Adriana, and Sergio Saravia. "Entrevista a Erik Olin Wright: Utopías reales, socialismos y ciencia social emancipadora." La Colmena, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91570.

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Erik Olin Wright, Ph. D (EEUU), profesor Vilas de sociología de la Universidad de Wisconsin, Madison y presidente saliente de la Asociación Americana de Sociología, visitó la PUCP en el mes de abril de este año, invitado por el departamento de Ciencias Sociales y la Especialidad de Sociología, para dar dos conferencias magistrales, y participar en mesas de discusión con profesores, tesistas, egresados y alumnos de la universidad sobre sus investigaciones recientes. Durante su estadía, La Colmena aprovechó para realizarle una larga entrevista sobre su texto “Utopías Reales”, las críticas al capitalismo, su mirada al socialismo, y el rol de la Ciencia Social Emancipadora, que presentamos a continuación.

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Flores, Galindo Alberto. "La nación como utopía: Tupac Amaru 1780." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115314.

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En este articulo se intenta desarrollar una idea (¿una hipótesis?) que podría expresarse en estos términos: explicar de qué manera en los años finales del siglo m XVII, con el movimiento de Túpac Amaru, se planteó en el terreno de las ideas y en la lucha inmediata el problema de la nación en el Perú. A partir de esa explicación intentamos sugerir un problema y un tema que interesan a la investigación histórica y a la sociología: la explicación de los movimientos utópicos.

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34

Ascarate, Coronel Luz Maria. "Psyché ranimée. Imagination et émancipation dans la philosophie de Paul Ricœur." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0063.

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Nous identifions la contribution de l’anthropologie phénoménologique de Ricœur à la philosophie sociale, sous la double perspective de l’imagination et de l’émancipation, afin de répondre aux défis du temps de la crise du sens, crise qui se manifeste comme une perte des fondements. Au regard des analyses de Ricœur sur l’imagination, dont nombre d’entre elles restent encore non publiées, nous pensons comme suit : la phénoménologie de la fiction de Paul Ricœur contribue à penser l’expérience du sujet comme le fondement de l’imaginaire social du point de vue constitutif. De cette manière, nous comprenons l’anthropologie phénoménologique de Ricœur en tant orientée vers un projet d’émancipation.Notre conviction est que cette philosophie ricœurienne développée spécifiquement dans les années 70’s peut répondre aux problèmes que la crise du sens impose, d’abord à la tâche de fondation de la philosophie et, ensuite, au monde social. Ce n’est pas hasardeux que Ricœur ait consacré dans cette époque un cycle de conférences à l’imaginaire sociale, publiés sous le célèbre titre de Lectures on Ideology and Utopia, en même temps que ses Lectures on Imagination. Celles-ci qui restent inédites développent sa phénoménologie de la fiction en tant que philosophie générale qui propose une ontologie du possible.Notre thèse est que cette ontologie permettrait de donner des fondements au social d’un caractère entièrement sui generis, différents de ceux de la philosophie politique. Cette dernière est notamment accusée, par la philosophie sociale, de ne pas rendre assez compte de la dimension constitutive ou ontologique du monde social, dans lequel il existe des enjeux plus profonds que ceux relevés par la critique de la domination envisagée par la philosophie politique
We identify the contribution of Ricoeur's phenomenological anthropology to social philosophy, from the dual perspective of imagination and emancipation, in order to respond to the challenges of the time of the crisis of meaning, a crisis that manifests itself as a loss of foundations. With regard to Ricoeur's analyses of imagination, many of which are still unpublished, we think as follows: the Paul Ricoeur's phenomenology of fiction contributes to think the subject's experience as the foundation of the social imagination from a constitutive point of view. In this way, we understand Ricoeur's phenomenological anthropology as oriented towards an emancipation project.We are convinced that this Ricoeurian philosophy, developed specifically in the 1970s, can respond to the problems that the crisis of meaning imposes, first on the task of founding philosophy and then on the social world. It is no coincidence that Ricoeur devoted a series of lectures at that time to the social imagination, published under the famous title of Lectures on Ideology and Utopia, at the same time as his Lectures on Imagination. These that remain unpublished develop its phenomenology of fiction as a general philosophy that proposes an ontology of the possible.Our thesis is that this ontology would make it possible to give foundations to the social of an entirely sui generis character, different from those of political philosophy. The latter is accused, in particular, by social philosophy, of not sufficiently reflecting the constitutive or ontological dimension of the social world, in which there are more profound issues than those raised by the criticism of the domination envisaged by political philosophy

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35

Hurteau, Philippe. "Coopération, utopie et liberté politique : étude sur le socialisme du premier 19e siècle français." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37499.

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Cette thèse de pensée politique propose une relecture des oeuvres de Claude-Henri de Saint-Simon et de Charles Fourier, deux penseurs du « socialisme utopique » français du 19e siècle, allant dans le sens de leur association avec les pensées actuelles du « contre l’État », de la division originaire du social et de la dialectique de l’émancipation. À l’aide de l’interprétation de l’utopie développée par Miguel Abensour, qui est mobilisée tout en conservant à son égard une distance critique, il est montré en quoi Saint-Simon et Fourier participent à la découverte de la société comme objet de connaissance scientifique et comment cette découverte ouvre des possibilités inédites pour penser la transformation sociale. L’apport particulier de la thèse est alors l’étude des effets de la rencontre de l’utopie et du socialisme afin de saisir l’idéal coopératif à titre de mode alternatif d’institution de la société. Il est avancé qu’il se trouve, dans les oeuvres de ces deux auteurs, un cadre pour penser la liberté politique en ce que, tant Saint-Simon que Fourier, s’appuient sur une théorisation de l’utopie qui non seulement repère dans le présent les éléments d’un ordre nouveau à opposer à l’ordre établi, mais qui s’articule à même une conception ouverte de l’histoire basée sur la vérification de la satisfaction des besoins du grand nombre. Il est également avancé qu’en raison du procédé d’écart propre à l’utopie, se pose la possibilité, au sein même du socialisme, de cultiver une conscience du politique sensible au risque d’inversion des visées d’émancipation.

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Lejeune, Caroline. "En quête de justice écologique : théorie politique environnementale et mobilisations sociales." Thesis, Lille 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LIL20022.

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L’étude des mobilisations sociales et institutionnelles nées autour d’un projet d’aménagement urbain – la Zone de l’Union (métropole lilloise, Nord) – permet d’analyser l’évolution théorique de la justice sociale lorsqu’elle se trouve progressivement confrontée aux limites environnementales. Originellement, ces mobilisations sociales étaient éloignées des enjeux spécifiquement écologiques.Mais une lente évolution des revendications s’opère lorsqu’il s’agit de se positionner sur un projet d’ « écoquartier exemplaire » (2006-2022). Nous nous intéresserons au glissement des revendications sociales (fondées sur la justice distributive et la reconnaissance politique) vers des revendications écologiques (élaborées à partir de la confrontation de la justice sociale aux limites environnementales). L’analyse des dispositifs de transformation des discours, des procédures participatives, ainsi que de l’évolution des référentiels théoriques des mobilisations, participe à une réflexion sur les conditions de transformation de la démocratie pluraliste représentative. A travers l’étude de la justice écologique et de ses enjeux, nous proposons de repenser la manière dont les limites environnementales peuvent être intégrées aux pratiques participatives de la démocratie. En nous appuyant sur les travaux de la Green Political Theory, nous montrons également que la justice écologique repose sur une conceptionécocentrée de la justice qui pourrait contribuer à interroger la théorie de la démocratie à partir des interdépendances existentielles entre les sphères sociales et écologiques
This work aims at analysing the theoretical evolution of social justice when it is progressively confronted to environmental limits. It is based on the study of the social and institutional movements that arose around an urban planning project – the Union Zone – in the metropolis of Lille, Northern France. These social movements were at first concentrating their claims on issues far from ecologicalconcerns. But a slow evolution of their claims took place when they were confronted to a project of “exemplary eco-district” (2006-2022). This work will focus on the shift from social claims (based on distributive justice and political acknowledgement) to ecological claims (where social justice is confronted to environmental limits). Drawing on an analysis of the transformation of discourses, of the participation procedures, and of the evolution of the theoretical frames used by the social movements, we offer an insight on the conditions of transformation of pluralist representative democracy. This analysis of the issues and purposes of ecological justice aims at reconsidering the way environmentallimits could be incorporated into the participative practices of democracies. Drawing on the field of green political theory, this work also aims at showing that ecological justice lays on an ecocentrist view of justice that could contribute to question the theory of democracy in the light of existentialinterdependences connecting the ecological and the social spheres

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Götze, Susanne. "Die Neue französische Linke von 1958- 1968 : Engagement, Kritik, Utopie." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LORR0381.

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Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les courants politiques de la Nouvelle Gauche dans la période 1958 jusqu’à 1968, qui se sont développés en France à la fin des années 1950, au-delà des structures des partis déjà établis et de la pensée traditionnelle socialiste. Selon le concept développé par Pierre Bourdieu du « champ social », l’analyse met en avant – dans l’optique de développement des concepts alternatifs de la société – des interactions entre les structures du nouveau Parti Socialiste Unifié (PSU), des intellectuels, des clubs politiques, des magazines (classique Nouvelle Gauche), ainsi que des mouvements culturels (tels que les situationnistes). Le point commun de ces différents acteurs est qu'ils ont développé, et ce avant les émeutes de 1968, des nouvelles approches théoriques de l'objet de travail, d’un «socialisme démocratique», de la démocratie directe, du colonialisme, l'auto-gouvernement, le public, et la relation entre l’art et la politique. Les mouvements intellectuels, artistiques et politiques de la « Nouvelle Gauche » se sont positionnés contre la logique de la «mentalité de camp» de la guerre froide et ont développé leurs propres programmes politiques d'une « troisième voie » au-delà du dogmatisme marxiste et de la démocratie socialiste réformiste «discrédité» dans les pays occidentaux industrialisés. La recherche est guidée par la question des discours et des débats sur une «troisième voie» ou un «socialisme démocratique» qui ont eu lieu à l’époque – par contraste au modèle soviétique et des concepts démocratiques et socialistes établi en Ouest. La question qui se pose est la suivante : pour quelle raison les intellectuels, artistes et politiciens ont renoncé à faire partie du discours dogmatique du PCF ou celle-ci du SFIO qui a fait partie de gouvernement et rejoint des nouvelles pensées et non-dogmatiques et pourquoi et comment ils sont commencé à développer des concepts d`une « troisième voie » entre les fronts existants de la guerre froide ? Dans ce contexte, il est également probable d’avoir des nouvelles réponses sur la question évoquées comment la gauche «non-dogmatique» ou «Nouvelle Gauche» était l’impulsion et «incubateur théorique» pour les troubles en mai 1968
This work examines the political tendencies of the "Nouvelle Gauche" in France in the period 1960-1968, which have developed (or : constituted themselves) beyond the established party structures and conventional (or better: traditional?) socialist paradigms since the end of the 1950s. Based on the concept of the "Social Field" developed by Pierre Bourdieu, the interactions between the new party structures (Parti Socialiste Unifié), intellectuals clubs, magazines (classic Nouvelle Gauche) as well as cultural movements shall be studied from the viewpoint of developing alternative approaches for the society. These different actors have in common that they developed before the riots of 1968 new theoretical approaches to the subject of work, "democratic socialism", direct democracy, colonial policy, self-government (or better: self-administration?), the public and the relationship between art and politics. The intellectual, artistic and political movements of the "new left" opposed the logic of "camps mentality” of the Cold War and developed their own political programs of a "Third Way" beyond the Marxist dogmatism and the "discredited" reformist social democracy in the Western industrialized countries.This work combines policy- and cultural-historical problems, which are handled by methods of the critique of ideology as well as discourse analysis, and starts with the foundation of the Parti Socialiste unifié (PSU) in 1960, that acted as "the amalgam of the discarded" and as "new left". 18 months before, the party Socialiste Autonome (PSA) was founded, whose followers had broken away from the socialist SFIO and are placed now in the political landscape of France between SFIO and PCF.Usually, the focus of previous studies has been and is still the history of parties in the context of international and domestic political events (war in Algeria, appeasement in the era of Khrushchev, transition from the Fourth to the Fifth Republic, rebellions in Eastern Europe against the Soviet domination). In contrast, this work shall on the one hand deal with the political, extra-parliamentary, intellectual and artistic field of the "Nouvelle Gauche" under programmatic and intellectual historical point of view, and on the other hand work out biographical and social interdependencies. The question which discourses and debates about a "Third Way" or a "democratic socialism" were held – in contrast to the Soviet model and Western social democratic or socialist concepts – is prepended this investigation. The question is risen for which reasons intellectuals, artists as well as politicians seceded from the dogmatic course of the KPF, joined undogmatic, new ways of thinking and started to develop "Third Ways" between the existing fronts of the Cold War. With respect to this background, new answers are expected to the problem how the outlined "Undogmatic" or "New Left" has been impulse and "theoretical incubator" (bin mir nicht sicher, ob das im englischen geht) for the rebellions in May 1968

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Siméon, Ophélie. "De l’usine à l’utopie : New Lanark 1785-1825. : Histoire d’un village ouvrier « modèle »." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20083.

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Le présent travail a pour but d’étudier le village ouvrier textile de New Lanark (Écosse), fondé en 1785, aujourd’hui classé au patrimoine mondial de l’humanité et célèbre pour sa réputation d’usine « modèle » en vertu de son association avec Robert Owen (1771- 1858), lui-même considéré comme le « père du socialisme britannique ». Il soulève l’hypothèse que cette mythification doit être réhistoricisée afin d’en éclairer le sens et la portée, tant pour être déconstruite que reconstruite. Tout d’abord, l’histoire du village ouvrier doit être replacée dans celle de la Révolution industrielle, afin d’éclairer les spécificités de cette forme de peuplement, dont l’identification à des modes de gestion dits « paternalistes » n’est pas des moindres. L’examen de ce creuset paternaliste éclaire également les fondements et la formation de la pensée d’Owen, qui prend appui sur le terrain de New Lanark afin de se livrer à une expérience en matière de réforme sociale. Deuxièmement, le village ouvrier doit être étudié en lui-même, afin de confronter ses dynamiques internes à la mise en pratique des politiques patronales. Troisièmement, nous envisagerons New Lanark à l’aune des réceptions dont il a fait l’objet, alors qu’Owen lance une campagne de promotion de sa doctrine aboutissant à la fin des années 1820 à la formation du premier socialisme britannique. Le statut de précurseur conféré à New Lanark et à son dirigeant sera également analysé au regard de l’affiliation de ce dernier au champ du « socialisme utopique ». Il est dès lors possible d’envisager une mise en tradition faite de processus stratégiques où, en dépit de ses excentricités supposées, et en vertu de sa politique patronale éclairée à New Lanark, Owen a été intégré au canon socialiste comme fondateur d’un courant national distinct du marxisme
This thesis examines the textile industrial village of New Lanark (Scotland). Founded in 1785 and now a World Heritage site, it is mostly renowned for its reputation as a « model » factory, thanks to its association with Robert Owen (1771-1858), himself considered the « Father of British socialism ». It argues that such myth-making must be studied in context in order to grasp both its scope and significance, submitting it to a deconstruction and reconstruction process. Firstly, the history of the industrial village will be studied in the context of the Industrial Revolution in order to understand the specificities of this type of settlement, namely its close links with so-called « paternalistic » management methods. Examining paternalist discourses also sheds light on the foundations and formation of Owen’s thought, as he used New Lanark as a testbed for an experiment in social reform. Secondly, the industrial village will be studied per se in order to confront its internal dynamics with the application of Owen’s policies. Thirdly, we will analyse how New Lanark was received in its day, as Owen launched a campaign for the promotion of his doctrine, which amounted to the birth of the first British socialist movement in the late 1820s. The pioneering status which both New Lanark and Owen have been awarded also need to be analysed in relation to the latter’s labelling as a « utopian socialist ». The making of this tradition can therefore be understood as a series of strategic processes whereby Owen has been integrated into the socialist canon despite his supposed eccentricities and thanks primarily to his enlightened management policies at New Lanark, thus establishing him as the founder of a distinctively British socialism owing nothing to Marxism

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39

Gundogan, Ercan. "A Critical Evaluation Of The Socialist Journal &quot." Phd thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606311/index.pdf.

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ABSTRACT A CRITICAL EVALUATION OF THE SOCIALIST JOURNAL AYDINLIK WITHIN A MARXIAN THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Gü
ndogan, Ercan Ph.D., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz July 2005, 855 pages The thesis concerns with the conception of class and revolution in Marxian meta-theory and examines its reception by the Turkish Marxist left through an analysis of the Socialist Journal Aydinlik (1968-1971). Survey demonstrates that the reception is obscured by strategic debates, and is also not perfectly realized due to the needs of the rapid development of the Turkish socialist left after 1960s. Marxian theory is used mainly to justify the national democratic revolutionary strategy which is presented as only valid strategy, against socialist revolutionary strategy. National Democratic Revolutionary strategy is suggested to close the gap between Marxian framework which exclusively focuses on the proletarian socialist politics and the undeveloped revolutionary conditions of the underdeveloped societies. However, this gap is closed only at the expense of creating new gaps between Marx and the country. Class phenomena are analyzed in the framework of the imperialism-feudalism-comprador bourgeoisie alliance and popular or national classes. This strategy suggests that only after national democratic revolution is perfectly completed, socialist revolutionary struggle can be valid. It thereby postpones the possibility of socialist struggle and hence Marx to an undetermined future.

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40

Sippel, Alexandra. "Le travail dans l’utopie britannique du long dix-huitième siècle." Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040261.

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Cette étude veut montrer comment le travail est décrit et vécu dans les utopies littéraires et programmatiques du dix-huitième siècle, de John Bellers (1695) à Robert Owen (vers 1830). Dans la société britannique de l’époque, le travail évolue, de nécessaire condition de l’homme vers un moyen de progresser dans la hiérarchie sociale. Les utopies, micro-sociétés idéales, sont toujours isolées, de sorte que le travail agricole et artisanal est la principale occupation de leurs habitants. De pénible qu’il est en Europe, il devient léger en utopies car il est équitablement partagé entre des individus qui savent se contenter de peu. Les autres professions, plus intellectuelles, jouissent d’un prestige nettement moins important qu’en Europe, puisque chaque utopien est à la fois son prêtre, son avocat, son médecin. Tous les utopiens contribuent également à la beauté de leur environnement, on ne trouve que rarement des artistes identifiés par leur fonction. La façon dont les utopistes abordent la question du travail traduit leur projet de société, le plus souvent égalitariste et coopératif, par opposition à une Grande-Bretagne dominée par la compétition
The point of this thesis is to show how work is depicted in eighteenth-century utopias, from John Bellers (1695) to Robert Owen (in the 1830s). Labour is the necessary condition of the vast majority of the British population at the beginning of the period. Over the century, though, work takes on a more positive connotation as it becomes a means of ascending the social ladder (especially for the merchants and members of the professions). In utopian texts, European “toil” becomes pleasant and healthful “exercise”, because the inhabitants of ideal societies have few needs that are easily satisfied. A little agriculture and craft industry only is required to provide them with anything they want. The intellectual professions, that were more prestigious in Britain, are disregarded as each citizen is able to act as his own priest, lawyer or physician. All utopians are artists, contributing to the beauty of their environment, so that none is really identified as such. The last part aims at demonstrating that work and labour are at the heart of the utopists’ view of society. Their plans are vindications of more egalitarian and cooperative societies

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41

Arzmi, Azmah [Verfasser], Guerra Max [Akademischer Betreuer] Welch, Matej [Akademischer Betreuer] Spurny, Daniela [Gutachter] Zupan, Julia [Gutachter] Gamberini, and Martin [Gutachter] Pekar. "Reinterpreting Marzahn, Berlin & Petržalka, Bratislava: From Process of State Socialist Utopia to Utopia of State Capitalist Process / Azmah Arzmi ; Gutachter: Daniela Zupan, Julia Gamberini, Martin Pekar ; Max Welch Guerra, Matej Spurny." Weimar : Bauhaus-Universität Weimar, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1229838589/34.

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42

Asencio, Yace Jehyra Marie. "Utopía modernizadora en el Gibraltar del Caribe : narrativas científico-sociales durante la Guerra Fría." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2018. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/32977.

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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Centro de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação sobre as Américas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos Comparados sobre as Américas, 2018.
Conteúdo parcialmente liberado pelo autor. Conteúdo restrito: Capítulos 2, 3, 4 e consideraciones finales.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES).
A época da pós-guerra marcou um momento de reconfiguração e expansão sem precedentes da produção de conhecimento cientifico. As novas ciências sociais se dedicaram ao estudo dos efeitos da transformação de diferentes sociedades para a forma de vida industrial, urbana e capitalista. Na década dos anos 1950 os paradigmas sobre a modernização, a democracia e o progresso económico sustentaram que o passado e o tradicional eram irreconciliáveis com o caminho futuro que indicavam as novas necessidades dos seres humanos. Estas narrativas científicas ofereceram visões do mundo sedutoras desde o ponto de vista das comodidades que podiam ser criadas para elevar a qualidade de vida. A engenharia social a grande escala propunha como preciso a total transformação da vida quotidiana em qualquer lugar que tivesse um programa de desenvolvimento industrial. Na década dos anos 1960 com o fracasso de muitas das projeções da prosperidade, o aumento de científicos sociais nativos e os movimentos revolucionários o paradigma utópico modernizador foi parcialmente derrotado. Neste trabalho procuro contextualizar e comparar as narrativas científico-sociais que definiram o processo de transformação de um lugar particular no Caribe, a ilha de Porto Rico. Os textos produzidos nas primeiras décadas da Guerra Fria estudaram e interpretaram os novos padrões de conduta, pensamento e valores da sociedade em pleno momento de mudança. O conhecimento produzido esteve baseado numa comparação entre passado e presente, com uma projeção de futuro universal sobre o progresso económico. Proponho uma localização das narrativas científico sociais estadunidenses e porto-riquenhas sobre a mudança social gerada em Porto Rico durante a pós-guerra numa perspectiva comparativa transversal.
La época de la posguerra marcó un momento de re-configuración y expansión sin precedentes de la producción de conocimiento científico. Las nuevas ciencias sociales se dedicaron al estudio de los efectos de la transformación de diferentes sociedades hacia la forma de vida industrial, urbana y capitalista. En la década de los años 1950 los paradigmas sobre la modernización, la democracia y el progreso económico sustentaron que el pasado y lo tradicional eran irreconciliables con el camino futuro que indicaban las nuevas necesidades de los seres humanos. Estas narrativas científicas ofrecieron visiones de mundo seductoras desde el punto de vista de las comodidades que podían ser creadas para elevar la calidad de vida. La ingeniería social a gran escala proponía como necesaria la total transformación de la vida cotidiana de cualquier población en donde se fuese a llevar a cabo un programa de desarrollo. Para la década de los años 1960 con el fracaso de las proyecciones de prosperidad, el aumento de científico sociales nativos a las áreas de estudios y los movimientos revolucionarios el paradigma utópico inicial modernizador fue parcialmente derrotado. En este trabajo busco contextualizar y comparar las narrativas científico-sociales que definieron el proceso de transformación de un lugar particular en el Caribe, Puerto Rico. Los textos producidos en las primeras décadas de la Guerra Fría estudiaron e interpretaron los nuevos patrones de pensamiento, conductas y valores de la sociedad en pleno momento de cambio. El conocimiento producido estaba basado en una comparación entre el pasado y el presente, con una proyección de futuro universal sobre el progreso económico. Propongo una localización de las narrativas de científicos sociales estadounidenses y puertorriqueños sobre el cambio social generado en Puerto Rico durante la posguerra en una perspectiva comparativa transversal.

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43

Lucas, Marcilio Rodrigues 1984. "De Taylor a Stakhanov : utopias e dilemas marxistas em torno da racionalização do trabalho." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281184.

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Orientador: Liliana Rolfsen Petrilli Segnini
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Este trabalho analisa dilemas do marxismo em torno da questão da racionalização do trabalho no século XX, especialmente no período entreguerras, quando se difundia pelo mundo capitalista os princípios tayloristas de organização científica do trabalho. Tais dilemas se relacionam ao fato de que o desenvolvimento da grande indústria moderna e a difusão dos princípios tayloristas permitiram uma grande elevação da produtividade do trabalho, ao mesmo tempo em que exacerbaram a condição subordinada dos trabalhadores no interior do processo de produção. Essa dinâmica colocou problemas para os movimentos operários e o pensamento marxista, tanto no que se refere às estratégias e possibilidades de resistência ao incremento da subordinação e da exploração sobre a força de trabalho, quanto em relação aos desafios teóricos e práticos contidos na tarefa de distinção entre os elementos potencialmente positivos desse processo de produção e os traços degradantes de sua exploração capitalista. As dificuldades se revelaram de forma mais dramática no caso da experiência revolucionária russa, na qual o horizonte aberto para a emancipação dos trabalhadores se chocava com a necessidade imediata de organizar e desenvolver o aparato produtivo frágil e deficiente. Por isso, esta pesquisa se concentra sobre o conjunto de problemas e experiências verificado na sociedade soviética, desde as formulações de Lenin a respeito do taylorismo, passando pelas tentativas de concretização de um "taylorismo soviético" na década de 1920, até o surgimento do stakhanovismo durante o período stalinista, em 1935, formando um movimento de operários que obtinham recordes de produção e reivindicavam, como princípio, uma racionalização do trabalho fundada em propostas e iniciativas dos próprios trabalhadores. A hipótese principal defendida em relação a essas experiências é que a estratégia de incorporação do taylorismo carregava limites incontornáveis do ponto de vista da emancipação dos trabalhadores, mas, por outro lado, o seu abandono no momento da ascensão stalinista representou um retrocesso e não um avanço, já que engendrou uma dinâmica em que a exaltação dos stakhanovistas, como "heróis do trabalho", obscurecia a formação de uma organização despótica e ineficiente da produção, cujos traços essenciais permaneceram até a dissolução do regime
Abstract: This thesis analyses Marxism¿s dilemmas around the question of the labor rationalization in the 20th century, specifically on the interwar period, when was diffused on the capitalist world the Taylor's principles of scientific organization of work. These dilemmas were associated with the modern industry development and the diffusion of the Taylor¿s principle. These facts allowed a huge increase of the work productivity causing at the same time an exacerbation of the worker¿s subordination condition inside the productive process. This dynamic put some problems for the workers movement and for the Marxist thought. Whether to the resistance strategies and possibilities against subordination increase and against work force exploitation, whether to the theoretical and practical challenges linked with the task of making a distinction between the potentially positive factors of this productive process and the degraded traits of the capitalist exploitation of this. The dilemmas were shown in a more dramatic way in the Russian¿s revolutionary experience, in which the possibility for worker¿s emancipation collided with the immediate necessity of organize and develop the productive resource, which was fragile and low. Considering all these facts, this research focused on all problems and experiences verified in the soviet society since Lenin¿s formulations about taylorism, going through concretion efforts to stablish a "soviet taylorism" in 1920, until the raising of Stakhanovism during the Stalinist period in 1935. In that year was formed a worker¿s movement that broken productive records and claimed, as a principle, a labor rationalization rooted on proposals and initiatives of the workers by themselves. The main hypothesis defended about these experiences was that the attempt of taylorism incorporation brought unsolvable limits to the worker's emancipation matters, but on the other hand, the renunciation of this attempt during Stalinist rising, meant a regression instead an improvement. It happened because was engendered a dynamic in which the Stakhanovist¿s exaltation as "heroes of the work" obscured the formation of a despotic and inefficient productive organization, which essential traits remained until the end of the regime
Doutorado
Ciencias Sociais
Doutor em Ciências Sociais

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44

Koc, Yasemin. "A Critical Examination Of Two." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12609789/index.pdf.

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This study examines two &lsquo
socialist&rsquo
utopias of the late 19th century: W. Morris&rsquo
s News from Nowhere and E. Bellamy&rsquo
s Looking Backward. The major concern is to question the validity of title &lsquo
socialist&rsquo
for these two texts. The reference points for such an analysis are: modernity, Marxism of the late 19th century and the practice of discipline. In this context, the intention is to find out ruptures and continuities with respect to the central ideas of socialism and basic premises of modernity. The study explorates that there are serious points of rupture in these two texts with respect to the major premises of modernity, because in Morris&rsquo
s utopia there is a romantic search for restoring communism of the 14th century, in Bellamy&rsquo
s text there are typical reactionary modernist suggestions concerning the nature of typical socialist societies. In that sense, due to the disassociation between socialism and modernity in these two texts, it is very problematic to classify these utopias as socialist. The study also questions whether the sources of such disassociation are embedded in Marxism itself. In response to such question, the study argues that this is the case to a great extent.

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45

Cunha, Paulo Ribeiro Rodrigues da. "A utopia tenentista na construção do pensamento marxista de Nelson Werneck Sodre." [s.n.], 2001. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280296.

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Orientador: Elide Rugai Bastos
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: A presente pesquisa, objetiva apreender a construção do pensamento político de Nelson Werneck Sodré de 1930 à 1950, período em que se estabelece a transição de uma trajetória tenentista ao marxismo, como também se configura a fundamentação de suas teses principais. A centralidade deste desenvolvimento temático, passa por dois eixos nodais, apreendidos na perspectiva de suas duas vocações. A primeira, encontra Sodré como intelectual e nesse caso, o entendemos como um historiador da corrente historicista. A segunda vocação, refere-se a sua condição de militar que chegou a patente de General de Brigada e como aspecto correlato, de origem pequeno burguesa. Ambas as vocações tem desenvolvimentos paralelos e são confluentes pela mediação da política. Nesse sentido, procuramos desenvolver sua trajetória política e vocacional, a partir da contribuição de intelectuais como Michael Lowy, Luckács, e, verificar como se estabelece sua rotação ao pensamento revolucionário. A análise também procura demonstrar alguns pressupostos diferenciados do que comumente foi apreendido em relação à sua obra. Nesse caso, entendemos que teses como: História Nova, o Exército Democrático, a Burguesia Nacional, o Feudalismo, o Imperialismo foram originalmente gestadas em uma concepção tenentista com referenciais analíticos dissociados do pensamento originário da III Internacional ou mesmo da Declaração de Março de 1958. Na verdade, essa fase tenentista em transição ao marxismo, está relacionada à influência de intelectuais relacionados ao pensamento da II Internacional entre outras influências, algumas até conservadoras, mas que pavimenta sua rotação ao marxismo e possibilita uma nova substância teórica em suas análises futuras, incorporando pioneiramente nesta reflexão, autores como Lukács e Mariategui. Vale ressaltar nesta rotação, a militância no PCB que, correlacionada à estas influências, norteiam sua concepção de política no que denominamos Moralidade do Compromisso. É por esta razão, que discordamos do autor, pois, entendemos não ser esta uma fase de alienação ou negação, como admite e que, a política seja um componente ausente em suas reflexões. Por fim, a pesquisa procura estabelecer a singularidade de uma leitura de Brasil, norteada por um pensamento nacionalista à esquerda que, em Sodré, adquire estatuto teórico próprio, gestados neste período, mas também na práxis, face a sua vocação militar - e que, na década de 50, veio a ser conhecida como Revolução Brasileira
Abstract: This work is directed to a deeper understanding of the construction of Nelson Werneck Sodré's political ideologies, during the period of 1930 to 1950, when his transition from 'tenentismo' (lieutenantship)to marxism, and the foundations ofhis principal theses were being set. The pillar of this thematic development is supported by two nodal axis, aprehended from his two vocational perspectives: thefirst the intellectual Sodré, and then, we accept him as a historian in the stream of history. The second vocation, is inherent to his condition of being an Army officer that reached the rank of Brigadier General and this from a petit bourgeois origin. Both vocations have parallel developments and are confluent due to the polítical intercession. In this angle, we tried to develop his vocational and polítical trajectory starting with the contribuition from the intellectuals Michel Lowy, Lukács, and checking how his rotation within the revolutionary process is established. This analisis also aims to present some conjectures that are distinct from those commonly aprehended in his work. In this case, we understand that theses like: História Nova (New History), O Exército Democrático (The Democratic Army), A Burguesia Nacional (The National Middle-Class), O Feudalismo (The Feudalism), O Imperialismo (The Imperialism), were originally sprung from tenentista conception, and with analysis references apart from the III International original ideas, or even from the Declaração de Março de 1958 (The Declarationof March, 1958).This transition phase to marxism is related to the influence of intellectuals connected to the II International ideas and even other conservative ones;they paved his way to marxism and allowed a new theoretical context for his analysis; and, it pioneers the inclusion of authors like Lukács and Mariategui. It is worth mentioning his militancy in the PCB (Brazilian Communist Party) in this sequence.That, along with those influences, headed his political conception in what we name Moralidade do Compromisso (The Morality of Agreement).This is the reason why we disagree with the author, because we understand that this is not one phase of negation or alienation as stated, and that politics is not present in his future reflections. And finally, we try to stablish the originality of a reading of Brazil, headed by a left nationalist idea that, in Sodré, brewed and reached its own theoretical status, but did it also in the praxis (considering his military vocation)that in the 50s, carne to be known as the Revolução Brasileira (Brazilian Revolution)
Doutorado
Doutor em Sociologia

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46

Ozdilek, Elif. "European Neighbourhood Policy, As A Hegemonic Project?: The Case Of Ukraine." Phd thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610931/index.pdf.

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This thesis attempts to analyze the European Neighbourhood Policy from a Neo-Gramscian perspective, mapping transnational power relations in Europe and identifying the historical-specific articulations between economic, political and (civil) societal processes in the specific case of Ukraine. Thus the thesis attempts to show how the EU&rsquo
s hegemonic project is formed and applied, it also explores whether there are redefinitions of the EU hegemonic project and ask whether it is sustainable or not. It is contended that the European Commission&rsquo
s neo-liberal strategy is designed to transform the region into a space in which the free flow of capital, goods and services is secured, but the free movement of people is heavily restricted, and no commitment is made towards full membership for its partners. In fact, this study explores whether or not the ENP as a hegemonic project is likely to establish an historic bloc
whether the ENP is sustainable or not with the consent of its partners. This study focuses on social power relations and their organisation and articulation within the structures of the state/civil-societal complex at the national and transnational levels in order to analyse the degree and manner of both coercion and consent given to the EU&rsquo
s hegemonic project, which in turn will allow for an assessment of the project&rsquo
s likelihood of success. The EU&rsquo
s general strategy towards its neighbours is shown to be a hegemonic project spearheaded by an intellectual and moral leadership directed by conflicting political and cultural agents and organisations.

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47

Viguier, Elsie. "Pub/Antipub, deux visions du monde ? : sociologie des visions du monde à partir des discours de professionnels de la publicité et de militants antipublicitaires." Phd thesis, Université de Grenoble, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00947666.

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En m'intéressant aux discours de deux groupes en opposition, les antipublicitaires et les publicitaires, j'ai tenté de construire une sociologie de leurs visions du monde et de rapprocher ces analyses des concepts d'idéologie et d'utopie. L'approche est qualitative, elle privilégie l'observation non participante auprès de collectifs militants et l'analyse de discours produits lors d'entretiens semi-directifs ou à l'occasion de publications des acteurs concernés. Ce travail sociologique s'organise autour du triptyque soi, l'autre, le monde. La vision de soi, ou encore le discours sur soi, en tant qu'individu et en tant que collectif, déploie les questions d'identification, d'efficacité, de plaisir, de vocation et d'engagement. A travers deux figures vocationnelles, celle du combattant et celle de l'artiste, l'acteur renforce son identité personnelle, dans le sens d'une définition de soi, en légitimant le rôle qu'il se donne au sein de la société. Ainsi, l'autolégitimation prend place dans la construction de la croyance collective et enclenche le processus de légitimation d'une conception du monde, qu'elle soit en accord ou en rupture avec le système existant. Le regard posé sur l'autre renvoie à une définition et une désignation de l'adversaire, mais le discours révèle aussi une certaine instrumentalisation de l'autre, l'autre pensé comme un moyen de se faire entendre et d'acquérir une légitimité aux yeux du public. Enfin, les notions qui se trouvent interrogées dans cette présentation de soi et de l'autre sont dès lors confrontées à un discours plus général, un regard sur le monde et la société. Le discours se fait constructeur d'évidences en affirmant ce qui est et ce qui doit être. La publicité devient ainsi l'élément sur lequel s'amorce une réflexion critique envers le système économique libéral. Idéologie et utopie sont ainsi analysées comme deux dynamiques à la fois opposées et complémentaires, comme si en fin de compte regarder le monde, c'était déjà mettre en œuvre une volonté de le mettre en ordre.

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48

Petroni, Camila Caldas. "Utopias reais: percursos da Associação Brasileira de Vídeo Popular entre 1984 e 1989." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19123.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
Con el desarrollo de esta investigación, tenemos la intención de comprender parte de la actuación de la Associação Brasileira de Vídeo Popular (ABVP), oncretamente entre 1984, año de su fundación, y 1989, es decir, cubriendo la actividad de la organización durante la década de 1980, en un contexto histórico marcado por la ascensión de las luchas sociales populares y sus nuevos ajustes frente a los límites actuales del capitalismo, y por la vigilancia y represión institucionales - analizados por nosotros con base en la documentación producida por DEOPS-SP. Además de estos aspectos, dada la imagen mediática de oligopolización y monopolización de la época, han ganado fuerza los movimientos populares brasileños y latinoamericanos a favor de la lucha por la democratización de la comunicación, con el vídeo como uno de sus principales medios y fines, utilizado, incluso, como estrategia en varias luchas sociales. La entidad tratada, derivada del uso de las nuevas tecnologías en el campo de las clases trabajadoras organizadas, trató de reunir una parte significativa de la producción videográfica popular — incluyendo en sus catálogos temas como Movimiento Sindical, Mujer, Cuestión de Tierra, Indios, Trabajo - para construir una colección valiosa para el conocimiento histórico tanto en Brasil como en otros países de América Latina a partir de la mirada "del pueblo", contestatario y denunciador de la realidad, por medio de una producción realizada sobre, por y/o para él. Además, la asociación ha producido periódicos impresos - tan relevantes cuanto su propia producción videográfia para el entendimiento de su actuación que, por lo tanto, han sido insertados en nuestra análisis — que integrarán ideas y acciones de sujetos y grupos articulados formadores del movimento de vídeo popular latinoamericano. Por lo tanto, a través de vídeos y boletines de noticias relacionadas con el universo del vídeo, en específico, discurrimos a respeto de las ideas de resistencia al orden vigente durante la década de 1980
Pretendemos, com o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, compreender parte da atuação da Associação Brasileira de Vídeo Popular (ABVP), especificamente entre 1984, ano de sua fundação, e 1989, ou seja, abarcando a atividade da entidade durante a década de 1980, em um contexto histórico marcado pela ascensão de lutas sociais populares e suas novas configurações frente às vigentes delimitações do capitalismo, e pela vigilância e repressão institucionais – analisadas por nós com base em documentação produzida pelo DEOPS-SP. Além desses aspectos, dado o quadro midiático de oligopolização e monopolização à época, ganharam força os movimentos populares brasileiros e latino-americanos em prol da luta pela democratização da comunicação, tendo o vídeo como um de seus principais meios e finalidades, usado, inclusive, como estratégia em diversas lutas. A entidade tratada, oriunda do uso de novas tecnologias no ramo das classes trabalhadoras organizadas, buscou reunir parte significativa da produção videográfica popular — incluindo em seus catálogos temáticas como Movimento Sindical, Mulher, Questão da Terra, Índios, Trabalho – de modo a edificar um valioso acervo para o conhecimento histórico tanto do Brasil quanto de demais países da América Latina a partir do olhar ―do povo‖, contestador e denunciador da realidade, por meio de uma produção realizada sobre, por e/ou para ele. Igualmente, a associação produziu periódicos impressos – tão relevantes quanto a própria produção videográfica para o entendimento de sua atuação que, por isso, foram inseridos em nossa análise — que integraram ideias e ações de sujeitos e grupos articulados formadores do movimento de vídeo popular latino-americano. Portanto, por meio de vídeos e boletins ligados ao universo do vídeo, especificamente, discorremos sobre parte das ideias de resistência à ordem em vigor durante a década de 1980

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49

Keser, Hasan. "The Evolution Of &#039." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12607578/index.pdf.

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British Labour Party&rsquo
s attitudes and policies towards European integration have historically oscillated between varying degrees of support for concrete integration steps and obstinate opposition to it. A major and pronounced volte-face on European policy occurred after 1983 and the aim of this study is to locate the causes of this shift in European policy and its subsequent course under &lsquo
New&rsquo
Labour period. The causes and motivations are searched within the general transformation of the party and they are assessed according to the changes in party&rsquo
s ideology and its perceptions about the needs of British national political economy. The scope of the study covers the intersection area between intra/inter-party politics and political economy. On these areas, Neo-Marxist theories of state and Regulation Approach are utilised, as well as the classical political sociology models on party politics. An historical inquiry on party policy encompassing the post-war period has been undertaken. In a similar vein, in order to compare it on ideological grounds, other European social democratic-socialist party policies are analysed alongside the British Labour case. It is argued that party&rsquo
s policy preferences are strongly influenced by and shaped according to the national socio-political institutional structure. The thesis comes to the conclusion that historical institutionalist analysis coupled with a &lsquo
structural dependency to capital&rsquo
theory offers a highly plausible explanation for the evolution of Labour Party&rsquo
s policy course on Europe, including the recent &lsquo
New&rsquo
Labour period.

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50

Marçot, Jean-Louis. "La belle utopie : la France, son avant-garde et l'Algérie (1830-1848)." Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EHES0401.

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L'Algérie française - c'est-à-dire l'annexion d'une partie de l'Afrique et sa francisation par implantation massive d'une population européenne-, relève d'un projet colonial nouveau. Ce projet, dont l'expédition d'Egypte sous le Directoire a posé les jalons, n'a pu se réaliser sans une dimension sociale que seul le socialisme, alors naissant, était capable de lui apporter. La thèse analyse cet apport, reconstitue jusqu'en 1848 l'histoire de ce premier socialisme et de ses diverses composantes, dans le contexte d'une "question algérienne" étudiée pas à pas
French Algeria - that is to say the annexation of part of Africa and its Gallicization by means of massive settlings of european population -, is the result of a new colonial project. This project, for which the Egyptian Expedition under the directoire have paved the way, could not achieved without a social dimension that only the springing up socialism was able to give it. The thesis analyzes this contribution, reconstruct until 1848 the hizstory of this (first) socialism and its diverse components in the light of the "Algerian question" studied step by step

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Utopian socialism'

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