Journal articles on the topic 'V-J Day, 1945'

An investigation was conducted on infestation and reviewed biodiversity of metazoan parasites in Channa punctatus of Mymensingh region from July 2013 to June 2014. A total of 235 fish were examined and 9 species of four groups of parasites were recorded. They were (i) Euclinostomum multicaecum Tubangui and Masilungan, 1935 (ii) Euclinostomum heterostomum (Rudolphi, 1809) (iii) Genarchopsis goppo Ozaki, 1925 (iv) Allocreadium handiai Pandey, 1937 (v) Senga ophiocephalina (Tseng, 1933) (vi) Porrocaecum sp. (vii) Ascaridia sp. (viii) Contracaecum sp. (ix) Pallisentis ophiocephali (Thapar, 1930).The maximum (86.67%) prevalence was found in (86.67%) October and minimum (35.00%) in December whereas the maximum mean intensity (10) was observed in June and the minimum (1.42) was recorded from December. The prevalence was observed higher (68.85%) in smaller size of fish and in case of larger fish the prevalence was lower and the value was (53.62%). On the other hand, the mean intensity (5.45) was higher in smaller fish and lower (3.39) in medium sized fish. Both prevalence and mean intensity was found maximum in female fish than male fish. Among the four groups of parasites, infestation of Digenetic trematode is much higher than Nematoda, Cestoda and Acanthocephala. During the study, a list of parasites reported from Channa punctatus of Indian sub-continent was prepared. It was found that 38 species of Digenea, 4 species of Cestoda, 26 species of Nematoda and 5 species Acanthocephala were recorded. The Biodiversity of parasites seemed to be declined day by day. The responsible factors for this declination may be environmental degradation, entry of exotic fish and modernization of aquaculture etc. J Bangladesh Agril Univ 17(3): 409–416, 2019

Lupinus polyphyllus Lindl., a perennial ornamental belonging to the Leguminosae family, is grown in gardens for flower beds and borders. During the summer of 2006, in several gardens located in the Biella Province (northern Italy), a new wilt of Lupine was observed in 20 to 30% of the plants. The vascular tissue in stems of affected plants appeared brown. These plants were stunted and developed yellow leaves with brown or black streaks in the vascular tissue. Verticillium dahliae was consistently isolated from symptomatic vascular tissue and leaves when cultured on potato dextrose agar (PDA) (3). Microscopic observations revealed hyaline hyphae, with many irregular, dark microsclerotia, ranging from 17 to 61 μm. Conidiophores showed two verticils of three elements. Conidia were hyaline, elliptical, single-celled, measuring 3.4 to 6.0 × 1.8 to 3.1 μm (average 4.5 × 2.4 μm). The ITS region (internal transcribed spacer) of rDNA was amplified using the primers ITS4/ITS6 (2) and sequenced. BLASTn analysis (1) of the 521 bp obtained showed an E-value of 0.0 with V. dahliae. The nucleotide sequence has been assigned GenBank Accession No. EF015891. Healthy 30-day-old plants (10 per treatment) of L. polyphyllus were inoculated by root dip with a conidial suspension (0.5 × 106 CFU/ml) of V. dahliae isolated from infected plants. Ten noninoculated plants served as control treatments. All plants were transplanted into pots filled with a mix of sphagnum peat/pomix/pine bark/clay (50:20:20:10) and grown outdoors at temperatures ranging from 15 to 25°C. First wilt symptoms and vascular discoloration in the roots, crown, and veins developed within 20 days on each inoculated plant and become evident after 50 days. V. dahliae was consistently reisolated from infected plants. Noninoculated plants remained healthy. The pathogenicity test was conducted twice. To our knowledge, this is the first report of V. dahliae on L. polyphyllus in Italy. A wilt caused by V. dahliae on L. polyphyllus was observed in the Netherlands in 1925 (4). References: (1) S. F. Altschul et al. Nucleic Acids Res. 25:3389, 1997. (2) D. E. L. Cooke and J. M. Duncan. Mycol. Res. 101:667, 1997. (3) G. F. Pegg and B. L. Brady. Verticillium Wilts. CABI Publishing, Wallingford, UK, 2002. (4) J. H. H. Van der Meer. Meded. Landbouwhogesch. Wagening. 28, 1925.

This research was conducted to analyze and describe the role of the members of the Regional Representative Council (DPRD) of the DKI Jakarta Province E Commission 2014-2019 in absorbing the aspirations of the community in the field of education. The research method uses qualitative methods with a descriptive approach. Based on the results of the study that the role of the DKI Jakarta Provincial Parliament Member Commission E in absorbing community aspirations in the education sector still has to be optimized with efforts to intensify programs / activities carried out to the community intensively, so that the public can know the policies produced, and establish an information center and community service so that it can help facilitate the public in expressing their aspirations. School enrollment rates in Jakarta must be increased, the dropout rate at the Jakarta high school level is quite high. This large gap between regions indicates that there is still a need for encouragement for certain regions to be able to catch up with other regions. Because of the importance of the role of the DKI Jakarta Regional Representative Council (DPRD), especially Commission E in the field of community welfare, it is expected to be able to automate the use of IT technology in community management and services concerning community aspirations. Daftar PustakaA. Referensi BukuAmbar Teguh Sulistyani, Kemitraan dan Model-Model Pember-dayaan, Yogyakarta: Graha Ilmu, 2004.Budiarjo, Miriam, Pengertian – Pengertian Masyarakat, Jakarta: Rajawali Pers, 1992.C.S.T Kansil dan Christine S.T. Kansil, Sistem Pemerintahan Indonesia, Jakarta: PT. Bumi Aksara, Cetakan kedua, 2005.Chambers, R., Lembaga Penelitian, Pendidikan, Penerangan Ekonomi dan Sosial, Pembangunan Desa Mulai dari Belakang, Jakarta, 1995.Dahl, Robert Alan., On Democracy. Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1999.Deutsch, Karl W. et al., Comparative Government: Politics of Industrialised and Developing Nations, Boston: Houghton Mifflan, 1981.Dwiyanto, Agusdkk, Reformasi Tata Pemerintahan Dan Otonomi Daerah, Yogyakarta: PSKK-UGM, 2003.Freidmann J, Empowerment: The Politics of Alternative Development, Cambridge: Blacwell, 1992.Heywood, Andrew, Politics 4th edition, Terj. Ahmad Lintang Lazuardi, Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2013._______________, Politics, 2nd ed. New York: Palgrave, 2002.Hurlock, E. B. 1979. Personality Development. Second Edition. New Delhi :McGraw-Hill.Ife, Jim, Community Development: Creating Community Alternatives, Vision, Analysis & Practice, Australia: Logman,1995.Lasswell, Harold, The Structure and Function of Communication in Society, dalam Mass Communications, a Book of Readings Selected and Edited by the Director of the Institute for Communication Research at Stanford University, Editor: Wilbur Schramm, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1960. Malinowski, Bronislaw K., A Scientific Theory of Culture, New York: The University of North Carolina Press, 1944.Mas’oed, Mohtar., Politik, Birokrasi dan Pembangunan, Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. 2003.Miles, M. B. Dan Hubermen, A. M., Analisis Data Kualitatif Buku Sumber Sumber tentang Metode – Metode Baru, Alih Bahasa Tjetjep Rohendi Rohidi, Jakarta: UI-Press, 1984.Moh. Nazir, MetodePenelitian, Jakarta: Ghalia Indonesia, 1988.Nasikun, SistemSosial Indonesia, Jakarta: Penerbit Raja GrafindoPersada, 1995.Ndraha, Taliziduhu, Budaya Organisasi, Jakarta: Rineka Cipta, 2003_______________, Metodologi Ilmu Penelitian, Jakarta: PT. Rineka Cipta, 1997.Pamudji S, Kerjasama Antar Daerah Dalam Rangka Pembinaan Wilayah, Jakarta: Bina Aksara, 1985.Parson, et. Al, The Integration Of Social Work Practice, California Wardworth.inc., 1994.Prijono, O.S. dan Pranaka A.M.W.(ed), Pemberdayaan: Konsep, Kebijakan dan Implementasi, Jakarta: CSIS, 1996.Rappaport, J., Studies in empowerment: Introduction to the issue, prevention in human issue, New York, 1984.Rousseau, Jean Jacques, Kontrak Sosial, Terjemahan, Sumardjo, Jakarta: Erlangga, 1986.Slameto, Belajar dan Faktor-faktor yang Mempengaru-hinya. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta, 2003.Soekanto, Soerjono, Sosiologi Suatu Pengantar. Jakarta: Raja Grafindo Persada, 2007._______________, Sosiologi Suatu Pengantar. Jakarta: Rajawali Pers, 2012.Soetrisno, Loekman.,Menuju Masyarakat Partisipatif, Yogyakarta: Kanisius, 1995.Sugiyono, Memahami Penelitian Kualitatif. Bandung: Afabet, 2005.Suharto,Edi.,Membangaun Masyara-kat Memberdayakan Rakyat, Bandung: Refika Aditama, 2006. Suradinata, Ermaya, Peranan Kepala Wilayah Dalam Analisis Masalah dan Potensi Wilayah, Bandung: Ramadan, 1995._____________,Manajemen Sumber Daya Manusia. Bandung: CV Ramadhan, 1996._______________,Pemimpin dan Kepemimpinan Pemerintah Suatu Pendekatan Budaya, Jakarta: PT. Gramedia Pustaka Utama, 1997.Surbakti, Ramlan, Memahami Ilmu Politik, Jakarta: Gramedia Widya Sarana, 1992.Suyanto, Bagong, Metode Penelitian Sosial: Berbagai Alternatif Pendekatan, Jakarta: Prenada Media, 2005.Swift, C. dan G. Levin., Empowerment: An emerging mental health technology, New York: Journal of primary prevention,1987.Syafiie, Inu Kencana, Kepemimpinan Pemerintahan Indonesia, Bandung:Refika Aditama, 2003._______________,Sistem Pemerin-tahan Indonesia. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta, 2002.Tannen baum, R, et al, Partisipasi dan Dinamika Kelompok, Cetakan Pertama, Semarang: Dahara Pres, 1992.Walter S. Jones., Logika Hubungan Internasional; Kekuasaan, Ekonomi Politik Internasional dan Tatanan Dunia, Jakarta: PT. Gramedia Pustaka Utama, 1993. B. Dokumen Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia 1945 Amandemen ke 4 tentang Hak dan Kewajiban Negara, Pasal 31 ayat (4)Undang-Undang Nomor 20 tahun 2003 pasal 1 Tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional, Pasal 49 ayat (1)Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004 tentang Pemerintah Daerah, Pasal 46.Undang-Undang Nomor 20 tahun 2003 pasal 1 Tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasioal, Pasal 49.Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004 tentang Pemerintah Daerah, Pasal 46.Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang MPR, Pasal 3 ayat (1)Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang Presiden Republik Indonesia memegang kekuasaan Pemerintahan menurut Undang-undang Dasar, Pasal 4 ayat (1)Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat memegang kekuasaan membentuk undang-undang, Pasal 20 ayat (1)Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tetang Kekuasaan kehakiman, Pasal 24 ayat (2).Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang pengelolaan dan tanggung-jawab tentang keuangan negara, Pasal 23 E ayat (1).Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang Otonomi Daerah, Pasal 18 ayat (1).Undang-Undang Nomor 17 Tahun 2014 tentang MPR, DPR, DPD, dan DPRD, Bab V DPRD Provinsi, dan pasal 217.Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemerintah Daerah dan Tata Tertib DPRDPeraturan Pemerintah Nomor 25 Tahun 2004 tentang Pedoman Penyusunan Tata Tertib DPRD, Pasal 43.Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor : 013/PUU-VI/2008, Perihal Pengujian UU No 15 Tahun 2008.Peraturan DPRD Provinsi DKI Jakarta No. 1 Tahun 2014 tentang Tata Tertib Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah.BPS Prov DKI Jakarta, Statistik Kesejahteraan Jakarta,2016. C. Internethttp://jakarta.bps.go.id/backend/pdf_publikasi/Jakarta-Dalam-Angka-2016.pdf http://dprd-dkijakartaprov.go.id/ http://peraturan.go.id/pp/nomor-25-tahun-2004 11e44c4edccf11e0b846313231373132.html

Straipsnyje nagrinėjama Amerikos lietuvių spaudos (laikraščių ir kny­gų) istorijos sritis – lietuviškos spaustuvės. Svarbiausias dėmesys ir vieta ski­riami spaustuvių darbininkams, su spaustuvių veikla ir amatu susijusiems žmonėms, jų darbo, buities ir kitiems klausimams. Faktų ir žinių daugiausia rasta aptariamojo laikotarpio Amerikos lie­tuvių periodikoje. Duomenų ir svarbių teiginių taip pat teikia vėliau išleisti Amerikos lietuvių istorijos veikalai (Stasio Michelsono „Lietuvių išeivija Amerikoje 1868–1961“ (S. Bostone 1962 m.); Antano Kučo „Amerikos lietuvių istorija“ Bostone 1971 m.; Aleksandro Ambroze`o „Chicagos lietu­vių istorija 1868–1959“ (Čikaga, Ill., 1967); Alfonso Eidinto „Litovskaja emigracija v strany Severnoj i južnoj Ameriki v 1868–1940 g.“ (Vilnius, 1989 m.) ir kt. Nors minėti veikalai nėra skirti spaustuvių istorijai, bet jų skyriuose, skirsniuose, kitose vietose yra nagrinėjamai temai svarbios fakto­grafinės bei kitos medžiagos. Šiuo požiūriu išskirtinos Antano Miluko knygos: „Pirmieji Amerikos lietu­viai profesionalai ir kronika“ (Philadelphia, Pa, t. 1, 1929 m); „Spaudos lais­vės ir Amerikos lietuvių organizuotės sukaktuvės“ (2-as leid., Philadelphia, Pa, 1930 m.); „Amerikos lietuviai XIX šimtmetyje 1868–1900“ (Philadelphia, Pa, 1938 m. ir kt.). A.Miluko darbai turtingi naujos medžiagos, kuri, beje, susijusi ir su spaustuvių, jų steigėjų ir kita istorija. Duomenys straipsniui rinkti iš bibliografinių darbų, kurie leidžia nu­statyti konkretaus laikotarpio spaustuvių skaičių, jų gyvavimo vietą, savi­ninkus, leidėjus, redaktorius, spausdintą produkciją ir pan. Iš jų išskirtini šie: Vaclovo Biržiškos „Amerikos lietuvių spauda 1874–1910“ (Chicago, Ill., 1994), į kurį įeina V. Biržiškos 1951 m. rašytas straipsnis tokiu pat pavadinimu lietuvių ir anglų kalbomis ir bibliografijos redaktorės Stasės Vaškelienės papildymai; taip pat „Lietuvos TSR bibliografija“ (Serija A., t. 2. Vilnius, 1985 m.), kurioje yra Danutės Gargasaitės straipsnis „JAV lie­tuvių knyga (1874–1904); „Lietuvos bibliografija. Knygos lietuvių kalba 1905–1917“ (t. 3. V., 2006 m.), kur galima rasti Violetos Černiauskaitės straipsnį „Lietuviškoji knyga nepriklausomos valstybės atkūrimo išvakarėse 1905–1917 metais“. Straipsnio autoriui buvo naudingi Amerikos lietuviškų spaustuvių (ypač laikraščių) jubiliejiniai leidiniai: Dominyko T. Bačkausko „Aprašymas apie drukarnę „Saulės“ ir „Linksmos valandos“ knygoje „Kalendorius ant 1904“ (Mahanoj Sitis, 1903); F. V. (Pranciškaus Vytauto) Bačkausko „25 metai „Saulės“ gyvenimo sukaktuvės“ knygoje „Laikraščio „Saulė“ kalendorius ant meto 1913“ (Mahanoj Sitis, 1912); „Vienybės lietuvnikų“ 25 metų sukaktuvių jubiliejus (1886–1911)“ (Bruklinas, 1911); Lietuvos istorija: Lietuva (1917, Nr. 52). Šiuose leidiniuose skelbiami redaktorių, leidėjų, skaitytojų straipsniai, atsiminimai ir pan. Nuodugniau lietuviškų spaustuvių istoriją nagrinėjo Amerikos lietuvių publicistas, spaudos istorikas Vytautas Širvydas („Amerikos lietuvių knygos 1875–1904“ knygoje „Kovos metai dėl spaudos“ (Chicago, Ill., 1957)). Kitas specialus to laikotarpio Amerikos lietuviškų spaustuvių ir knygų leidybos jose darbas priklauso knygotyrininkei D. Gargasaitei („JAV lietu­vių spaustuvės (iki 1904 m.)“ – Knygotyra, t. 9 (16), sąs., 1, 1983). Šios autorės 1980 m. parašytas darbas turi tvirtą istoriografinį pagrindą, pa­remtas gausia, kai kur nauja faktologija. Be bendresnio įvadinio teksto apie spaustuves, jį sudaro autorės surinktos ir susistemintos žinios apie septynio­lika reikšmingiausių ar ne tiek produktyvių 1875–1904 m. lietuviškų spaus­tuvių, pateikta žinių ir apie jų savininkus bei knygų leidėjus. Amerikos lietuviškas spaustuves kūrė ir jose triūsė šimtai žmonių, kurių vaidmuo, kaip rašoma, „lietuvių spausdinto žodžio istorijoje yra labai svar­bus“ (Tylūs ir nematomi karžygiai // Laisvė, 1916, Nr. 69). Vienų vardai žinomi, kitų neišliko, jie neminimi mūsų žurnalistikos istorijoje, apie kitus trūksta žinių. Bet apie žinomiausius, daugiau nusipelniusius lietuvių kul­tūrai apskritai yra išleista monografijų ir studijų. Pirmo spaustuvininko, leidėjo ir redaktoriaus Mykolo Tvarausko gyvenimas ir veikla apžvelgiama leidinyje „M. Tvarauskas. Pirmoji Amerikos lietuviška knyga“ (V., 1997). Jonui Šliūpui skirta ne viena knyga, bet reikšmingiausia yra istoriko Juozo Jakšto „Dr. Jonas Šliūpas, jo raštai ir tautinė veikla“ (Chicago, Ill., 1979). Apie Antaną Miluką paskelbti šie darbai: Julijos Pranaitytės „Kun. A. Mi­luko darbuotė“ (Philadelphia, Pa, 1931) ir Vlado Mingėlos „Kun. Antanas Milukas“ (Detroit, 1962). Antano Olšausko biografijai ir veiklai nušviesti sudarytas rinkinys „Antanas Olšauskas ir Lietuva“ (Sodus, 1934). Vytau­to Širvydo monografijoje „Juozas O. Širvydas (1875–1935)“ (Cleveland, 1941) aptariamas šio veikėjo ir redaktoriaus gyvenimas, žurnalistinė ir li­teratūrinė kūryba. Amerikos lietuviškų spaustuvių, laikraščių bei žymių veikėjų biografijos knygose pateikiamos platesniame visuomeniniame kultūriniame kontekste, bet nemenkas dėmesys skiriamas ir jų kaip spaustuvininkų leidėjų veiklai. Periodikoje, enciklopedijose, žinynuose randame įvairaus pobūdžio straipsnių ir apie kitus spaustuvininkus, kurių darbų palikimas turėjo dide­lę vertę. Tai žinomi šio amato žmonės, tokie kaip Juozas Paukštys, Juozas J. Paukštys, Dominykas Bačkauskas ir kt. Šiame darbe atsižvelgta į kitų mokslininkų, autorių veikalus ir leidinius, į jų faktologiją, apibūdinimus ir teiginius. Jais taip pat pasinaudota. Vis dėl­to, šio straipsnio autoriaus nuomone, netikslinga kartoti tai, kas jau pada­ryta nušviečiant Amerikos lietuviškų spaustuvių (ypač iki 1904 m.) istoriją. Tad darbe stengtasi iškelti ir nušviesti naujus ar kitokius temos klausimus ir aspektus. Straipsnyje konspektiškai rašoma apie tolesnio periodo (1904–1919 m.) spaustuves, daugiausia medžiagos pateikiama apie spaustuvių darbininkus, jų atsiradimą ir augimą, apie jų darbo ir buities sąlygas, jų reikalavimus, profesinę organizaciją ir kt. Kai kurie iš šios temos dalykų atsispindi isto­riografinėje dalyje, į kurią dar įtrauktas ir vienas kitas specialesnis straips­nis, kaip antai: Julijos Pranaitytės „Amerikos lietuvių leidėjai“, išspaus­dintas knygoje „Aušros 40 m. sukaktuvėse“ (1883–1923) (Philadelphia, Pa.,1923); Rojaus Mizaros „Žvilgsnis į praeitį“. V., 1960; Antano Aukš­taičio (Broniaus Raguočio) „Kovoje už savo teises“, kuris buvo publikuotas „Gimtajame krašte“ 1982 m. rugpjūčio 5 d. Prie straipsnio pridedamas priedas – „Amerikos lietuviškų spaustuvi­ninkų (1874–1919) sąrašas. Jis sudarytas, remiantis to laiko periodika, bibliografijos leidiniais, enciklopedijomis (ypač Bostono Lietuvių enciklo­pedija), spaustuvių istorijos darbais, kitais šaltiniais. Šį sąrašą reikia priimti su tam tikromis išlygomis, kaip mėginimą, kuriame yra spragų, netikslumų ir pan.

RESUMENLos balnearios-sauna castreños del noroeste peninsular son monumentos con horno con una arquitectura muy original, posiblemente asociada a los diversos modelos termales. Se conocen cerca de tres decenas, distribuidos por el noroeste peninsular. La arquitectura compleja de estos monumentos se organiza estructuralmente hacia posibilitar baños de sauna y baños de agua fría. Las dos áreas son divididas por una estela, monolítica, normalmente ornamentada – la pedra formosa. El papel simbólico que tendrían en el seno de la sociedad castreña de la Edad del Hierro del noroeste peninsular permanece por aclarar y envuelto en gran misticismo, fruto de una posible sacralidad. Este entorno, referido por diversos autores a lo largo de los tiempos, está posiblemente asociado al culto de los dioses de las aguas y a la sacralidad del baño purificador, medicinal, que se refleja en las decoraciones frontales de las pedras formosas, cuya maestría de los escultores que las insculpieran, tipología decorativa, interpretación simbólica y semiótica estudiamos, como objetivos primordiales, a lo largo de este trabajo de investigación.PALABRAS CLAVE: Protohistoria, monumentos con horno, decoración pétrea, interpretación simbólica / semiótica.ABSTRACTThe Iron Age sauna-baths of the northwest peninsular are monuments with an oven with very original architecture, possibly associated with the diverse thermal models. There are about three dozen known sauna-baths spread over the northwest peninsular. The complex architecture of thesemonuments is structurally organized to allow for cold water baths and sauna baths. The two areas are divided by a tectiforme stele, monolithic, usually ornamented, known as pedra formosa (beautiful stone). The symbolic role that they would have had in the heart of the Iron Age “castreña” society in the northwest peninsular remains unclear and shrouded in mysticism, the fruit of a possible sacredness. This environment, referred to by various authors throughout the ages, is possibly associated with the worship of the water gods and the sacredness of the medicinal and purifying bath, which is reflected in the frontal decorations of the pedras formosas, whose masterful sculpting, decorative typology, symbolic interpretation and semiotics we studied as primary objectives of this research work.KEYWORDS: Protohistory, monuments with oven, stone decoration, symbolic / semiotic interpretation. BIBLIOGRAFIAAlmagro-Gorbea, M. e Álvarez Sanchís, J. R. 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Pirmasis fotožurnalistikos raidą Lietuvoje yra iš dalies apžvelgęs V. Juodakis knygoje „Lietuvos fotografijos istorija“ (iki 1940m.)1. Ši knyga skirta visos fotografijos istorijai, tad fotožurnalistika buvo analizuojama tik kaip vienas iš fotografijos plėtotės barų, glaustai ir eskiziškai, bet pasitelkus būtiniausius faktus, svarbiausius leidinius, aptarus fotožurnalistikos žanrus, parodžius kiekybišką augimą įvairiuose leidiniuose. V. Juodakis pirmasis plačiau įvedė XIX a. – XXa. pradžios Lietuvos fotografiją į tarptautinę erdvę Londone leidžiamame žurnale „Fotografijos istorija“2.Per atsikūrusios Lietuvos dešimtmetį pasirodė daug naujų mokslinių tyrimų, fotografijos istorijos knygų: „Vilniaus fotografija. 1858–1915“3, „Dagerotipai, ambrotipai, ferotipai Lietuvos muzie uose“4, „Czechowicz. XIXa. Vilniaus vaizdai“5, „Tyszkiewicz. Fotografijų albumas“6, J. Bulhak „Vilniaus barokas“7, A. Snitkuvienė „Raudondvaris. Grafai Tiškevičiai ir jų palikimas“8, „Lietuvos fotografija iki XXa.“9, Sk. Valiulio ir S. Žvirgždo „Fotografijos slėpiniai“10. Paraleliai suintensyvėjo to pačio laikotarpio, net tų pačių autorių tyrinėjimai Lenkijoje: „Žvilgsniai į Vilnių“ („Spojrzenia na Wilno“. Fotografia wileńska 1839–1939)11, „Vilnius ir Vilnija ant amžių sandūros Stanislovo Flerio fotografijose“ („Wilno i Wileńszczyzna na przełomie wieków w fotografii Stanisława Filiberta Fleury (1858–1915)“ ir kiti.12 Užsienyje padaugėjo mėginimų parašyti pasaulinę fotografijos istoriją:M. Frizot „Naujoji fotografijos istorija“ („The new history of photography“), Vokietija13, M. W. Marien „Fotografija. Ir kultūros istorija“ („Photography. A cultural history“)14. Daugėja atskirų kraštų istorijų iratskiriems autoriams ir periodams skirtų monografijų. Pasak M. Marien, „per kelis pastaruosius dešimtmečius fotografijos istorijos erdvė labai išsiplėtė, atsirado daug šviežios medžiagos, o nauji analizės būdai padėjo atsirasti gyvybingam interdisciplininių studijų laukui […] Menas, fotožurnalistika, socialinė dokumentika ir moksliškas žvilgsnis konverguoja, išblukina tradicinius apribojimus, skatina ir naują fotografijos praktiką“15. Nebepatenkina ir įsigalėjusi XX a. antroje pusėje tendencija į fotografijos istoriją žiūrėti vien menotyriniu žvilgsniu, dar papildant jos istoriją technikos ir technologijos kaitos apžvalga (žr. lietuviškai išleistą J. Jeffrey knygą „Fotografijos istorija“16 ar VDA išleistą „Lietuvos dailės istoriją“17). Toks vertinimų siaurumas knygoje „Fotografija. Istorijos krizė“18 vadinamas pačių fotografijos istorikų krize. Čia iškeliamas ir toliau tebevyraujantis anglo-amerikietiškasis centrizmas, nustumiantis į periferiją ištisus žemynusir regionus. Toks likimas ištiko ir Rytų Europą: jai nelengva prasiskinti kelią į globalinį fotografijos raidos kontekstą. Todėl minėto metodologinių fotografijos istorijos studijų rinkinio autoriai siūlo kitą kelią: pradėti nuo savo šalies ar platesnio regiono fotografijos istorijos tyrimo visais aspektais,bet paraleliai atsižvelgti į tarptautinį kontekstą.Bandydami taip pažvelgti į Lietuvos fotožurnalistikos raidą pamėginkime paanalizuoti porą jos paralelių su Europos fotožurnalistikos raida ir atsakyti į klausimus: 1) Kur yra fotožurnalistikos pradžia? 2) Kaip fotožurnalistika ateina į spaudą ir kokioje spaudoje ji geriausiai plėtoja savogalimybes?Esminiai žodžiai: fotožurnalistika, ištakos, iliustruota spauda, fotoreportažas.

ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pengaruh tracking error dan risiko terhadap kinerja reksa dana indeks syariah di Indonesia. Penelitian ini melakukan pengujian analisis regresi linier berganda pada lima sampel dengan menggunakan data nilai aktiva bersih dan return JII dan reksa dana indeks syariah yang terdaftar pada Otoritas Jasa Keuangan sampai Desember 2019. Hasil pengujian menunjukkan bahwa tracking error tidak memiliki pengaruh signifikan terhadap kinerja reksa dana indeks syariah dan tingkat risiko berpengaruh positif dan signifikan terhadap kinerja reksa dana indeks syariah. Kata kunci: Kinerja reksa dana indeks syariah, Tracking error, Risiko, Analisis regresi linier berganda. ABSTRACT This study aims to analyze the impact of tracking error and risk on Islamic index mutual fund performance in Indonesia. This study ran multiple linear regression analyses on five samples using the net asset values and returns of JII and Islamic index mutual funds that are listed in the Financial Services Authority using data until December 2019. The result showed that tracking error had no significant effect on the performance of Islamic index mutual funds, while the level of risk had a significant positive effect on the performance of Islamic index funds. Keywords: Islamic index mutual fund performance, Tracking error, Risk, Multiple linear regression analysis. DAFTAR PUSTAKA Adhi, N., Aji, D. P., & Winarni, W. (2021). Reksadana syariah dan konvensional di Indonesia. Jurnal Keunis (Keuangan Dan Bisnis), 9(2), 120-131. https://doi.org/10.32497/keunis.v9i2.2629 Agapova, A. (2011). Conventional mutual index funds versus exchange trade fund. Journal of Financial Markets, 14(2), 323–343. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.finmar.2010.10.005 Alam, N. (2013). 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Index funds and diversification in Saudi Arabia. International Journal of Islamic and Middle Eastern Finance and Management, 2(3), 201–212. https://doi.org/10.1108/17538390910986335 Biswas, S. (2015). Assessing market risk of Indian index funds. Global Business Review, 16(3), 511–523. https://doi.org/10.1177/0069966715569938 Charteris, A., & McCullough K. (2020). Tracking error Vs tracking difference: Does it matter?. Investment Analysts Journal, 49(3), 268–287. https://doi.org/10.1080/10293523.2020.1806480 Dorocáková, M. (2017). Comparison of ETF´s performance related to the tracking error. Journal of International Studies, 10(4), 154–165. https://doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2017/10-4/1 DSN MUI. (200). Fatwa DSN MUI No. 20/DSN-MUI/IX/2000 tentang pedoman pelaksanaan investasi untuk reksa dana syariah. Retrieved from http://mui.or.id/wp-content/uploads/files/fatwa/20-Pedoman_Investasi_Reksa_Dana.pdf Elton, E. J., Gruber, M. J., & Busse, J. A. (2004). Are investors rational? 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Jurnal Akuntansi AKUNESA, 2(2), 1–18. Kostovetsky, L. (2003). Index mutual funds and exchange-traded funds. The Journal of Portfolio Management Summer, 29(4), 80–92. https://doi.org/10.3905/jpm.2003.319897 Kusumastiti, F., & Ryandono, M. N. H. (2019). Pengaruh risiko sistematis, market timing dan ukuran dana terhadap kinerja reksa dana pendapatan tetap syariah di Indonesia Periode 2014-1018. Jurnal Ekonomi Syariah Teori dan Terapan, 6(12), 2409–2421. https://doi.org/10.20473/vol6iss201912pp2409-2421 Lestari, W. R. (2015). Kinerja reksadana saham syariah dan reksadana saham konvensional. Jurnal Magister Manajemen, 1(1), 116–128. Mawikere, J. C. (2021). Performance analysis of money market mutual funds, fixed income mutual funds, mixed mutual funds, and stock mutual funds in Indonesia during the 2015-2020 period. International Journal of Economics, Business and Accounting Research, 5(4), 636-655. Muhammad. (2014). Dasar-dasar keuangan syariah. Yogyakarta: Ekonisia. Negoro W, E. 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With the aim of understanding the insertion of higher education into a new context of organization of society and State, which is managed according to the New Public Management, this work presents a comparative historical study of the organization of French and Brazilian higher education. It is concluded that the French adherence to the New Public Management is based on the knowledge economy, while the Brazilian one is based on State size reduction along the lines of the Washington Consensus; in addition, higher education institutions in both countries are organized to participate in competitions: in France, the international competition promoted by rankings, and in Brazil, the market competition.ResumoCom o objetivo de compreender a inserção do ensino superior dentro de um novo contexto de organização da sociedade e do Estado, gerido pela Nova Gestão Pública, o trabalho apresenta um estudo histórico comparativo da organização do ensino superior brasileiro e o francês. Conclui-se que a adesão francesa à Nova Gestão Pública tem como norte a economia do conhecimento, e a brasileira, a redução do Estado nos moldes do Consenso de Washington; e que as instituições de ensino superior nos dois países são organizadas para participarem de concorrências: na França, a internacional promovida pelos ranqueamentos, no Brasil, a mercantil.Palavras-chave: Ensino superior brasileiro, Ensino superior francês, Nova gestão pública, Universidade.Keywords: Brazilian higher education, French higher education, New public management, University.ReferencesAEBISCHER, S. Réinventer l'école, réinventer l'administration. Une loi pédagogique et managériale au prisme de ses producteurs. Politix, n. 98, n.2 p. 57-83 2012/2.AERES. Repères historiques. Agence d’évaluation de la recherche et de l’enseignement supérieur. Disponível em: <www.aeres-evaluation.fr/Agence/Presentation/Reperes-historiques>. Acesso em: 17 nov. 2016.AMARAL, N. C. 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<p>Penelitian ini berangkat dari asumsi adanya pase sejarah yang penting pada masa perkembangan Islam<br />di Makassar yang terpendam bersama berlalunya masa tersebut, sehingga untuk mengungkap kembali<br />sejarah tersebut dibutuhkan suatu instrumen faktual yang dapat diteliti secara ilmiah dan menjadi<br />pembuktian sejarah tersebut. Penelitian dilakukan melalui inskripsiyang terdapatpada makam Lajangiru<br />Bontoala Makassar, dengan menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif analitis, pada kompleks makam<br />yang terdiri dari 233 buah makam ditemukan adanya sebanyak 45 buah makam yang berusia 50 tahun ke<br />atas, tujuh buah inskripsi yang dapat dibaca adalah; I) Ladjangiroe HAbd Madjid Wafat 22 Mar 193, 2)<br />M.Said Attamimi Wafat'5 Agustus 1950, 3) } J L £ /V8i\^ ^ &gt; &amp; A ' 5<br />r<br />%&gt;\/'o 16<br />^ V /*y 13401811 1921 Afey ft A (Abd'.Wadud, Ime paranakeng namate kemmisi 16<br />bulan 1340 18 11 1921 umuruna 78 t'aung), 4) Soelaeman Bin Mahmoed Meninggal 1/1/21-1339H, 5)<br />H.Muchtar Luthfi Wafat Pada Peristiwa 5 Agustus 1950, 6) Inskripsi Makam Habib Imam Ali bin<br />Abdurrahman bin Ali bin Syihab 29 Rabi'I Tsani 1333 H/16 Maret 1915 M., 7) Inskripsi Yunus bin Ali<br />Afandi Tahun 1335 H/ 1916 M. Inskripsi tersebut dimaksudkan sebagai penghormatan bagi mereka atas<br />iasanya dalam menyebarkan ajaran Islam pada masa pemerintahan "I Makkulau Daeng Serang Karaeng<br />Lembangparang Sultan Husain Tuminang ri Bundu'na", Raja Gowa 1895-1906.</p>

Simulasi desain implan sendi pinggul bertujuan untuk menganalisis total deformasi maksimum, tegangan prinsipal maksimum, dan tegangan geser maksimum dengan kombinasi variasi waktu, gerakan, dan pembebanan. Simulasi memungkinkan suatu objek diujicobakan secara visual sebelum diproduksi sebagai purwarupa. Fungsi dari simulasi adalah untuk meminimalisir terjadinya kegagalan dan untuk memangkas biaya produksi. Sebelum memulai simulasi suatu objek perlu dibuatkan desain. Desain dalam penelitian ini menggunakan software CAD yakni Inventor 2014, sedangkan analisis metode elemen hingga dalam desain implan memanfaatkan simulasi ANSYS 18.1. Analisis metode elemen hingga didasarkan pada aktivitas berjalan, melompat, dan menuruni tangga selama kurun waktu 0 detik hingga 4,5 detik. Hasil simulasi menunjukkan bahwa desain implan sendi pinggul menghasilkan 4079 nodal, 2157 Elemen, dan total deformasi maksimum sebesar 0,097 mm (berjalan), 0,2 mm (melompat), dan 0,11 mm (menuruni tangga). Tegangan prinsipal maksimum adalah 32 MPa (berjalan), 66,96 MPa (melompat), dan 73,93 MPa (menuruni tangga). Tegangan geser maksimum adalah 19,74 MPa (berjalan), 41,28 MPa (melompat), dan 45,58 MPa (menuruni tangga).Kata kunci: simulasi; implan sendi pinggul; metode elemen hingga; Mg Alloy.The simulation of the hip joint implant design aims to analyze maximum total deformation, maximum principal stress, and maximum shear stress with a combination of variations in time, motion and loading. Simulation allows an object to be tested visually before being produced as a prototype. Function of simulation is to minimize the occurrence of failures and to cut production costs. Before starting to simulate an object a design needs to be made. The design in this study used CAD software, namely Inventor 2014, while the finite element method analysis in implant design used ANSYS 18.1 simulation. Finite element method analysis is based on walking, jumping and descending stairs over a period of 0 seconds to 4.5 seconds. Simulation results show that hip joint implant design produces 4079 nodals, 2157 elements, and a maximum total deformation of 0.097 mm (walking), 0.2 mm (jumping), and 0.11 mm (descending stairs). Maximum principal stresses are 32 MPa (walking), 66.96 MPa (jumping), and 73.93 MPa (descending stairs). Maximum shear stresses are 19.74 MPa (walking), 41.28 MPa (jumping), and 45.58 MPa (descending stairs).Keywords : Simulation; Hip Joint Implants; Finite Element Method; Mg AlloyDAFTAR RUJUKANAhmed, A., Hameed, P., Shaikh, F., Hussain, Z., Hussain, N., & Aslam, M. (2017). Simulation tools application for arti fi cial lighting in buildings. Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, August, 0–1. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.rser.2017.10.035Boyd, D. D. (2016). General aviation accidents related to exceedance of airplane weight/center of gravity limits. 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Abstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan kepemimpinan karismatik Kiai dalam membangun budaya organisasi pesantren. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan rancangan studi kasus. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan teknik: wawancara mendalam, observasi partisipan, dan studi dokumentasi. Penetapan informan sebagai sumber data dilakukan dengan teknik purposive sampling. Analisis data dilakukan dengan menggunakan pola interaktif data. Pengecekan keabsahan data menggunakan derajat kredibilitas, transferabilitas, dan konfirmabilitas. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa: (1) budaya organisasi di pondok pesantren diterapkan melalui kegiatan-kegiatan santri, yang meliputi kegiatan harian, mingguan, bulanan, maupun tambahan; (2) kepemimpinan kiai karismatik di Pondok Pesantren Raudlatut Thalibin dan Al-Anwar memiliki perbedaan. KH. Ahmad Mustofa Bisri menerapkan sistem kepemimpinan demokrasi dalam menjalankan pondok pesantren, sedangkan KH. Maimoen Zubair menerapkan kepemimpinan terpimpin; dan (3) Kiai karismatik memiliki peran strategis dalam upaya mengembangkan budaya organisasi. Abstract: This study aims to describe the charismatic leadership of the Kiai in building a pesantren organizational culture. This research was conducted using a qualitative approach with a case study design. The data was collected by using the following techniques: in-depth interviews, participant observation, and documentation study. The determination of informants as data sources was carried out by using purposive sampling technique. Data analysis was performed using interactive data patterns. Data validity checks using the degree of credibility, transferability and confirmability. The results showed that: (1) organizational culture in Islamic boarding schools is implemented through santri activities, which include daily, weekly, monthly and additional activities; (2) the leadership of the charismatic kiai in the Raudlatut Thalibin and Al-Anwar Islamic Boarding Schools is different. KH. Ahmad Mustofa Bisri applies a democratic leadership system in running Islamic boarding schools, while KH. Maimoen Zubair applies guided leadership; and (3) Charismatic clerics have a strategic role in developing organizational culture. References: AlGhazali, I. (1997). Ihya’ Ulumuddin. Beirut: Darul Fikri. Amirin, T. M (2007). Kepemimpinan yang amanah. Dinamika Pendidikan, 1(14), 1-11. Bate, P. (1994). Strategies for Cultural Change. London: Butterworth-Heinemann. Bruinessen, M. V. (1994). Tradisi, Relasi Kuasa, Pencarian Wacana Baru. Yogyakarta. LkiS. Dhofier, Z. (2009). Tradisi Pesantren: Memadu Modernitas untuk Kemajuan Bangsa. Yogyakarta: Newsea Press. Haedari, A., & Hanif, A. (2004). Masa Depan Pesantren dalam Tantangan Modernitas dan Tantangan Kompleksitas Globalitas. Jakarta: IRD Press. Hofl, H. (1992). The Making of The Corporate Acolyte: Some Thoughts on Charismatic Leadership and the Reality of Organizational Commitment. Journal of Management Studies, 29(1). Hofstede, G. (1980). Culture’s Consequences: International Differences in Work Related Values. California: Sage Publication. Javidan, M., & Waldman, D. A. (2003). Exploring Charismatic Leadership in The Public Sector: Measurement and Consequences. Public Administration Review, 63(2), 229–242. Kartono, K. (2008). Pemimpin dan Kepemimpinan, Jakarta: CV. Rajawali. Kast, F. E., & Rosenzweig, J. E. (2007). Organisasi dan Manjemen. Jakarta: Bumi Aksara. Kavanagh, M. H. & Ashkanasy, N. M., (2006). The Impact of Leadership and Change Management Strategy on Organisational Culture and Individual Acceptance of Change During a Merger. British Journal of Management17(1), S81–S103. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8551.2006.00480.x Ma’arif, S. (2003). Manajemen Operasi. Jakarta: Grasindo. Margono, S. (1997). Metodologi Penelitian Pendidikan. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta. McMillan, J. H., & Schumacher, S. (2006). Research in Education. New Jersey: Pearson. Nawawi, H. (2006). Instrumen Penelitian Bidang Sosial. Yogjakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press. Robbins, S. P., & Judge, J. A. (2008). Perilaku Organisasi. Jakarta: Salemba Empat. Shastari, R.K., Mishra, K. S., & Sinha, A. (2010). Charismatic Leadership and Organizational Commitment: An Indian Perspective. African Journal of Business Management, 4(10), 1946-1953. Sukamto, 1999. Kepemimpinan Kyai dalam Pesantren. Jakarta: LP3ES Tika, M. P. (2006). Budaya Organisasi dan Peningkatan Kinerja Perusahaan. Jakarta: PT. Bumi Aksara. Tunggal, A. W. (2010). Peran Budaya Organisasi dalam Keberhasilan Perusahaan. Jakarta: Harvarindo. Yukl, G. (2007). Kepemimpinan dalam Organisasi. Jakarta: Prenhalindo. Ziemek, M. (1986). Pesantren dalam Perubahan Sosial. Jakarta: P3M.

In this paper, miniaturized design of a plasmonic Bragg grating filter is investigated via the finite element method (FEM). The filter is based on a plasmonic metal-insulator-metal waveguide deposited on a quartz substrate. The corrugated Bragg grating designed for near-infrared wavelength range is structured on both sides of the waveguide. The spectral characteristics of the filter are studied by varying the geometric parameters of the filter design. As a result, the maximum ER and bandwidth of 36.2 dB and 173 nm is obtained at λBragg=976 nm with a filter footprint of as small as 1.0 x 8.75 µm2, respectively. The ER and bandwidth can be further improved by increasing the number of grating periods and the strength of the grating, respectively. Moreover, the Bragg grating structure is quite receptive to the refractive index of the medium. These features allow the employment of materials such as polymers in the metal-insulator-metal waveguide which can be externally tuned or it can be used for refractive index sensing applications. The sensitivity of the proposed Bragg grating structure can offer a sensitivity of 950 nm/RIU. We believe that the study presented in this paper provides a guideline for the realization of small footprint plasmonic Bragg grating structures which can be employed in filter and refractive index sensing applications. Full Text: PDF ReferencesJ. W. Field et al., "Miniaturised, Planar, Integrated Bragg Grating Spectrometer", 2019 Conference on Lasers and Electro-Optics Europe and European Quantum Electronics Conference (CLEO/Europe-EQEC), Munich, Germany, 2019, CrossRef L. Cheng, S. Mao, Z. Li, Y. Han, H.Y. Fu, "Grating Couplers on Silicon Photonics: Design Principles, Emerging Trends and Practical Issues", Micromachines, 11, 666 (2020). CrossRef J. Missinne, N. T. Beneitez, M-A. Mattelin, A. Lamberti, G. Luyckx, W. V. Paepegem, G. V. Steenberge, "Bragg-Grating-Based Photonic Strain and Temperature Sensor Foils Realized Using Imprinting and Operating at Very Near Infrared Wavelengths", Sensors, 18, 2717 (2018). CrossRef M. A. Butt, S.N. Khonina, N.L. Kazanskiy, "Numerical analysis of a miniaturized design of a Fabry–Perot resonator based on silicon strip and slot waveguides for bio-sensing applications", Journal of Modern Optics, 66, 1172-1178 (2019). CrossRef H. Qiu, J. Jiang, P. Yu, T. Dai, J. Yang, H. Yu, X. Jiang, "Silicon band-rejection and band-pass filter based on asymmetric Bragg sidewall gratings in a multimode waveguide", Optics Letters, 41, 2450 (2016). CrossRef M. A. Butt, S.N. Khonina, N.L. Kazanskiy, "Optical elements based on silicon photonics", Computer Optics, 43, 1079-1083 (2019). CrossRef N. L. Kazanskiy, S.N. Khonina, M.A. Butt, "Plasmonic sensors based on Metal-insulator-metal waveguides for refractive index sensing applications: A brief review", Physica E, 117, 113798 (2020). CrossRef L. Lu et al, "Mode-Selective Hybrid Plasmonic Bragg Grating Reflector", IEEE Photonics Technology Letters, 22, 1765-1767 (2012). CrossRef R. Negahdari, E. Rafiee, F. Emami, "Design and simulation of a novel nano-plasmonic split-ring resonator filter", Journal of Electromagnetic Waves and Applications, 32, 1925-1938 (2018). CrossRef M. Janfaza, M. A. Mansouri-Birjandi, "Tunable plasmonic band-pass filter based on Fabry–Perot graphene nanoribbons", Applied Physics B, 123, 262 (2017). CrossRef C. Wu, G. Song, L. Yu, J.H. Xiao, "Tunable narrow band filter based on a surface plasmon polaritons Bragg grating with a metal–insulator–metal waveguide", Journal of Modern Optics, 60, 1217-1222 (2013). CrossRef J. Zhu, G. Wang, "Sense high refractive index sensitivity with bragg grating and MIM nanocavity", Results in Physics, 15, 102763 (2019). CrossRef Y. Binfeng, H. Guohua, C. Yiping, "Design of a compact and high sensitive refractive index sensor base on metal-insulator-metal plasmonic Bragg grating", Optics Express, 22, 28662-28670 (2014). CrossRef A.D. Simard, Y. Painchaud, S. Larochelle, "Small-footprint integrated Bragg gratings in SOI spiral waveguides", International Quantum Electronics Conference Lasers and Electro-Optics Europe, IEEE, Munich, Germany (2013). CrossRef C. Klitis, G. Cantarella, M. J. Strain, M. Sorel, "High-extinction-ratio TE/TM selective Bragg grating filters on silicon-on-insulator", Optics Letters, 42, 3040 (2017). CrossRef J. Ctyroky et al., "Design of narrowband Bragg spectral filters in subwavelength grating metamaterial waveguides", Optics Express, 26, 179 (2018). CrossRef M.A. Butt, N.L. Kazanskiy, S.N. 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In the spring of 2007, wilted and dead strawberry plants (Fragaria × ananassa Duch. cvs. Camarosa and Ventana) were observed in a soilless culture system in Huelva, southwestern Spain. Approximately 8% of the plants in the field died. Isolations from necrotic crowns and roots and necrotic flowers were made on potato dextrose agar after disinfestation in 0.6% NaOCl for 30 s. Colonies with light purple mycelia and beige or orange reverse colony colors developed after 9 days of incubation at 25°C. Colonies produced abundant microconidia, macroconidia, and chlamydospores. Microconidia were hyaline and oval-ellipsoid to cylindrical (5.9 to 9.2 × 2.1 to 3.4 μm). Macroconidia were 3 to 5 septate and fusoid-subulate with a pedicellate base (28.8 to 37.3 × 3.2 to 4.3 μm). Morphology and growth matched descriptions of Fusarium oxysporum Schlechtend emend. Snyder & Hansen (2). A PCR assay for amplification of r-DNA using primers PFO2 and PFO3 established the identity of the isolate as F. oxysporum (1). To confirm the pathogenicity of the fungus, roots of 30-day-old strawberry cvs. Camarosa and Ventana (20 plants each) were inoculated by dipping the roots into a conidial suspension (107 conidia per ml) for 15 min. The inoculated plants were transplanted into plastic pots containing sterilized peat and maintained at 25°C and 100% relative humidity in a growth chamber with a daily 12-h photoperiod of fluorescent light. The pathogenicity test was conducted twice. Within 30 days, all inoculated plants developed wilt symptoms similar to that observed in the field and eventually 75% of the plants died. No symptoms were observed on plants dipped in distilled water. The fungus was successfully reisolated from crowns, roots, and necrotic flowers, fulfilling Koch's postulates. To our knowledge, this is the first report of the occurrence of Fusarium wilt caused by F. oxysporum on strawberry plants in Spain. References: (1) V. Edel et al. Mycol. Res. 104:518, 2000. (2) W. C. Snyder and H. N. Hansen. Am. J. Bot. 27:64, 1940.

-Doris Jedamski, René Witte, De Indische radio-omroep; Overheidsbeleid en ontwikkeling, 1923-1942. Hilversum: Verloren, 1998, 202 pp. -Edwin Jurriëns, Philip Kitley, Television, nation, and culture in Indonesia. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Center for International Studies, 2000, xviii + 411 pp. [Research in International Studies, Southeast Asia Series 104.] -Gerrit Knaap, Scott Merrillees, Batavia in nineteenth century photographs. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon, 2000, 282 pp. -C.C. MacKnight, David Bulbeck ,Land of iron; The historical archaelogy of Luwu and the Cenrana valley; Results of the Origin of Complex Society in South Sulawesi Project (OXIS). Hull and Canberra: Centre for South-East Asian Studies, University of Hull / School of Archaeology and Anthropology, Australian National University, 2000, vi + 141 pp., Ian Caldwell (eds) -Niels Mulder, Toh Goda, Political culture and ethnicity; An anthropological study in Southeast Asia. Quezon City: New Day, 1999, xviii + 182 pp. -Niels Mulder, Norman G. Owen, The Bikol blend; Bikolanos and their history. Quezon City: New Day, 1999, x + 291 pp. -Anton Ploeg, Donald Tuzin, Social complexity in the making; A case study among the Arapesh of New Guinea. London: Routledge, 2001, xii + 159 pp. -Henk Schulte-Nordholt, Maarten Kuitenbrouwer, Tussen oriëntalisme en wetenschap; Het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde in historisch verband 1851-2001. Leiden: KITLV Uitgeverij, 2001, ix + 362 pp. -Sri Margana, Peter Carey ,The archive of Yogyakarta, Volume II, Documents relating to economic and agrarian affairs. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000, 566 pp., Mason C. Hoadley (eds) -Eric Venbrux, Wilfried van Damme, Bijdragen over kunst en cultuur in Oceanië/Studies in Oceanic Art and Culture. Gent: Academia Press, 2000, 122 pp. -Edwin Wieringa, Raharjo Suwandi, A quest for justice; The millenary aspirations of a contemporary Javanese wali. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2000, x + 229 pp. [Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 182.] -Willem G. Wolters, Benito J. Legarda Jr., After the galleons; Foreign trade, economic change and entrepreneurship in the nineteenth-century Philippines. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1999, xiv + 401 pp. -Brenda Yeoh, Jürgen Rüland, The dynamics of metropolitan management in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1996, 230 pp. -David Henley, Albert Schrauwers, Colonial 'reformation' in the highlands of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia, 1892-1995. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000, xiv + 279 pp. -David Henley, Lorraine V. Aragon, Fields of the Lord; Animism, Christian minorities, and state development in Indonesia. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2000, xii + 383 pp. -Jennifer W. Nourse, Jennifer W. Nourse, Conceiving spirits; Birth rituals and contested identities among Laujé of Indonesia. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1999, xii + 308 pp.

Robert William Fogel and G. R. Elton. Which Road to the Past? Two Views of History. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1983. Pp. vii, 136. Cloth, $14.95. Review by Stephen Kneeshaw of The School of the Ozarks. Emmanuel LeRoy Ladurie. The Mind and Method of the Historian. Translated by Sian Reynolds and Ben Reynolds. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981. Pp. v, 310. Paper, $9.95. Review by Richard Harvey of Ohio University. John E. O'Connor, ed. American History/ American Television: Interpreting the Video Past. New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Company, 1983. Pp. 463. Cloth, $17.50; Paper, $8.95. Review by D' Ann Campbell of Indiana University. Foster Rhea Dulles & Melvyn Dubofsky. Labor in America: A History. Arlington Heights, Illinois: Harlan Davidson, Inc., 1984. 4th edition. Pp. ix, 425. Cloth, $25.95. Paper, $15.95. Review by Robert W. Dubay of Bainbridge Junior College. Karen Ordahl Kupperman. Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony. Totowa, New Jersey: Rowman & Allanheld, 1984. Pp. viii, 182. Cloth, $24.95; Paper, $12.50. Review by John T. Reilly of Mount Saint Mary College. Kevin O'Reilly. Critical Thinking in American History: Exploration to Constitution. South Hamilton, Massachusetts: Hamilton-Wenham Regional High School, 1983. Pp. 86. Paper, $2.95. Teacher's Guides: Pp. 180. Paper, $12.95; Kevin O'Reilly. Critical Thinking in American History: New Republic to Civil War. South Hamilton, Massachusetts: Hamilton-Wenham Regional High School, 1984. Pp. 106. Paper, $2.95. Teacher's Guide: Pp. 190. Paper, $12.95. Review by James F. Marran of New Trier Township High School, Winnetka, Illinois. Michael J. Cassity, ed. Chains of Fear: American Race Relations Since Reconstruction. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1984. Pp. xxxv, 253. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Ann W. Ellis of Kennesaw College. L. P. Morris. Eastern Europe Since 1945. London and Exeter, New Hampshire: Heinemann Educational Books, 1984. Pp. 211. Paper, $10.00. Review by Thomas T. Lewis, Mount Senario College. John Marks. Science and the Making of the Modern World. Portsmouth, New Hampshire: Heinemann Educational Books, Inc., 1983. Pp. xii, 507. Paper, $25.00. Review by Howard A. Barnes of Winston-Salem State University. Kenneth G. Alfers, Cecil Larry Pool, William F. Mugleston, eds. American's Second Century: Topical Readings, 1865-Present. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/ Hunt Publishing Co., 1984. Pp. viii, 381. Paper, $8.95. Review by Richard D. Schubart of Phillips Exeter Academy. Sam C. Sarkesian. America's Forgotten Wars: The Counterrevoltuionary Past and Lessons for the Future. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1984. Pp. xiv, 265. Cloth, $29.95. Review by Richard Selcer of Mountain View College. Edward Wagenknecht. Daughters of the Covenant: Portraits of Six Jewish Women. Amherst: University of Massachusetts, 1983. Pp. viii, 192. Cloth, $17.50. Review by Abraham D. Kriegel of Memphis State University. Morton Borden. Jews, Turks, and Infidels. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1984. Pp. x, 163. Cloth, $17.95. Review by Raymond J. Jirran of Thomas Nelson Community College. Richard Schlatter, ed. Recent Views on British History: Essays on Historical Writing Since 1966. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1984. Pp. xiii, 524. Cloth, $50.00. Review by Fred R. van Hartesveldt of Fort Valley State College. Simon Hornblower. The Greek World, 479-323 B.C. London and New York: Methuen, 1983. Pp. xi, 354. Cloth, $24.00; Paper, $11.95. Review by Dan Levinson of Thayer Academy, Braintree, Massachusetts. H. R. Kedward. Resistance in Vichy France. New York: Oxford University Press, 1978. Paper edition 1983. Pp. ix, 311. Paper, $13.95. Review by Sanford J. Gutman of the State University of New York at Cortland.

BackgroundAt The Department of Medicine, section of Rheumatology, Odense University Hospital (OUH) Svendborg, we consult patients with rheumatoid arthritis, psoriatic arthritis and gout. The patients can have joint inflammation. Therefor need joint assessment by ultrasound, arthrocentesis and / or IA injection. Ultrasound examination, arthrocentesis and administration of intra-articular (IA) injections for rheumatic disease represent an expansion of the nurse’s role. A previous study has shown, that trained nurses can perform satisfying and safe IA injections at least as well as those administered by doctors (1). High availability to adequate treatment will have a positive effect. For the patient and on a socio-economic level, as patients who have severe arthritis could be forced to stay home from work and leisure activities (2). It was decided to educate a nurse, who showed interest in ultrasound and IA injections and who showed the technical skills.ObjectivesTo educate and develop competence in the nursing staff regarding ability to perform joint ultrasound, arthrocentesis and IA injection. In order to offer immediate arthritis treatment and free up doctor time to be able to see other patients.MethodsAt first, the nurse watched the ultrasound, arthrocentesis and injection on the knee performed by a rheumatologist a couple of times. Then she performed the procedure under supervision and then she independently performed the ultrasound, arthrocentesis and injection on the knee with the opportunity for supervision. The nurse completed a two-day muscular/skeletal ultrasound course at university hospital Skejby. The course was both theory and hands-on training in an auditorium and was held by a radiologist and a rheumatologist. The nurse has furthermore participated in a course at Esbjerg hospital for doctors and nurses about ultrasound on upper extremities. This was a hands-on course. In conjunction with arthrocentesis, the nurse learned to identify urate crystals in synovial fluid through microscopy.ResultsSee Table 1 for which joints where the nurse performed ultrasound, arthrocentesis and injection during the first and second year.Table 1.Year 1JointUltrasoundArthrocentesisIA injectionPIP104MCP97WRIST2315ELBOW11KNEE504150ANKEL79MTP54In all1024190Year 2JointUltrasoundArthrocentesisIA injectionPIP109MCP3537WRIST3235ELBOW12312KNEE696680ANKEL18117MTP28223In all20372204One year after the procedure was implemented the joints that the nurse perform ultrasound and injections on, had increased. Starting with only knees to PIP, MCP, wrist, elbow, knees, ankles and MTP joints. After the first year, the nurse grew independent and confident with the new task, as the table beneath shows. Since the nurse started to perform ultrasound, arthrocentesis and IA injections, there has been no reports of adverse events.ConclusionNurses can be trained to perform ultrasound, arthrocentesis and injections, in a wide range of joints. Patients and staff express satisfaction with the availability of treatment. There has been no reports of adverse events.References[1]Edwards J, Hannah B, Brailsford-Atkinson K, et al. Intra-articular and soft tissue injections: assessment of the service provided by nurses Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 2002;61:656-657.[2]The impact of rheumatoid arthritis and treatment on patients’ lives V. Strand1 and D. Khanna article.pdfAcknowledgementsI want to thank Rheumatologist Søren Just and Rikke Asmussen for helping me with this abstract. I also want to thank nurse specialist Pia Toftegaard for her input about the nursing perspectiv.Disclosure of InterestsNone declared

RESUMENEl nacimiento en la Antigua Roma de niños con rasgos sexuales masculinos y femeninos a la vez, los llamados andróginos o hermafroditas, eran considerados como un gravísimo prodigio. Su expiación, necesaria para el restablecimiento de las buenas relaciones entre los hombres y los dioses, quedó en manos exclusivamente de mujeres: ancianas, matronas y virgines.PALABRAS CLAVE: Antigua Roma, Matrona, prodigio, expiación, andróginoABSTRACTThe birth in ancient Rome of children with both male and female sexual features, so-called androgynes or hermaphrodites, was regarded as a an extraordinary phenomenon. Their expiation, necessary for the restoration of good relations between men and gods, remained exclusively in the hands of women: old women, midwives and virgines.KEY WORDS: Ancient Rome, midwife, prodigy, expiation, androgynus BIBLIOGRAFÍAAbaecherly Boyce, A. (1937), “The expiatory rites of 207 B. C.”, TAPhA, 68, 157-171.Allély, A. (2003), “Les enfants malformés et considerés comme prodigia à Rome et en Italie sous la République”, REA, 105, 1, 127-156.Allély, A. (2004), “Les enfants malformés et handicapés à Rome sous le Principat”, REA, 106, 1, 73-101.Androutsos, G. (2006), “Hermaphroditism in Greek and Roman antiquity”, Hormones, 5, 214-217.Berthelet, Y. (2010), “Expiation, par les autorités romaines, de prodiges survenus en terre alliée: Quelques réflexions sur le statut juridique des territoires et des communautés alliés, et sur le processus de romanisation”, Hypothèses, 13, 1, 169-178.Berthelet, Y. (2013), “Expiation, par Rome, de prodiges survenus dans les cités alliées du nomen latinum ou des cités alliées italiennes non latines”, L´Antiquité Classique 82, 91-109.Breglia Pulci Doria, L. (1983), Oracoli Sibillini tra rituali e propaganda (Studi su Flegonte di Tralles), Napoli, Liguori Editori.Brisson, L. (1986), “Neutrum utrumque. La bisexualité dans l´antiquité gréco-romaine”, en L´Androgyne, Paris, Albin Michel, 31-61.Brisson, L. (1997), Le sex incertain. Androgynie et hermaphroditisme dans l´Antiquité gréco-romaine, Paris, Les Belles Lettres.Caerols, J. J. (1991), Los Libros Sibilinos en la historiografía latina, Madrid, Editorial Complutense.Cantarella, E. (2002), Bisexuality in the Ancient World, New Haven CT, Yale University Press.Cantarella, E. (2005), “The Androgynous and Bisexuality in Ancient Legal Codes”, Diogenes, 52, 5, 5-14.Cid López, R. M. (2007), “Las matronas y los prodigios. Prácticas religiosas femeninas en los ‘márgenes’ de la religión romana”, Norba, 20, 11-29.Cousin, J. (1942-1943), “La crise religieuse de 207 av. J.-C.”, RHR, 126, 15-41.Crifò, G. (1999), Prodigium e diritto: il caso dell’ermafrodita, Index, 27, 113-120.Champeaux, J. (1996), “Pontifes, haruspices et décemvirs. L´expiation des prodiges de 207”, REL, 74, 67-91.Dasen, V. (2005), “Blessing or portents? Multiple births in ancient Rome”, en K. Mustakallio, J. Hanska, H.-L. Sainio, V. Vuolanto (éds.), Hoping for continuity.Childhood, education and death in Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae XXXIII), Rome, 72-83.Delcourt, M. (1958), Hermaphrodite. Mythes et rites de la bisexualité dans l´antiquité classique, Paris, PUF.Delcourt, M. (1966), Hermaphroditea. Recherches sur l´être double promoteur de la fertilité dans le monde classique (Coll. Latomus 86), Bruxelles, Latomus.Doroszewska, J. (2013), “Between the monstrous and the Divine: Hermaphrodites in Phlegon of Tralles´Mirabilia”, Acta Ant. Hung, 53, 379–392.Freyburger, G. (1977), “La supplication d´actions de grâces dans la religion romaine archaïque”, Latomus, 36, 283-315.Freyburger, G. (1988), “Supplication grecque et supplication romaine”, Latomus, 47, 3, 501-525.Garland, R. (1995), The Eye of the Beholder. Deformity and Disability in the Graeco-Roman World, London, Duckworth.Graumann, L. A. (2013), “Monstrous Births and Retrospective diagnosis: the case of Hermafrodites in Antiquity”, en Chr. Laes, C.F. Goodey, M. Lynn Rose (eds.), Disabilities in Roman antiquity: disparate bodies, a capite ad calcem (Mnemosyne, supplements. History and archaeology of classical antiquity, 356), Leiden-Boston, Brill, 181-210.Guittard, Ch. (2004), “Les prodiges dans le livre XXVII de Tite-Live”, Vita Latina, 170, 56-81.Halkin, L. (1953), La supplication d´action de grâces chez les Romains, Paris, Les Belles Lettres.Lake, A. K. M. (1937), “The Supplicatio and Graecus Ritus”, en R.P. Casey, S. Lake- A.K. Lake (eds.), Quantulacumque: Studies Presented to Kirsopp Lake, London, Christophers, 243-251.Louis, P. (1975), Monstres et monstruosites dans la biologie d’Aristote, en J. Bingen, G. Cambier, G. Nachtergael (éd.), Le monde grec: pensée, litterature, histoire, documents. Hommages à Claire Préaux, Bruxelles, Éditions de l´Université de Bruxelles, 277-284.Mac Bain, B. (1982), Prodigy and expiation: a study in Religion and Politics in Republican Rome (Coll. Latomus 117), Bruxelles, Latomus.Maiuri, A. (2012), “Deformità e difformità nel mondo greco-romano”, en M. Passalacqua, M. De Nonno, A. M. Morelli (a cura di), Venuste noster. Scritti offerti a Leopoldo Gamberale (Spudasmata 147), Zurich, Georg Olms Verlag, 526-547.Maiuri, A. (2013), “Il lessico latino del mostruoso”, en I. Baglioni (a cura di), Monstra. Costruzione e Percezione delle Entità Ibride e Mostruose nel Mediterraneo Antico (Religio Collana di Studi del Museo delle Religioni “Rafaele Pettazzoni”), Roma, Quasar, Vol.II, 167-177.Mazurek, T. (2004), “The decemviri sacris faciundis: supplication and prediction”, en C.F. Konrad (ed.), Augusto augurio. Rerum humanarum et divinarum commentationes in honorem Jerzy Linderski, Stuttgart, Steiner Verlag, 151-168.Mineo, B. (2000), “L´anneé 207 dans le récit livien”, Latomus, 52, 512-540.Monaca, M. (2005), La Sibilla a Roma. 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(2008), “La survie des monstres: ethnographie fantastique et handicap à Rome, la force de l´imagination”, Latomus, 68, 21-36.Scheid, J. (1988), “Les livres Sibyllins et les archives des quindecémvirs”, en C. Moatti (ed.), La mémoire perdue. Recherches sur l´administration romaine, Paris, École Française de Rome, 11-26.Schulz, C. E. (2006), Women´s Religious Activity in the Roman Republic, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press.Segarra, D. (2005), “La arboricultura y el orden del mundo: de Vertumnus al ‘Dios’ que planta e injerta”, en R. Olmos, P. Cabrera, S. Montero (eds.), Paraíso cerrado, jardín abierto: el reino vegetal en el imaginario del Mediterráneo, Madrid, Polifemo, 207-232.Segarra, D. (2006), “‘Arboricoltori sacri’. L’operato degli aruspici nella sfera vegetale”, en M. Rocchi, P. Xella, J. A. Zamora (a cura di), Gli operatori cultuali, Atti del II Incontro di studio organizzato dal “Gruppo di contatto per lo studio delle religioni mediterranee” (Roma, 10 - 11 maggio 2005), Verona, Essedue.Trentin, L. (2011), “Deformity in the Roman Imperial Court”, G&R, II S., 58, 195-208.Vallar, S. (2013), “Les hermaphrodites l’approche de la Rome antique”, RIDA, 60, 201-217.

The aim of the present study was to evaluate the protective effects of linseed oil on lipid peroxidation, antioxidative capacity, as well as serum glucose, total cholesterol (TC), LDL-C and TG levels, in cafeteria-diet-fed dams during gestation and lactation, and in their offspring throughout adulthood. Food and energy intakes were also evaluated. The cafeteria diet led to higher energy intake, body weight, hyperglycemia and hyperlipidemia (higher TC, LDL-C and TG) in dams’ rats and their pups. Plasma vitamin C, Erythrocyte GSH levels and catalase activity were lower, whereas plasma diene conjugates (DC), Malondialdehyde and protein carbonyl levels (PC) in plasma and erythrocytes were higher in cafeteria-diet-fed mothers and their pups compared to controls. Supplement of linseed oil significantly enhanced plasma antioxidant defense capacities, as evaluated by the marked increase in the levels of plasma vitamin C and erythrocyte GSH as well as the activities of CAT and the significant reduction in lipid peroxidation (lower DC and MDA) and PC in CAFL-diet-fed mothers and their offspring. Simultaneous intake of linseed oil also reduced body weight, plasma TG, TC and LDL-C contents in obese pregnant and lactating dams and their pups at day 30 and day 90. The flaxseed oil supplementation may prevent lipid peroxidation and metabolic disorders which might be helpful in preventing obesity complications in mothers during pregnancy and lactation and in their offspring. REFERENCES:Adeoye, O., Olawumi, J., Opeyemi, A., & Christiania, O. (2016). Review on the role ofglutathione on oxidative stress and infertility. JBRA Assisted Reproduction, 22(1), 61-66.Aebi, H. (1974). Catalase. 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El uso de murallas desde los primeros momentos de la sedentarización ha buscado el cierre de asentamientos y, aunque generalmente estas construcciones procuraban la protección de sus habitantes, pudieron jugar también un papel importante en aspectos como la demostración de fuerza o de independencia política, jurídica e incluso como ornamento. En el presente trabajo realizamos una visión diacrónica de las estructuras en piedra, con especial interés de aquellas estudiadas en el marco de los proyectos de investigación desarrollados por el Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Granada, mostrándose nuevos datos procedentes de nuestros archivos recientemente digitalizados y que permiten observar de una manera más detallada la fábrica de algunas de ellas, lo que demuestra los cambios de hábitos constructivos y su adaptación a los cambios culturales. Palabras Clave: Estructuras defensivas, Edad del Cobre, Edad del Bronce, Bronce FinalTopónimos: Península IbéricaPeriodo: Edad del Cobre, Edad del Bronce ABSTRACTThe use of walls from the earliest moments of sedentarisation has sought to enclose settlements and, although the goal of these constructions has generally been the protection of their inhabitants, they may have played an important role in aspects such as the demonstration of strength or political and legal independence, and even as ornamentation. This paper presents a diachronic view of stone wall structures, with particular focus on those studied within the framework of the research projects carried out by the Department of Prehistory and Archaeology of the University of Granada. New data from our recently digitalised archives are included, enabling us to observe in greater detail the construction of some of these structures, evidencing changes in building habits and their adaptation to cultural changes. Keywords: Defensive structures, Copper Age, Bronze Age, Argar Culture, Late Bronze Age.Place names: Iberian PeninsulaPeriod: Chalcolithic, Bronze Age REFERENCIASAguayo de Hoyos, P. (1977), “Construcciones defensivas de la Edad Del Cobre peninsular. El Cerro de los Castellones (Laborcillas, Granada)”, Cuadernos de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Granada, 2, pp. 87-104. https://doi.org/10.30827/cpag.v2i0.722.Altamirano García, M. (2014), “Not only bones. Hard animal tissues as a source of raw material in 3rd millenium BC south-eastern Iberia”, Menga: Revista de prehistoria de Andalucía, 5, pp. 43-67.Aranda Jiménez, G. (2001), El análisis de la relación forma-contenido de los conjuntos cerámicos del yacimiento arqueológico del Cerro de la Encina (Granada, España), BAR International Series 957, Oxford, Archaeopress.Aranda Jiménez, G., Montón-Subías, S. y Sánchez Romero, M. (2015), The Archaeology of Bronze Age Iberia. 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El corte estratigráfico nº 3, Excavaciones Arqueológicas en España 81, Madrid, Ministerio de Educación.Arribas, A., Molina, F., Carrión, F., Contreras, F., Martínez, G., Ramos, A., Sáez, L., De la Torre, F., Blanco, I. y Martínez, J. (1987), “Informe preliminar de los resultados obtenidos durante la VI Campaña de excavaciones en el poblado de Los Millares (Santa Fe de Mondújar, Almería, 1985)”, Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía 1985, II, Sevilla, Junta de Andalucía, pp. 245-262.Arteaga, O. (1987), “Excavaciones arqueológicas sistemáticas en El Cerro de los Alcores (Porcuna, Jaén). Informe preliminar sobre la campaña de 1985”, Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía 1985, II, Sevilla, Junta de Andalucía, pp. 279-288.Becker, H. y Brandherm, D. (2010), “Eine Testmessung zur magnetischen Prospektion am Cerro de la Virgen 1998 (Prov. Granada, Spanien)”, en T. Armbruster y M. Hegewish (eds.), Beiträger zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte der Iberischen Halbinsel und Mittleleuropas: Studien in honorem Philine Kalb. Studienzur Archäologie Europas 11, Bonn, pp. 267-272Benítez De Lugo, L., Mejías Moreno, M., López Gutiérrez, J., Álvarez García, H. J., Palomares Zumajo, N., Mata Trujillo, E. Moraleda Sierra, J., Menchén Herreros, G., Fernández Martín, S. Salazar García, D. C., Odriozola Lloret, C., Benito Sánchez, M. y López Sáez, J. A. (2014), “Aportaciones hidrogeológicas al estudio arqueológico de los orígenes del Bronce de La Mancha: la cueva monumentalizada de Castillejo del Bonete (Terrinches, Ciudad Real, España)”, Trabajos de Prehistoria, 71 (1), pp. 76-94. https://doi.org/10.3989/tp.2014.12125Caballero Cobos, A. (2014), Vías de comunicación en las comarcas de Baza y Huéscar: una aproximación histórico-arqueológica desde la prehistoria reciente a la Edad Media. Granada, Universidad de Granada. http://hdl.handle.net/10481/38469Cabré, J. (1922), “Una necrópolis de la Primera Edad de los metales en Monachil, Granada”, Memorias de la Sociedad Española de Antropología, Etnología y Prehistoria I, Madrid.Cámara, J. A. y Molina, F. (2009), “El análisis de la ideología de emulación: el caso de El Argar”, Cuadernos de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Granada, 19, pp. 163-194. https://doi.org/10.30827/cpag.v19i0.188— (2013), “Indicadores de conflicto bélico en la Prehistoria Reciente del cuadrante sudeste de la Península Ibérica: el caso del Calcolítico”. Cuadernos de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Granada, 23, pp. 99-132. https://doi.org/10.30827/cpag.v23i0.3104Cámara, J. A., Molina, F., Pérez, C. y Spanedda, L. (2018), “Una nueva lectura de las fortificaciones calcolíticas del Cerro de la Virgen (Orce, Granada, España)”, Ophiussa. Revista do Centro de Arqueologia da Universidade de Lisboa, 2, pp. 25-37.Castro, P. V., Lull, V. y Micó, R. 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(1984), “Segunda campaña de excavaciones (1983) en el poblado de la Edad del Cobre de «El Malagón» (Cúllar-Baza, Granada)”, Cuadernos de Prehistoria de la Universidad de Granada, 9, pp. 131-146. https://doi.org/10.30827/cpag.v9i0.1231Delibes de Castro, G., Fernández-Miranda Árbol, M., Fernández-Posse, M.D. y Martín Morales, C. (1986), “El poblado de Amizaraque”, en O. Arteaga (ed.), Homenaje a Luis Siret (1934-1984), Sevilla, Junta de Andalucía, pp. 167-177.Delibes de Castro, G., Fernández-Miranda, M., Martín, C. y Fernández-Posse, M. D. (1985), “Almizaraque (Cuevas de Almanzora, Almería)”, XVII Congreso Nacional de Arqueología. Zaragoza, pp. 221-232.Dorado, A. (2019), Caracterización de las producciones cerámicas de Andalucía Oriental y el Sudeste de la Península Ibérica: del Bronce Tardío al Hierro Antiguo (1550/1500 – 550 cal AC), Granada, Universidad de Granada. http://hdl.handle.net/10481/55777Dorado, A., Molina, F., Cámara, J. A. y Gámiz, J. (2017), “La cerámica campaniforme del Cerro de la Encina (Monachil, Granada). Nuevas aportaciones al complejo cultural del Sureste”, en V. S. Gonçalves (coord.), Sinos e taças junto ao oceano e mais longe: aspectos da presença campaniforme na Peninsula Ibérica (Estudos Memórias 10), Lisboa, Universidade de Lisboa, pp. 268-279.Dorado, A., Molina, F., Contreras, F., Nájera, T., Carrión, F., Sáez, L., De La Torre, F. y Gámiz, J. (2015), “El Cerro de Cabezuelos (Jódar, Jaén): Un asentamiento del Bronce Final en el Alto Guadalquivir”, Cuadernos de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Granada, 25, pp. 257-347. https://doi.org/10.30827/cpag.v25i0.5368Dorado, A., Sol, J. F. y Adroher, A. M. (2020), “La transformación de las estructuras defensivas entre el Bronce Final y los primeros momentos de la Edad del Hierro en el sudeste de la Península Ibérica”, en A. Guerrero Martín (ed.), Imperialismo y Ejércitos, Granada, Universidad de Granada, pp. 39-60Fernández Martín, S. (2010), Los complejos cerámicos del yacimiento arqueológico de la Motilla del Azuer (Daimiel, Ciudad Real). Universidad de Granada, Granada. http://hdl.handle.net/10481/6643Fernández-Posse, M. D., Gilman, A. y Martín, C. (1996), “Consideraciones cronológicas sobre la Edad del Bronce en La Mancha”, Complutum Extra, 6 (2), pp. 111-137. https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/CMPL/article/view/CMPL9696330111AGonzález Quintero, P., Mederos Martín, A., Díaz Cantón, A., Bashore Acero, C., Chamón Fernández, J. y Moreno Benítez, M. A. (2018), “El poblado fortificado metalúrgico del Calcolítico Medio y final de Puente de Santa Bárbara (Huércal-Overa, Almería)”, Zephyrvs, 81, pp. 71-91. https://doi.org/10.14201/zephyrus2018817191Hernández Pérez, M. S., López, J. A. y Jover, F. J. (2021), “En los orígenes de El Argar: la cerámica decorada como indicador arqueológico de su espacio social inicial”, Trabajos de Prehistoria, 78 (1), pp. 86-103. https://doi.org/10.3989/tp.2021.12266Jakowski, A. 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Wilting sugar beet plants (Beta vulgaris L.) were observed in fields in the Larissa area of central Greece during the summers of 1997 and 1998. Diseased plants, showing general yellowing and epinasty, were sporadically distributed in the fields. As symptoms progressed, the outer leaves wilted and became desiccated. Inner leaves showed marginal and interveinal yellowing. These areas later turned brown and became necrotic. Longitudinal sections of the roots of diseased plants displayed browning of vascular tissues. Fungal isolates obtained from discolored vascular tissues on potato dextrose agar (PDA) medium were identified as Verticillium dahliae based on morphological features (1). Cultures grew moderately fast on PDA at 23°C. Mycelia were hyaline and white to cream colored, becoming black with formation of microsclerotia. Conidiophores were hyaline and verticillately branched, with three to four phialides at each node. Conidia borne on phialides were ellipsoidal to short and cylindrical and mainly one-celled (2.5 to 8 × 1.4 to 3.2 µm). Microsclerotia began to form in 6- to 7-day-old cultures and were dark brown to black and varied in shape and size (25 × 50 to 100 µm diameter). Pathogenicity tests were carried out using the root-dip technique. Two-week-old seedlings (cv. Rizor) were inoculated by dipping roots in an aqueous suspension of 108 conidia per ml for 1 min. Inocula were obtained from 2-week-old cultures grown on PDA at 21°C by adding sterile water to the petri dish, gently shaking to detach conidia from the conidiophores, and filtering through a doublelayer of sterile cheesecloth. Roots of control plants were dipped in distilled water, and seedlings were transplanted to pots and placed in a growth chamber at 23°C with a 12-h photoperiod. Inoculated plants exhibited wilted leaves with interveinal yellowing ≈30 days after inoculation; symptoms were not observed on control plants. V. dahliae was reisolated from artificially inoculated plants. Measurements of yield parameters in healthy and diseased plants showed that the sugar content of diseased roots was significantly reduced, whereas root weight was not affected. Such results agree with a previous report on the effects of the disease on yield parameters (2). However, the disease is of minor importance in Greece mainly because of the low number of infected plants in the fields. This is the first report of Verticillium wilt of sugar beet in Greece. References: (1) Anonymous. 1971. Verticillium dahliae. No 256: Descriptions of Plant Pathogenic Fungi and Bacteria. Common w. Mycol. Inst., Kew, England. (2) J. O. Gaskill and W. A. Krentzer. Phytopathology 30:769, 1940.

Zaman Kerajaan Majapahit merupakan cikal bakal munculnya Gapura. Pada zaman tersebut gapura memiliki fungsi sebagai pintu masuk menuju kerajaan. Pergeseran masa menunjukkan pergeseran fungsi terhadap gapura yang saat ini menjadi penanda menuju masuknya suatu kota termasuk Kota Malang. Gapura perbatasan pintu masuk di Kota Malang teridentifikasi memiliki karakter yang mirip dengan salah satu candi peninggalan Majapahit yaitu Gapura Wringin Lawang yang terletak di Mojokerto, Jawa Timur. Studi ini bertujuan untuk memvisualisasikan kesesuaian karakter visual gapura perbatasan di Kota Malang dengan Gapura Wringin Lawang. Penyandingan empat gapura perbatasan dengan Gapura Wringin Lawang dianalisis dengan mengidentifikasi elemen desain, prinsip desain, dan ciri fisik gapura. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan kesesuaian secara visual pada gapura pintu masuk di Kota Malang dengan Gapura Wringin Lawang. Kesesuaian elemen desain meliputi: garis, bentuk, massa, ruang, dan tekstur. Pada prinsip desain persamaan terdapat pada keseimbangan, kontras dan penekanan, bentuk, koneksi, makna, simbol, dan citra, pola, skala dan proporsi, ritme dan variasi. Pada bagian ciri fisik terdapat pula kesamaan yaitu bagian kepala, badan, dan kaki gapura.Kata-Kata Kunci: karakteristik, visual, gapura, penanda, batas kota VISUAL CHARACTERISTIC OF GAPURA WRINGIN LAWANG ON THE GATES OF MALANG CITY’S BOUNDARY AbstractThe era of the Majapahit Kingdom was the forerunner to the appearance of the Gapura (gate). At that time, the Gapura was built as the entrance to the kingdom. Over time, the function has shifted as a signifier of a city boundary, as found in Malang City. The boundary gate of Malang City identified has a character similar to the Majapahit heritage temples, namely the Wringin Lawang Gate located in Mojokerto, East Java. This study aims to visualize the suitability of the visual characteristics of the border gate in the northern, eastern, western and southern of Malang City with the Wringin Lawang Gate. The comparison of the four gates with Wringin Lawang Gate was analyzed by identifying its elements, principles, and physical characteristics. The results of this study indicate the visual suitability. The suitability of elements found in lines, shapes, mass, space, and textures. On the principle of design, equality identified in balance, contrast and emphasis, form, connection, meaning, symbol, and image, pattern, scale and proportion, rhythm and variation. While in the physical characteristics, there are also similarities in the part of the head, body, and leg of the gate.Keywords: characteristics, visual, gate, signifier, city’s boundary REFERENCESAlston, W. (1964). Psychoanalytic Theory and Theistic Belief’ in J. Hick (ed.) Faith and the Philosophers. New York: St. Martin’s Press.Adenan, K., Budi, B. S., & Wibowo, A. S. (2012). Karakter Visual Arsitektur Karya A.F. Aalbers di Bandung ( 1930-1946 )-Studi Kasus : Kompleks Villa’s dan Woonhuizen. Jurnal Lingkungan Binaan Indonesia, 1(1).Berry, W. (1980). Building Next to History. State: Historical society of Colorado: Good Neighbors.Dietrich, K. (2006). Raic Syllabus Thesis Submission A Design for Architectural Education. Canada: Raic Syllabus Royal Architectural Institute of Canada.Mohan, G. M. S. (2006). Principles of Architecture. india: Oxford University Press.Prasodjo, T., & Degroot, V. (2013). Magical Prambanan. PT (Persero) Taman Wisata Candi Borobudur, Prambanan & Ratu Boko.Rahadian, P. (2018). Eksistensi Candi Sebagai Karya Agung Arsitektur Indonesia di Asia tenggara. (R. Emmy, Ed.). D.I Yogyakarta: PT. Kaniskus.Rapoport, A. (1978). House Form and Culture. Milwaukee: University of Winconsin.Sosial, K., Kholisya, U., Maya, S., & Purnengsih, I. (2017). Karakteristik Gapura Di Kecamatan Kebakkramat Kabupaten Karanganyar Jawa Tengah (Kajian Sosial Budaya dan Ekonomi). Jurnal Desain, 04 No.02,(1957).Suwarna. (1987). Tinjauan Selintas berbagai Jenis gapura Di Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta (0.2 Volume). D.I Yogyakarta: Cakrawala Pendidikan.Yudoseputro, W. (2008). Jejak-Jejak Tradisi Bahasa Rupa Indonesia Lama. Seni Visual Indonesia, 192.

Abstract ,,Nur ein einziges Mal [.] übernahm ein verurteilter NS-Massenmörder die Rolle eines Massenmörders in einem Spielfilm, und zwar 1984 in dem Film Wundkanal – Hinrichtung für vier Stimmen“ (S. 129). Denn dem Abspann des Films war zu entnehmen, dass die Rolle des ,,Dr. S.“ von ,,Alfred F.“ gespielt wurde. Dabei handelte es sich um Alfred Filbert, ehemaliger SS-Obersturmbannführer und Kommandeur des Einsatzkommandos 9 der Einsatzgruppe B. Der promovierte Jurist war im Juni 1962 vom Landgericht Berlin aufgrund der Massaker, die seine Einsatzgruppe in der besetzten Sowjetunion an Juden, Roma und anderen Gruppen begangen hatte, wegen gemeinschaftlichen Mordes zu einer lebenslangen Zuchthausstrafe verurteilt, aber 1975 aus gesundheitlichen Gründen aus der Haft entlassen worden. In dem Film ,,Wundkanal“ des Regisseurs Thomas Harlan, Sohn des berüchtigten NS-Filmemachers Veit Harlan, spielte Filbert einen Kriegsverbrecher, der von RAF-Terroristen entführt wird.

Since ancient times India has been a multilingual society and languages in India have thrived though at times many races and religions came into conflict. The states in modern India were reorganised on linguistic basis in 1956 yet in contrast to the European notion of one language one nation, majority of the states have more than one official language. The Linguistic Survey of India (LSI) conducted by Grierson between 1866 and 1927 identified 179 languages and 544 dialects. The first post-independence Indian census after (1951) listed 845 languages including dialects. The 1991 Census identified 216 mother tongues were identified while in 2001 their number was 234. The three-language formula devised to maintain the multilingual character of the nation and paying due attention to the importance of mother tongue is widely accepted in the country in imparting the education at primary and secondary levels. However, higher education system in India impedes multilingualism. According the Constitution it is imperative on the “Union to promote the spread of the Hindi language, to develop it so that it may serve as a medium of expression for all the elements of the composite culture of India … by drawing, wherever necessary or desirable, for its vocabulary, primarily on Sanskrit and secondarily on other languages.” However, the books translated into Hindi mainly from English have found favour with neither the students nor the teachers. On the other hand the predominance of English in various competitive examinations has caused social discontent leading to mass protests and cases have been filed in the High Courts and the Supreme Court against linguistic imperialism of English and Hindi. The governments may channelize the languages but in a democratic set up it is ultimately the will of the people that prevails. Some languages are bound to suffer a heavy casualty both in the short and long runs in the process. References Basil, Bernstein. (1971). Class, Codes and Control: Theoretical Studies Towards a Sociology of Language. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Bialystok, E. (2001). Bilingualism in Development: Language, Literacy, and Cognition. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. Chambers, J. K. (2009). Sociolinguistic Theory: Linguistic Variation and Its Social Significance. Malden: Wiley Blackwell. Constitution of India [The]. (2007). Retrieved from: http://lawmin.nic.in/ coi/coiason29july08.pdf. Cummins, J. (2000). Language, Power and Pedagogy. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Dictionary of Quotations in Communications. (1997). L. McPherson Shilling and L. K. Fuller (eds.), Westport: Greenwood. Fishman, J. A. (1972). The Sociology of Language. An Interdisciplinary Social Science Approach to Language in Society. Rowley, MA: Newbury House. Gandhi, M. K. (1917). Hindi: The National Language for India. In: Speeches and Writings of Mahatma Gandhi, (pp.395–99). Retrieved from http://www.mkgandhi.org/ towrds_edu/chap15.htm. Gandhi, M. K. 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The present writing was elaborated from speculations about possible encounters between philosophy, education and music. On the margins of music, where philosophy seeks some penetration, the theme of a supposed refusal to assimilation is announced, demanding the resumption of questions such as the permanence of a zone of indetermination not reached by the representational effort. This unavoidable opacity of the musical phenomenon moves it to a nocturnal dimension, a common destiny to everything that escapes the totalizing interests of a language committed to the objectifcation and nomination of things and of those conventionally called other. The nocturnal in philosophy and in music is object of reflections of Derrida and other thinkers, from which it is possible to glimpse a widening of the world, just where it is evident the merely formal character of the limits between what is said and unsaid, between what is human and what’s not. The text presented here includes some of these philosophical reflections, compared to musical creations that insinuate this nocturnal character, like those of Debussy. Additionally, possible consequences of the weakening of representational politics to subjectivation processes and alterity relations are highlighted, opening space for a thought about an education not compromised with the centrality of the human.ResumoA presente escrita foi elaborada a partir de especulações sobre possíveis encontros entre flosofa, educação e música. Nas margens da música, onde a flosofa busca alguma penetração, o tema de uma suposta recusa à assimilação se anuncia, exigindo a retomada de questões como a permanência de uma zona de indeterminação não alcançada pelo esforço representacional. Essa opacidade incontornável do fenômeno musical desloca-o para uma dimensão noturna, destino comum a tudo que escapa aos interesses totalizantes de uma linguagem comprometida com a objetivação e nomeação das coisas e dos que, a partir dela própria, se convencionou chamar de outros. O noturno na flosofa e na música é objeto de reflexões de Derrida e de outros pensadores, a partir das quais é possível vislumbrar uma ampliação do mundo, justamente onde se evidencia o caráter meramente formal dos limites entre o que é dito e não dito, entre o que é humano ou não. O texto aqui apresentado inclui algumas dessas reflexões filosóficas, cotejadas com criações musicais que insinuam esse caráter noturno, como as de Debussy. 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ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bermaksud untuk mengetahui pengaruh variabel perceived ease of use terhadap behavioral intention dengan trust sebagai variabel intervening pada penggunaan aplikasi m-banking bank umum syariah. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kuantitatif dengan metode path analysis dan melibatkan 50 responden yang merupakan nasabah salah satu bank umum syariah sekaligus pengguna aplikasi m-banking bank yang bersangkutan dengan metode purposive sampling secara online, serta menggunakan metode analisis jalur dengan program AMOS untuk mengolah data. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa perceived ease of use dan trust berpengaruh signifikan terhadap behavioral intention, demikian juga perceived ease of use terhadap trust. Penelitian ini juga berimplikasi pada ilmu pemasaran Islam, yaitu mengenai niat perilaku konsumen yang akan berefek pada penggunaan aplikasi m-banking bank umum syariah saat ini dan di masa mendatang, seperti perekomendasian aplikasi tersebut ke orang lain. Maka dari itu, bank umum syariah diharapkan dapat meningkatkan kualitas fitur yang terdapat di aplikasi m-banking, mempromosikan secara gencar kemudahan dan manfaat yang akan didapat dari penggunaan aplikasi m-banking agar nasabah tertarik untuk menggunakannya, serta menyederhanakan baik tampilan dan cara penggunaan, sehingga aplikasi tersebut bisa digunakan dengan mudah oleh berbagai kalangan.Kata Kunci: Perceived ease of use, trust, behavioral intention, aplikasi m-banking. ABSTRACTThe intention of this study is to discover perceived ease of use’s impact on behavioral intention with trust as the intervening variable in the usage of Islamic commercial banks’ m-banking applications. This research uses a quantitative approach with path analysis method and involves 50 participants who are customers of one of Islamic commercial banks as well as users of m-banking application of the bank concerned with online purposive sampling method. 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This article discusses the ways of building the right to education of young child in Brazil, with reference to the State 's participation in this process. Based on a bibliographical analysis, it verified the predominance of three central periods in this history, being: that of an absent State, which bequeathed the child's education to family, private, community, religious and charitable initiatives; the one of a conservative State, that acted in the area notably from normative actions and of inspection of private institutions, for tutelage and control of the childhood, under a care bias, hygienist and of favor favor to the society; and that of a state in dispute, which approved the main legislation and documents aimed at recognizing the right of the young child to education and the strengthening of early childhood education, despite the maintenance of policies: for the informal service of the poorest and low cost public; focusing on primary education, to the detriment of early childhood education; of devaluation of day care centers in early childhood education; etc. It concludes, therefore, that the legal framework inherited from the Federal Constitution of 1988, the Child and the Adolescent Statute of 1990 and the Directives and Bases of Education Law of 1996 is still the main achievement and tool that has in the area to strengthen the fight against setbacks in the history of building the right of the young child to education in Brazil.ResumoEste artigo discorre sobre os caminhos da construção do direito à educação da criança pequena no Brasil, tendo como referência a atuação do Estado nesse processo. Com base em análise bibliográfica, verificou a predominância de três períodos centrais nessa história, sendo: o de um Estado ausente, que legou a educação da criança a iniciativas familiares, particulares, comunitárias, religiosas e caritativas; o de um Estado conservador, que atuou na área notadamente a partir de ações normativas e de fiscalização de instituições privadas, para tutela e controle da infância, sob um viés assistencial, higienista e de prestação de favor à sociedade; e o de um Estado em disputa, que aprovou as principais legislações e documentos voltados ao reconhecimento do direito da criança pequena à educação e ao fortalecimento da educação infantil, não obstante a manutenção de políticas: para o atendimento informal dos mais pobres e a baixo custo público; de focalização do ensino fundamental, em detrimento da educação infantil; de desvalorização das creches dentro da educação infantil; etc. Conclui, assim, que o quadro legal herdado a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988, do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente de 1990 e da Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação de 1996 ainda é a principal conquista e ferramenta que se tem na área para fortalecer a luta contra retrocessos na história de construção do direito da criança pequena à educação no Brasil.Palavras-chave: Direito à educação, Educação infantil, Papel do estado.Keywords: Right to education, Child education, Role of the state.ReferencesANDRADE, L.B.P. 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Disponível em: <http://publicacoes.fcc.org.br/ojs/index.php/cp/article/view/1459>. Acesso em: 01 out. 2018.VIEIRA, L. M. F. Mal necessário: creches no Departamento Nacional da Criança (1940-1970). Cadernos de Pesquisa, 67, 3-16, nov. 1988. Disponível em: <http://publicacoes.fcc.org.br/ojs/index.php/cp/article/view/1215>. Acesso em: 01 out. 2018.e3443082

The term “industry” which is a part of almost all spheres of contemporary life was firstly defined in independent India in “section 2 (j)of the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947” in a manner which was envisaged as inclusive of all the concepts fitting for that era. Now as the present-day India has tremendously progressed by industrial as well as technological revolution, the term “industry” has got versatile and multi-faceted aspects which were not foresighted by the original definition of the term in “section 2 (j) of the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947”. Over the period the term “industry” has been deciphered by numerous benchmark judgments by the Indian judiciary, but the Constitutional Bench in “Bangalore Water-Supply and Sewerage Board v. R. Rajappa and Others 1978” has surpassed all by its profound and penetrative interpretation which the Government of India adopted as standard, and amended section 2 (j) though “the Industrial Disputes Amendment Act, 1982”. Howsoever till the present-day the amended Act is still not notified; hence the definition of the phrase “industry” goes by the original Act of 1947 only. The present paper aims to view the judicial progression of the term “industry” and attempts to grasp exactly what is meant and implied by it.

The Coming of Coffee Before World War II, Australians followed British tradition and largely drank tea. When coffee challenged the tea drinking habit in post-war Australia, the tea industry fought back using the most up-to-date marketing techniques imported from America. The shift to coffee drinking in post-war Australia is, therefore, explored through a focus on both the challenges faced by the tea industry and how that industry tackled the trend towards coffee. By focusing on the Australian Tea Council’s marketing campaign promoting tea as a fashionable drink and preferable to coffee, this article explores Australia’s cultural shift from tea drinking to coffee drinking. This complex and multi-layered transition, often simply explained by post-war migration, provides an opportunity to investigate other causal aspects of this shift. In doing so, it draws on oral histories—including of central figures working in the tea and coffee industries—as well as reports in newspapers and popular magazines, during this period of culinary transition. Australians always drank coffee but it was expensive, difficult and inconsistent to brew, and was regarded as a drink “for the better class of person” (P. Bennett). At the start of World War II, Australia was second only to Britain in terms of its tea consumption and maintaining Australia’s supply of tea was a significant issue for the government (NAA, “Agency Notes”). To guarantee a steady supply, tea was rationed, as were many other staples. Between 1941 and 1955, the tea supply was under government control with the Commonwealth-appointed Tea Control Board responsible for its purchase and distribution nationwide (Adams, “From Instant” 16). The influence of the USA on Australia’s shift from tea-drinking has been underplayed in narratives of the origins of Australia’s coffee culture, but the presence of American servicemen, either stationed in Australia or passing through during the war in the Pacific, had a considerable impact on what Australians ate and drank. In 2007, the late John Button noted that:It is when the countries share a cause that the two peoples have got to know each other best. Between 1942 and 1945, when Australia’s population was seven million, one million US service personnel came to Australia. They were made welcome, and strange things happened. American sporting results and recipes were published in the newspapers; ‘The Star-Spangled Banner’ was played at the start of theatre and concert performances. Australians were introduced to the hot dog; Americans, reluctantly, to the dim sim. 10 or 15 years after the war, there were stories of New York cab drivers who knew Australia well and spoke warmly of their wartime visits. For years, letters between Australia and the US went back and forth between pen friends […] following up friendships developed during the war. Supplying the daily ration of coffee to American servicemen was another concern for the Australian government as Australia had insufficient roasting capacity to supply this coffee—and so three roasting machines were shipped to Australia to help meet this new demand (NAA, MP5/45 a). To ensure a steady supply, coffee too came under the control of the Tea Controller and the Tea Control Board became the Tea and Coffee Control Board. At this time, civilians became more aware of coffee as newspapers raised its profile and Australian families invited American servicemen in their homes. Differences in food preferences between American servicemen and Australians were noticed, with coffee the most notable of these. The Argus reported that: “The main point of issue in these rival culinary fancies is the longstanding question of coffee” (“Yanks Differ” 8). It concluded that Australians and Americans ate the same foods, only prepared in different ways, but the most significant difference between them was the American “preference for coffee” (8). When Australian families invited hosted servicemen in their homes, housewives needed advice on how to make prepare coffee, and were told:One of the golden rules for hostesses entertaining American troops should be not to serve them coffee unless they know how to make it in the American fashion [...] To make coffee in the proper American fashion requires a special kind of percolating. Good results may be obtained by making coffee with strong freshly ground beans and the coffee should be served black with cream to be added if required (“Coffee for Americans” 5). Australian civilians also read reports of coffee, rather than tea, being served to Australian servicemen overseas, and the following report in The Argus in 1942 shows: “At Milne Bay 100 gallons of coffee were served to the men after pictures had been shown each night. Coffee was not the only comfort to be supplied. There were also chocolate, tobacco, toothpaste, and other articles appreciated by the troops” (“Untitled” 5). Due largely to tea rationing and the presence of American servicemen, Australia’s coffee consumption increased to 500 grams per person per annum between 1941 and 1944, but it also continued to rise in the immediate post-war period when the troops had departed (ABS). In May 1947, the Tea (and Coffee) Controller reported an increased consumption of 54 per cent in the two years after the war ended (NAA, MP5/45 b). Tea Loses Its Way Australian tea company and coffee roaster, Bushells, had an excellent roast and ground coffee—Bushells Pure Coffee—according to Bill Bennett who worked for the company from 1948 to 1950 (B. Bennett). It was sold freshly roasted in screw-top jars that could be re-used for storage in the kitchen or pantry. In 1945, in a series of cartoon-style advertisements, Bushells showed consumers how easy it was to make coffee using this ground beans, but the most significant challenge to tea’s dominance came not with this form of coffee, but in 1948 with the introduction of Nestlé instant coffee. Susie Khamis argues that “of all the coffee brands that vied for Australians’ attention, Nestlé was by far the most salient, by virtue of its frequency, timeliness and resonance” (218). With Nestlé instant coffee, “you use just the quantity you need for each cup and there are no grounds or sediment. Nescafé made perfect full-flavoured coffee in a matter of seconds” (Canberra Times). Figure 1. Advertisement for Nestlé Coffee. The Canberra Times 5 Aug. 1949: 2. Figure 2. Advertisement for Bushells Coffee. The Argus 22 Aug. 1945: 11. Instant coffee, as well as being relatively cheap, solved the “problem” of its brewing and was marketed as convenient, economical, and consistent. It also was introduced at a time when the price of tea was increasing and the American lifestyle had great appeal to Australians. Khamis argues that the discovery of instant coffee “spoke to changes in Australia’s lifestyle options”, noting that the “tea habit was tied to Australia’s development as a far-flung colonial outpost, a daily reminder that many still looked to London as the nation’s cultural capital; the growing appeal of instant coffee reflected a widening and more nuanced cultural palate” (218). Instant coffee, modernity, America, and glamour became thus entwined in a period when Australia’s cultural identity “was informed less by the staid conservatism of Britain than the heady flux of the new world glamour” (Khamis 219). In the 1950s, Australians were seduced by espresso coffee presented to them in imaginatively laid out coffee lounges featuring ultra modern décor and streamlined fittings. Customers were reportedly “seduced by the novelty of the impressive-looking espresso machines, all shining chrome and knobs and pressure gauges” (Australasian Confectioner and Restaurant Journal 61). At its best, espresso coffee is a sublime drink with a rich thick body and a strong flavour. It is a pleasure to look at and has about it an air of European sophistication. These early coffee lounges were the precursors of the change from American-style percolated coffee (Adams, “Barista” vi). According to the Australasian Confectioner and Restaurant Journal, in 1956 espresso coffee was changing the way people drank coffee “on the continent, in London and in other parts of the world,” which means that as well as starting a new trend in Australia, this new way of brewing coffee was making coffee even more popular elsewhere (61). The Connoisseurship of Coffee Despite the popularities of cafés, the Australian consumer needed to be educated to become a connoisseur, and this instruction was provided in magazine and newspaper articles. Rene Dalgleish, writing for Australian Home Beautiful in 1964, took “a look around the shops” to report on “a growing range of glamorous and complicated equipment designed for the once-simple job of brewing a cup of tea, or more particularly, coffee” (21). Although she included teapots, her main focus was coffee brewing equipment—what it looked like and how it worked. She also discussed how to best appreciate coffee, and described a range of home grinding and brewing coffee equipment from Turkish to percolation and vacuum coffee makers. As there was only one way of making tea, Dalgleish pays little attention to its method of brewing (21) and concludes the piece by referring only to coffee: “There are two kinds of coffee drinkers—those who drink it because it is a drink and coffee lovers. The sincere coffee lover is one who usually knows about coffee and at the drop of a hat will talk with passionate enthusiasm on the only way to make real coffee” (21). In its first issue in 1966, Australasian Gourmet Magazine reflected on the increased consumption and appreciation of coffee in a five-page feature. “More and more people are serving fine coffee in their homes,” it stated, “while coffee lounges and espresso bars are attracting the public in the city, suburbs and country towns” (Repin and Dressler 36). The article also noted that there was growing interest in the history and production of coffee as well as roasting, blending, grinding, and correct preparation methods. In the same year, The Australian Women’s Weekly acknowledged a growing interest in both brewing, and cooking with, coffee in a lift-out recipe booklet titled “Cooking with Coffee.” This, according to the Weekly, presented “directions that tell you how to make excellent coffee by seven different methods” as well as “a variety of wonderful recipes for cakes, biscuits, desserts, confectionary and drinks, all with the rich flavor of coffee” (AWW). By 1969, the topic was so well established that Keith Dunstan could write an article lampooning coffee snobbery in Australian Gourmet Magazine. He describes his brother’s attention to detail when brewing coffee and his disdain for the general public who were all drinking what he called “muck”. Coffee to the “coffee-olics” like his brother was, Dunstan suggested, like wine to the gourmand (5). In the early 1960s, trouble was brewing in the tea business. Tea imports were not keeping pace with population growth and, in 1963, the Tea Bureau conducted a national survey into the habits of Australian tea drinkers (McMullen). This found that although tea was the most popular beverage at the breakfast table for all socio-economic groups, 30 per cent of Australian housewives did not realise that tea was cheaper than coffee. 52 per cent of coffee consumed was instant and one reason given for coffee drinking between meals was that it was easier to make one cup (Broadcasting and Television “Tea Gains”). Marketing Tea against a Turning Tide Coffee enjoyed an advantage that tea was unlikely to ever have, as the margin between raw bean and landed product was much wider than tea. Tea was also traditionally subject to price-cutting by grocery chains who used it as a loss leader “to bring the housewife into the store” (Broadcasting and Television “Tea Battles”) and, with such a fine profit margin, the individual tea packer had little to allocate for marketing expenses. In response, a group of tea merchants, traders and members of tea growing countries formed The Tea Council of Australia in 1963 to pool their marketing funds to collectively market their product. With more funds, the Council hoped to achieve what individual companies could not (Adams “From Instant” 1-19). The chairman of the Tea Council, Mr. G. McMullan, noted that tea was “competing in the supermarkets with all beverages that are sold […]. All the beverages are backed by expensive marketing campaigns. And this is the market that tea must continue to hold its share” (McMullen 6). The Tea Council employed the services of Jackson Wain and Company for its marketing and public relations campaign. Australian social historian Warren Fahey worked for the company in the 1960s and described it in an interview. He recalled: Jackson Wain was quite a big advertising agency. Like a lot of these big agencies of the time it was Australian owned by Barry Wain and John Jackson. Jackson Wain employed some illustrious creative directors at that time and its clients were indeed big: they had Qantas, Rothmans, the Tea Council, White Wings—which was a massive client—and Sunbeam. And they are just some of the ones they had. Over the following eleven years, the Tea Council sought innovative ways to identify target markets and promote tea drinking. Much of this marketing was directed at women. Since women were responsible for most of the household shopping, and housewives were consuming “incidental” beverages during the day (that is, not with meals), a series of advertisements were placed in women’s magazines. Showing how tea could be enjoyed at work, play, in the home, and while shopping, these kick-started the Tea Council’s advertising campaign in 1964. Fahey remembers that: tea was seen as old-fashioned so they started to talk about different aspects of drinking tea. I remember the images of several campaigns that came through Jackson Wain of the Tea Board. The Women’s Weekly ones were a montage of images where they were trying to convince people that tea was refreshing […] invigorating […] [and] friendly. Figure 3. Tea Council Advertisement. The Australian Women’s Weekly 29 Jan. 1964, 57. Radio was the Tea Council’s “cup of tea”. Transistor and portable radio arrived in Australia in the 1950s and this much listened to medium was especially suited to the Tea Council’s advertising (Tea Council Annual Report 1964). Radio advertising was relatively low-cost and the Council believed that people thought aurally and could picture their cup of tea as soon as they heard the word “tea”. Fahey explains that although radio was losing some ground to the newly introduced television, it was still the premier media, largely because it was personality driven. Many advertisers were still wary of television, as were the agencies. Radio advertisements, read live to air by the presenter, would tell the audience that it was time for a cuppa—“Right now is the right time to taste the lively taste of tea” (Tea Council Annual Report 1964)—and a jingle created for the advertisement completed the sequence. Fahey explained that agencies “were very much tuned into the fact even in those days that women were a dominant fact in the marketing of tea. Women were listening to radio at home while they were doing their work or entertaining their friends and those reminders to have a cup of tea would have been quite useful triggers in terms of the marketing”. The radio jingle, “The taste of tea makes a lively you” (Jackson Wain, “Tea Council”) aired 21,000 times on 85 radio stations throughout Australia in 1964 (Tea Council of Australia Annual Report). In these advertisements, tea was depicted as an interesting, exciting and modern beverage, suitable for consumption at home as outside it, and equally, if not more, refreshing than other beverages. People were also encouraged to use more tea when they brewed a pot by adding “one [spoonful] for the pot” (Jackson Wain, “Tea Council”). These advertisements were designed to appeal to both housewives and working women. For the thrifty housewife, they emphasised value for money in a catchy radio jingle that contained the phrase “and when you drink tea the second cup’s free” (Jackson Wain “Tea Council”). For the fashionable, tea could be consumed with ice and lemon in the American fashion, and glamorous fashion designer Prue Acton and model Liz Holmes both gave their voices to tea in a series of radio advertisements (Tea Council of Australia, “Annual Reports”). This was supported with a number of other initiatives. With the number of coffee lounges increasing in cities, the Tea Council devised a poster “Tea is Served Here” that was issued to all cafes that served tea. This was strategically placed to remind people to order the beverage. Other print tea advertisements targeted young women in the workforce as well as women taking time out for a hot drink while shopping. Figure 4. “Tea Is Served Here.” Tea Council of Australia. Coll. of Andy Mac. Photo: Andy Mac. White Wings Bake-off The cookery competition known as the White Wings Bake-Off was a significant event for many housewives during this period, and the Tea Council capitalised on it. Run by the Australian Dairy Board and White Wings, a popular Australian flour milling company, the Bake-Off became a “national institution […] and tangible proof of the great and growing interest in good food and cooking in Australia” (Wilson). Starting in 1963, this competition sought original recipes from home cooks who used White Wings flour and dairy produce. Winners were feted with a gala event, national publicity and generous prizes presented by international food experts and celebrity chefs such as Graham Kerr. Prizes in 1968 were awarded at a banquet at the Southern Cross Hotel and the grand champion won A$4,750 and a Metters’ cooking range. Section winners received A$750 and the stove. In 1968, the average weekly wage in Australia was A$45 and the average weekly spend on food was $3.60, which makes these significant prizes (Talkfinancenet). In a 1963 television advertisement for White Wings, the camera pans across a table laden with cakes and scones. It is accompanied by the jingle, “White Wings is the Bake Off flour—silk sifted, silk sifted” (Jackson Wain, “Bake-Off”). Prominent on the table is a teapot and cup. Fahey noted the close “simpatico” relationship between White Wings and the Tea Council:especially when it came down to […] the White Wings Bake Off [...]. Tea always featured prominently because of the fact that people were still in those days baking once a week [...] having that home baking along side a cup of tea and a teapot was something that both sides were trying to capitalise on. Conclusion Despite these efforts, throughout the 1960s tea consumption continued to fall and coffee to rise. By 1969, the consumption of coffee was over a kilogram per person per annum and tea had fallen to just over two kilograms per person per year (ABS). In 1973, due to internal disputes and a continued decline in tea sales, the Tea Council disbanded. As Australians increasingly associated coffee with glamour, convenience, and gourmet connoisseurship, these trajectories continued until coffee overtook tea in 1979 (Khamis 230) and, by the 1990s, coffee consumption was double that of tea. Australia’s cultural shift from tea drinking to coffee drinking—easily, but too simplistically, explained by post-war migration—is in itself a complex and multi layered transition, but the response and marketing campaign by the Tea Council provides an opportunity to investigate other factors at play during this time of change. Fahey sums the situation up appropriately and I will conclude with his remarks: “Advertising is never going to change the world. It can certainly persuade a market place or a large percentage of a market place to do something but one has to take into account there were so many other social reasons why people switched over to coffee.” References Adams, Jillian. Barista: A Guide to Espresso Coffee. Frenchs Forest NSW: Pearson Education Australia, 2006. -----. “From Instant Coffee to Italian Espresso: How the Cuppa Lost its Way.” Masters Thesis in Oral History and Historical Memory. Melbourne: Monash University, 2009. Advertisement for Bushells Coffee. 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The purpose of this study is to define and describe the semantic components of the verbalised concept “lightness” as a component of ludic competence in the linguistic consciousness of the Russian-speaking people from Eastern Ukraine. The main method of the research was a psycholinguistic experiment. The sample comprised 426 young people (aged 18-35), males and females being equally represented. Cluster analysis showed that the core of the concept “lightness” is represented by three semantic groups: “the quality being light and insignificant in weight and size …”, “the feeling of happiness and joyful ease”, “the feeling of freedom …, cheerfulness, excitement”. The last two clusters reveal the ambivalent nature of the concept “lightness”. The concept “lightness” is characterized by a large variety of peripheral clusters. The ones that are especially noteworthy are “insight” and “duality”. The former reflects the cognitive component of lightness, which accounts for 3 per cent. The latter reflects the concept’s ambivalent nature. Basically, the semantic content of the core of the word “lightness” does not depend on gender. The comparative analysis of the concept “lightness” in the linguistic consciousness of Ukrainian citizens and people living in Russia reveals its nationally-specific perception in the linguistic consciousness of Ukrainian people, which was reflected in the most frequent reaction “freedom”. Taken together, both samples share a number of common features: wide semantic scope; strong synonymic and weak antonymic connections between stimulus and reactions; positive emotional response to the stimulus. Finally, the results of the free word association test with the stimulus word “lightness” were successfully used to define more precisely and expand our understanding of “lightness” as a component of ludic competence taking into account both core and peripheral clusters. References Barnett, L. (2007). The nature of playfulness in young adults. 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Severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), a novel coronavirus , is causing a serious worldwide COVID-19 pandemic. The emergence of strains with rapid spread and unpredictable changes is the cause of the increase in morbidity and mortality rates. A number of drugs as well as vaccines are currently being used to relieve symptoms, prevent and treat the disease caused by this virus. However, the number of approved drugs is still very limited due to their effectiveness and side effects. In such a situation, medicinal plants and bioactive compounds are considered a highly valuable source in the development of new antiviral drugs against SARS-CoV-2. This review summarizes medicinal plants and bioactive compounds that have been shown to act on molecular targets involved in the infection and replication of SARS-CoV-2. Keywords: Medicinal plants, bioactive compounds, antivirus, SARS-CoV-2, COVID-19 References [1] R. Lu, X. Zhao, J. Li, P. Niu, B. Yang, H. 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The CYP19A1 gene encodes for aromatase P450, which is a key enzyme in estrogen metabolism, catalyzes the conversation of testosterone to estradiol and androstenedione to estrone. It is generally believed that polymorphisms in genes coding for key enzymes involved in these pathways could effect to the activity of enzymes, which can change the level of endogenous hormones. Therefore genetic polymorphisms in hormone-related genes could increase the breast cancer susceptibility. In this study, 60 blood samples of breast cancer women and 50 control populations were analyzed to identify the genotype frequency at SNP loci rs10046 C>T and rs2236722 Trp39Arg (T>C) on CYP19A1 using PCR-RFLP and PCR-CTPP respectively. The data were analyzed to determine the association between these polymorphism loci and susceptibility to breast cancer. The result showed that, the genotype frequencies at SNP rs10046 in the control as: CC (14%), CT (48%), TT (38%), in case group are CC (18.33%) , CT (58.33%) and TT (23.34%); at SNP rs2236722 in the control group: TT (94%), TC (6%), in case group TT (90%), TC (10%). The OR analyses for the gene carrying the CC and TC genotypes compared with TT genotype at both loci (OR=2.01; 95% CI=0.87–4.67 with rs10046 and OR = 1.74; 95% CI= 0.40 – 7.42 with rs2236722) indicated that these SNP loci in CYP19A1 have no effect on breast cancer susceptibility. Keywords Breast cancer, SNP, rs10046, rs2236722, CYP19A1 gene References 1. Bora M. T., Tülin Ö., Halil I. K., Sennur I., Calay Z., Oğuz Ö., Turgay I. (2010), “CYP17 (T-34C) and CYP19 (Trp39Arg) Polymorphisms and their Cooperative Effects on Breast Cancer Susceptibility”, In vivo, 24, pp.71–74.2. Chen C., Sakoda L. C., Doherty J. A., Loomis M. M., Fish S., Ray R. M. (2008), “Genetic variation in CYP19A1 and risk of breast cancer and brocystic breast conditions among women in Shanghai, China”, Cancer Epidemiology Biomarkers Prevention, 17(12), pp.3457–3466.3. Dunning A. M., Dowsett M., Healey C. S., Tee L., Luben R. N., Folkerd E., Novik K. L., Kelemen L., Ogata S., Pharoah P. D., Easton D. F., Day N. E., Ponder B. A. (2004), “Polymorphisms associated with circulating sex hormone levels in postmenopausal women”, J. Natl. Cancer Inst., 96(12), pp.936–945.4. Farzaneh F., Noghabaei G., Barouti E., Pouresmaili F., Jamshidi J., Fazeli A. (2016), “Analysis of CYP17, CYP19 and CYP1A1 gene polymorphisms in Iranian women with breast cancer”, Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention, 17, pp.23–26.5. Ghisari M., Eiberg H., Long M. (2014), “Polymorphisms in phase I and phase II genes and breast cancer risk and relations to persistent organic pollutant exposure: A case-control study in Inuit women”, Environmental Health, 13(1), pp.19.6. Henderson B. E., Ross R., Bernstein L. (1988), “Estrogens as a cause of human cancer: The Richard and Hinda Rosenthal Foundation award lecture”, Cancer Research, 48, pp.246–253.7. Hirose K., Matsuo K., Toyama T. (2004), “The CYP19 gene codon 39 Trp/Arg polymorphism increases breast cancer risk in subsets of premenopausal Japanese”, Cancer Epidemiol BiomarkPrev, 13, pp.1407–1411.8. Kristensen V. N., Harada N., Yoshimura N., Haraldsen E., Lonning P. E. (2000), “Genetic variants of CYP19 (aromatase) and breast cancer risk”, Oncogene, 19, pp.1329–1333.9. Lunardi G., Piccioli P., Bruzzi P., Notaro R., Lastraioli S., Serra M. (2013), “Plasma estrone sulfate concentrations and genetic variation at the CYP19A1 locus in postmenopausal women with early breast cancer treated with letrozole”, Breast Cancer Research and Treatment, 137(1), pp.167–174.10. Miyoshi Y., Iwao K., Ikeda N., Egawa C., Noguchi S., (2000), “Breast cancer risk associated with polymorphism in CYP19 in Japanese women”, Int J Cancer, 89, pp.325–328. 11. Pineda B., García-Pérez M.Á., Cano A., Lluch A., Eroles P. (2013), “Associations between Aromatase CYP19 rs10046 Polymorphism and Breast Cancer Risk: From a Case–Control to a Meta–Analysis of 20.098 Subjects”, PLos One, 8(1), pp.1–9.12. Ralph D. A., Zhao L. P., Aston C. E., Manjeshwar S., Pugh T. W. (2007), “Age-specific association of steroid hormone pathway gene polymorphisms with breast cancer risk”, Cancer, 109, pp.1940–1948.13. Samson M., Rama R., Swaminathan R., Sridevi V., Nancy K. N., Rajkumar T., (2009), “CYP17 (T-34C), CYP19 (Trp39Arg), and FGFR2 (C-906T) polymorphisms and the risk of breast cancer in South Indian women”, Asian Pacific J Cancer Prev, 10, pp.111–116.14. Yang L., Wang X. Y., Li Y. T., Wang H. L., Wu T., Wang B. (2015), “CYP19 gene polymorphisms and the susceptibility to breast cancer in Xinjiang Uigur women”, Genetics and Molecular Research, 14(3), pp.8473–8482.15. Yoshimoto N., Nishiyama T., Toyama T., Takahashi S., Shiraki N., Sugiura H., (2011), “Genetic and environmental predictors, endogenous hormones and growth factors, and risk of estrogen receptor positive breast cancer in Japanese women”, Cancer Science, 102(11), pp.2065–2072.16. Zins K., Mogg M., Schneeberger C., Abraham D., (2014), “Analysis of the rs10046 polymorphism of aromatase (CYP19) in premenopausal onset of human breast cancer”, International Journal of Molecular Sciences, 15(1), pp.712–724.

The article is focused on the study of the perception of Lesya Ukrainka, a famous Ukrainian writer, in contemporary Ukrainian society. The research is based on a free word association test held online with 200 respondents aged from 13 to 70. As a result of applying quantitative analysis of the associates and semantic gestalt method the authors singled out productive semantic zones concerning each of the stimuli. These zones presented an anthroponymic triad of personality identification related to the author’s names ‘Larysa Kvitka’, ‘Larysa Kosach’, and the pseudonym ‘Lesya Ukrainka’. The nuclear zones in each associative field manifest a tendency for uniformity. They are related to her professional activities, her works, elements of inner and outer portrayal, as well as of evaluative spectrum. The respondents have shown predominantly high levels of knowledge about Lesya Ukrainka’s personality, which is proven, in particular, by their reverse frequency reactions and peripheral character of zero reactions. A dominant positive evaluative spectrum of perception of Lesya Ukrainka, as well as productivity of individual associates of interpretational character, was also important. References Barnett, L. (2007). The nature of playfulness in young adults. Personality and Individual Differences, 43, 949-958. Bowman, J. (1987). Making Work Play. In G. A. Fine (Ed.), Meaningful Play, Playful Meanings (pp. 61-71). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Bundy, A. (1996). Play and Playfulness: What to Look for. In D.L. Parham & L. S. Fazio (Eds.), Play in Occupational Therapy for Children (pp. 52−66). St. Louis, MO: Mosby. Chapman, J. (1978). Playfulness and the development of divergent thinking abilities. Child: Care, Health and Development, 4, 371-383. Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1975). Play and intrinsic rewards. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 15, 41-63. Dal, V. I. (2011). Explanatory Dictionary of the Living Great Russian Language: in four volumes. Publishing house: Drofa. Retrieved from: http://slovardalja.net/ Glynn, M., & Webster, J. (1992). The adult playfulness scale: an initial assessment. Psychological Reports, 71 (1), 83-103. https://doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1992.71.1.83 Гордиенко-Митрофанова, И.В. (2014а). Лексикографическое значение слова «игривость» (подготовительный этап психолингвистического эксперимента). Психологічні перспективи, 24, 76-88. Гордиенко-Митрофанова, И.В. (2014b). Психологическое содержание лексикографических значений слова «игривый» (подготовительный этап психолингвистического эксперимента). Проблеми сучасної педагогічної освіти, 46 (3), 298-306. Gordienko-Mytrofanova, I., & Kobzieva, Iu. (2017a). Playful competence: the access code to the inner resources. Proceedings of the 15th European Congress of Psychology. Amsterdam, 11-14 July. (19) Gordienko-Mytrofanova, I., & Kobzieva, Iu. (2017b). Humour as a component of ludic competence. Visnyk of H.S. Skovoroda Kharkiv National Pedagogical University, Psychology, 57, 40-56. Gordienko-Mytrofanova, I. & Kobzieva, Iu. (2018). Concept “holy fool” in the linguistic world-image of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. Psycholinguistics-Psiholingvistika, 24(1), 118-133. https://doi.org/10.31470/2309-1797-2018-24-1-118-133 Gordienko-Mytrofanova, I. & Kobzieva, Iu. (2019). Gender- and role-specific differences in the perception of the concept “impishness” (based on the results of a psycholinguistic experiment). Psycholinguistics-Psiholingvistika, 25(1), 33-48. https://doi.org/10.31470/2309-1797-2019-25-1-33-48 Gordienko-Mytrofanova, I., Kobzieva, Iu. & Silina, A. (2018a). Psycholinguistic meanings of the verbalised concept “holy fool” (based on the results of the psycholinguistic experiment). Vіsnyk of H. S. Skovoroda Kharkiv National Pedagogical University, Psychology, 59, 18-34. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2527863 Gordiienko-Mytrofanova, I., Kobzieva, I. & Sauta, S. (2019). Psycholinguistic meanings of playfulness. East European Journal of Psycholinguistics, 6(1), 19-31. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3371627 Gordienko-Mytrofanova, I., Pidchasov, Ye., Sauta, S., & Kobzieva, Iu. (2018b). The problem of sample representativeness for conducting experimental and broad psychological research. Psycholinguistics-Psiholingvistika, 23(1), 11-46. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1212360 Gordiienko-Mytrofanova, I. V., & Sauta, S. L. (2016). Playfulness as a peculiar expression of sexual relationships (semantic interpretation of the results of the psycholinguistic experiment). European Humanities Studies: State and Society, 1, 46-62. Retrieved from: http://ehs-ss.pl/czasopismo/EHS-SS-01-2016.pdf Gordiienko-Mytrofanova, I. & Sypko, A. (2015). Playfulness as a relevant lexeme in the bilingual linguistic consciousness of Ukrainian people. East European Journal of Psycholinguistics, 2(1), 43-51. Retrieved from http://esnuir.eenu.edu.ua/bitstream/ 123456789/9355/1/eejpl_journal_2_1_2015_sypko_hordiyenko_mytrofanova.pdf Groos, K. (1976). The Play of Man: Teasing and Love-Play. In J. Brunner, A. Jolly, & K. Sylva (Eds.), Play, Development and Evolution (pp. 62–83). Middlesex, United Kingdom: Penguin Books. Guitard, P., Ferland, F. & Dutil, É. (2005). Toward a better understanding of playfulness in adults. OTJR: Occupation, Participation and Health, 25 (1), 9-22. https://doi.org/10.1177/153944920502500103 Кобзева, Ю., Гордиенко-Митрофанова, И., Гончаренко-Кулиш, А. (2020a). Определение шаловливости как компонента игровой компетентности через реконструкцию семантических элементов концепта «шаловливость». Проблеми сучасної психології, 47, 118-140. https://doi.org/10.32626/2227-6246.2020-47 Kobzieva Iu., Gordienko-Mytrofanova I., Sauta S. (2020b). Psycholinguistic Features of Imagination as a Component of Ludic Competence. EUREKA: Social and Humanities, 2, 15-23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001128 Kobzieva Iu., Gordienko-Mytrofanova I., Udovenko M., Sauta S. (2020c). Concept “humour” in the linguistic consciousness of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. European Journal of Humour Research, 8(1), 29-44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/EJHR2020.8.1.kobzieva. Караулов Ю. Н., Черкасова Г. А., Уфимцева Н. В., Сорокин Ю. А., Тарасов Е. Ф. Русский ассоциативный словарь. В 2-х т. Т. I. От стимула к реакции: ок.7000 стимулов. М.: ООО «Издательство Астрель»: ООО Издательство АСТ». Караулов Ю. Н., Черкасова Г. А., Уфимцева Н. В., Сорокин Ю. А., Тарасов Е. Ф. Русский ассоциативный словарь. В 2-х т. Т. II. От реакции к стимулу: более 100 000 реакций. М.: ООО «Издательство Астрель»: ООО Издательство АСТ». Ожегов, С. И., Шведова, Н. Ю. (2011). Толковый словарь русского языка. Москва: Мир и образование, Оникс. Попова, З. Д., Стернин, И. А. (2007). Семантико-когнитивный анализ языка. Воронеж: Истоки. Proyer, R. (2012). Development and initial assessment of a short measure for adult playfulness: The SMAP. Personality and Individual Differences, 53 (8), 989-994. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2012.07.018 Proyer, R. (2017). A new structural model for the study of adult playfulness: Assessment and exploration of an understudied individual differences variable. Personality and Individual Differences, 108, 113-122. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2016.12.011 Raven, J. (2001). The Conceptualisation of Competence. New York: Peter Lang. Schaefer, C. & Greenberg, R. (1997). Measurement of playfulness: a neglected therapist variable. International Journal of Play Therapy, 6(2), 21-31. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0089406 Shen, X. (2010). Adult Playfulness as a Personality Trait: Its Conceptualization, Measurement, and Relationship to Psychological Well-Being. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from Pennsylvania State University Library Catalog (OCLC No. 859524715). Shen, X., Chick, G. & Zinn, H. (2014). Playfulness in adulthood as a personality trait: a reconceptualization and a new measurement. Journal of Leisure Research, 46(1), 58-83. https://doi.org/10.1080/00222216.2014.11950313 Стернин, И. А., Рудакова, А. В. (2011). Психолингвистическое значение слова и его описание. Воронеж: Ламберт. Tsuji, Hit., Tsuji, Hei., Yamada, S., Natsuno, Y., Morita, Y., Mukoyama, Y., Hata, K. & Fujishima, Y. (1996). Standardization of the Five Factor Personality Questionnaire: Factor structure. International Journal of Psychology, 31. Proceedings from the XXVI International Congress of Psychology Montreal, 16-21August (103-217). Уфимцева, Н. (2009). Образ мира русских: системность и содержание. Язык и культура, 98-111. Ушаков, Д. Н. (1935-1940). Толковый словарь русского языка: в четырех томах. Москва: Сов.энциклопедия: ОГИЗ. Yarnal, C. & Qian, X. (2011). Older-adult playfulness: an innovative construct and measurement for healthy aging research. American Journal of Play, 4 (1), 52-79. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ985548.pdf Ефремова, Т. Ф. (2000). Новый словарь русского языка. Толково-словообразовательный. Москва: Русский язык. Епишкин, Н. И. (2010). Историчесикй словарь галлицизмов русского языка. Словарное издательство ЭТС. Yue, X., Leung, C. & Hiranandani, N. (2016). Adult playfulness, humor styles, and subjective happiness. Psychological Reports, 119 (3), 630-640. https://doi.org/10.1177/0033294116662842 Засекина, Л. В. (2008). Тенденції розвитку вітчизняної психолінгвістики: методологічний огляд проблем та окреслення шляхів їх вирішення. Retrieved from: Psycholinguistics-Psiholingvistika, 1. Retrieved from: http://nbuv.gov.ua/UJRN/psling_2008_1_2 References (translated and transliterated) Barnett, L. (2007). The nature of playfulness in young adults. Personality and Individual Differences, 43, 949-958. Bowman, J. (1987). Making Work Play. In G. A. Fine (Ed.), Meaningful Play, Playful Meanings (pp. 61-71). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Bundy, A. (1996). Play and Playfulness: What to Look for. In D.L. Parham & L. S. Fazio (Eds.), Play in Occupational Therapy for Children (pp. 52−66). St. Louis, MO: Mosby. Chapman, J. (1978). Playfulness and the development of divergent thinking abilities. Child: Care, Health and Development, 4, 371-383. Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1975). Play and intrinsic rewards. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 15, 41-63. Dal, V. I. (2011). Tolkovyi Slovar Zhivogo Velikorusskogo Yazyka [Explanatory Dictionary of the Living Great Russian Language]: in four volumes. Publishing house: Drofa. Retrieved from: http://slovardalja.net/ Glynn, M., & Webster, J. (1992). The adult playfulness scale: an initial assessment. Psychological Reports, 71(1), 83-103. https://doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1992.71.1.83 Gordiienko-Mytrofanova, I.V. (2014a). Leksikograficheskoie znacheniie slova “igrivost” (podgotovitelnyi etap psikholingvisticheskogo eksperimenta) [The lexicographic meaning of the word “playfulness” (preparatory stage of a psycholinguistic experiment)]. Psykholohichni Perspektyvy − Psychological Prospects, 24, 76-88. Gordiienko-Mytrofanova, I.V. (2014b). Psikhologicheskoie soderzhaniie leksikograficheskikh znachenii slova “igrivyi” (podgotovitelnyi etap psikholingvisticheskogo eksperimenta) [The psychological content of lexicographic meanings of the word “playful” (preparatory stage of the psycholinguistic experiment)]. Problemy suchasnoi pedahohichnoi osvity − Problems of Modern Pedagogical Education, 46(3), 298-306. Gordiienko-Mytrofanova, I.V. (2014c). Psikhologicheskaia interpretatsiia leksikograficheskogo opisaniia slova “igrivyi” [Psychological interpretation of the lexicographic description of the word “playful”]. Problemy Suchasnoi Psykholohii − Problems of Modern Psychology, 25, 83-98. Gordienko-Mytrofanova, I., & Kobzieva, Iu. (2017a). Playful competence: the access code to the inner resources. Proceedings of the 15th European Congress of Psychology Amsterdam, 11-14 July. (19). Gordienko-Mytrofanova, I., & Kobzieva, Iu. (2017b). Humour as a component of ludic competence. Visnyk of H.S. Skovoroda Kharkiv National Pedagogical University, Psychology, 57, 40-56. Gordienko-Mytrofanova, I. & Kobzieva, Iu. (2018). Concept “holy fool” in the linguistic world-image of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. Psycholinguistics- Psiholingvistika, 24 (1), 118-133. https://doi.org/10.31470/2309-1797-2018-24-1-118-133 Gordienko-Mytrofanova, I. & Kobzieva, Iu. (2019). Gender- and role-specific differences in the perception of the concept “impishness” (based on the results of a psycholinguistic experiment). Psycholinguistics-Psiholingvistika, 25(1), 33-48. https://doi.org/10.31470/2309-1797-2019-25-1-33-48 Gordienko-Mytrofanova, I., Kobzieva, Iu. & Silina, A. (2018a). Psycholinguistic meanings of the verbalised concept “holy fool” (based on the results of the psycholinguistic experiment). Vіsnyk of H. S. Skovoroda Kharkiv National Pedagogical University, Psychology, 59, 18-34. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2527863 Gordiienko-Mytrofanova, I., Kobzieva, I. & Sauta, S. (2019). Psycholinguistic meanings of playfulness. East European Journal of Psycholinguistics, 6(1), 19-31. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3371627 Gordienko-Mytrofanova, I., Pidchasov, Ye., Sauta, S., & Kobzieva, Iu. (2018b). The problem of sample representativeness for conducting experimental and broad psychological research. Psycholinguistics-Psiholingvistika, 23(1), 11-46. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1212360 Gordiienko-Mytrofanova, I. V., & Sauta, S. L. (2016). Playfulness as a peculiar expression of sexual relationships (semantic interpretation of the results of the psycholinguistic experiment). European Humanities Studies: State and Society, 1, 46-62. Retrieved from: http://ehs-ss.pl/czasopismo/EHS-SS-01-2016.pdf Gordiienko-Mytrofanova, I. & Sypko, A. (2015). Playfulness as a relevant lexeme in the bilingual linguistic consciousness of Ukrainian people. East European Journal of Psycholinguistics, 2(1), 43-51. Retrieved from: http://esnuir.eenu.edu.ua/bitstream/ 123456789/9355/1/eejpl_journal_2_1_2015_sypko_hordiyenko_mytrofanova.pdf Groos, K. (1976). The Play of Man: Teasing and Love-Play. In J. Brunner, A. Jolly, & K. Sylva (Eds.), Play, Development and Evolution (pp. 62–83). Middlesex, United Kingdom: Penguin Books. Guitard, P., Ferland, F. & Dutil, É. (2005). Toward a better understanding of playfulness in adults. OTJR: Occupation, Participation and Health, 25 (1), 9-22. https://doi.org/10.1177/153944920502500103 Kobzieva, Iu., Gordienko-Mytrofanova, I., Goncharenko-Kulish, A. (2020a). Opredeleniie shalovlivosti kak komponenta igrovoi kompetentosti cherez rekonstruktsiiu semanticheskikh elementov kontsepta “shalovlivost” [Defining impishness as a component of ludic competence via restructuring semantic elements of the concept “impishness”]. Problemy Suchasnoi Psykholohii − Problems of Modern Psychology, 47, 118-140. https://doi.org/10.32626/2227-6246.2020-47 Kobzieva Iu., Gordienko-Mytrofanova I., Sauta S. (2020b). Psycholinguistic Features of Imagination as a Component of Ludic Competence. EUREKA: Social and Humanities, 2, 15-23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001128 Kobzieva Iu., Gordienko-Mytrofanova I., Udovenko M., Sauta S. (2020c). 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Semantiko-Kognitivnyi Analiz Yazyka [Semantic and Cognitive Analysis of Language]. Voronezh: Istoki. Proyer, R. (2012). Development and initial assessment of a short measure for adult playfulness: The SMAP. Personality and Individual Differences, 53(8), 989-994. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2012.07.018 Proyer, R. (2017). A new structural model for the study of adult playfulness: Assessment and exploration of an understudied individual differences variable. Personality and Individual Differences, 108, 113-122. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2016.12.011 Raven, J. (2001). The Conceptualisation of Competence. New York: Peter Lang. Schaefer, C. & Greenberg, R. (1997). Measurement of playfulness: a neglected therapist variable. International Journal of Play Therapy, 6 (2), 21-31. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0089406 Shen, X. (2010). Adult Playfulness as a Personality Trait: Its Conceptualization, Measurement, and Relationship to Psychological Well-Being. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from Pennsylvania State University Library Catalog (OCLC No. 859524715). Shen, X., Chick, G. & Zinn, H. (2014). Playfulness in adulthood as a personality trait: a reconceptualization and a new measurement. Journal of Leisure Research, 46 (1), 58-83. https://doi.org/10.1080/00222216.2014.11950313 Sternin, I. A., & Rudakova, A. V. (2011). Psikholingvisticheskoie znacheniie slova i yego opisaniie [Psycholinguistic meaning of the word and its description]. Voronezh: Lambert Tsuji, Hit., Tsuji, Hei., Yamada, S., Natsuno, Y., Morita, Y., Mukoyama, Y., Hata, K. & Fujishima, Y. (1996). Standardization of the Five Factor Personality Questionnaire: Factor structure. International Journal of Psychology, 31. Proceedings from the XXVI International Congress of Psychology Montreal, 16-21August (103-217). Ufimtseva, N. (2009). Obraz mira russkikh: sistemnost i soderzhaniie [Image of the world of Russians: the systemic characteristics and the content]. 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Adult playfulness, humor styles, and subjective happiness. Psychological Reports, 119(3), 630-640. https://doi.org/10.1177/0033294116662842 Zasiekina, L. V. (2008). Tendentsiii rozvytku vitchyznianoii psykholingvistyky: metodolohichnyi ohliad problem ta okreslennia shlyakhiv yikh vyrishennia [Trends in the development of national psycholinguistics: a methodological overview of problems and outlining ways to solve them]. Psycholinguistics-Psiholingvistika, 1. Retrieved from: http://nbuv.gov.ua/UJRN/psling_2008_1_2

Aphelenchoides besseyi is considered one of the most damaging plant parasitic nematodes to rice and can cause white tip disease. It was first discovered in Kyushu, Japan in 1915 and introduced into China from Japan in the 1940s. The disease is mainly found in rice-planting areas in South China (Zhu et al. 2016; Wang et al. 2017; Xu et al. 2019), causing yield losses of 30%-50% in irrigated rice (Wang et al. 2014). In summer 2021, rice plants displaying distortion and discoloration on new leaves, white tips on flag leaves, erect and shorter panicles, and fewer or less filled spikelets were observed in the rice field in Acheng district, Harbin city, Heilongjiang Province, China (13°32′33″S, 58°48′51″W). Plant samples with the typical symptoms of ‘white tip’ in the flag leaves were collected and transported to the laboratory for further pathogen identification. Nematodes were extracted from the leaves and panicles of diseased plants using Baermann funnel method, and the population density of nematode was an average of 57 individuals per sample (total 28 diseased samples). The main morphological characteristics of females (n = 20) and males (n = 15) were individually determined using a microscope (LEICA, DM2500). Female body was slender, and straight to ventrally curved when heat-relaxed, with a rounded cephalic region, the lateral field with four incisures, the excretory pore close to the anterior edge of the nerve ring, a narrow post-vulval sac and less than 1/3 the distance from the vulva to the anus, and a conoid tail with star-shaped mucro. Female measurements: body length = 724.6 (593.3 to 867.5) μm, stylet = 11.7 (10.9 to 12.5) μm, tail length = 39.4 (35.8 to 44.4) μm, a = 45.2 (38.6 to 51.0), b = 10.1 (9.4 to 10.7), c = 18.47 (14.7 to 21.4), and V = 71.1 (65.0 to 79.6). The body of male usually showed in a ‘J’ shape when relaxed, spicule length between 17.1 and 19.4 μm, and a conoid tail, with terminal mucro bearing two to four pointed processes. Male measurements: body length = 546.3 (521.7 to 587.6) μm, stylet = 11.9 (10.7 to 12.6) μm, tail length = 32.54 (29.53 to 34.35) μm, a = 37.7 (35.7 to 40.4), b = 8.7 (8.5 to 9.1), c = 17.8 (15.8 to19.4). The key morphological characteristics were coincident with the description of A. besseyi by Christie (1942), Ou et al. (2014) and Chen et al. (2020). DNA was extracted from six fresh nematodes, and the partial 18S-rRNA was amplified with a pair of primers 1813F/2646R (5’-CTGCGTGAGAGGTGAAAT-3’; 5’-GCTACCTTGTTACGACTTTT-3’) (Holterman et al. 2006). PCR products of expected size were purified and sequenced. The newly obtained sequence (accession no. ON629604) was submitted to GenBank and displayed more than 99.5% identity with that of A. besseyi isolates (KT943536, KT454963, JQ957877). Additionally, the isolated nematodes were further confirmed using the species-specific primers Abess_11F/Abess_11R (5’-GTATTCAATCCCGCGACACT-3’; 5’-CATCCTGTTCGGGCATAGTT-3’), and the PCR amplification generated a 570 bp fragment which was specific to the 28S rDNA region of A. besseyi reported previously (Noronha et al. 2020). The pathogenicity test was confirmed in a pot assay. Approximately 2000 mixed-stage A. besseyi (juveniles, males and females) were obtained from the field-diseased rice plants, and ten-day-old rice seedlings (Japonica rice variety, Keyou 1) (n = 5) were inoculated with 400 nematodes per seedling and maintained in a greenhouse. During early growth stages (fifty days after inoculation), some young leaves of infected plants showed the chlorotic tips. Ninety days after inoculation, similar field symptoms (white tip on leaves) were observed on the aerial tissues of the inoculated plants, and an average of 237 A. besseyi were re-isolated from each plant. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first report of A. besseyi on rice plant in Heilongjiang Province of Northeast China. This finding indicates that A. besseyi could become a severe threat to rice production in Heilongjiang Province and contributes to the further inspection and prevention of white tip disease in rice-growing areas of Heilongjiang Province.

<p><span lang="EN-US">H</span><span lang="EN-US">ukum<span>A</span>dm<span>i</span>n<span>i</span>st<span>r</span>asi<span>N</span>e<span>g</span>a<span>r</span>ame<span>r</span>u<span>p</span>ak<span>a</span>nhu<span>k</span>um<span>y</span>angse<span>l</span>a<span>l</span>ube<span>r</span>ka<span>i</span><span>t</span>an den<span>g</span>an akt<span>i</span><span>v</span><span>i</span>tas pe<span>ril</span>aku a<span>d</span>m<span>i</span>n<span>i</span>st<span>r</span>asi <span> </span><span>n</span>e<span>g</span>a<span>r</span>a <span> </span>dan <span> </span>k<span>e</span>bu<span>t</span>uh<span>a</span>n <span> </span><span>m</span><span>a</span>s<span>y</span>a<span>r</span>akat se<span>r</span>ta <span> </span><span>i</span>nte<span>r</span>aksi <span> </span>d<span>i</span>a<span>n</span>ta<span>r</span>a ked<span>u</span>an<span>y</span>a. <span> </span><span>D</span>i <span> </span>saat s<span>i</span>stem <span> </span>a<span>d</span>m<span>i</span>n<span>i</span>st<span>r</span>asi <span> </span><span>n</span>e<span>g</span>a<span>r</span>a <span> </span><span>y</span>ang men<span>j</span>adi <span> </span>p<span>il</span>ar <span> </span>pe<span>l</span>a<span>y</span>anan <span> </span>public m<span>e</span>n<span>g</span>ha<span>da</span>pi <span> </span>ma<span>s</span>a<span>l</span>ah <span> </span><span>y</span>ang fu<span>n</span>da<span>m</span>en<span>t</span>al maka <span>r</span>ekon<span>s</span>ep<span>t</span>ua<span>li</span><span>s</span>as<span>i</span>, <span>r</span>epos<span>i</span>si <span>d</span>an <span>r</span>e<span>v</span><span>i</span>ta<span>li</span>sasi kedudu<span>k</span>an huk<span>u</span>m adm<span>i</span>n<span>i</span>st<span>r</span>asine<span>g</span>a<span>r</span>a<span>m</span>en<span>j</span>adis<span>a</span>tuk<span>e</span>ha<span>r</span>us<span>a</span>nda<span>l</span><span>a</span>m<span>r</span>an<span>g</span>kap<span>e</span>n<span>y</span>e<span>l</span>en<span>gg</span>a<span>r</span>aan pe<span>m</span>e<span>ri</span>nt<span>a</span>hand<span>a</span>n<span>p</span>e<span>n</span>e<span>r</span>ap<span>a</span>n<span>g</span>oodgo<span>v</span>e<span>r</span>n<span>an</span>ce. Sistem Administrasi Negara Republik Indonesia (SANRI) secara luas memiliki arti Sistem Penyelenggaraan Negara Indonesia menurut UUD 1945, yang merupakan sistem penyelenggaraan kehidupan negara dan bangsa dalam segala aspeknya, sedangkan dalam arti sempit, SANRI adalah idiil Pancasila, Konstitusional – UUD 1945, operasional RPMJ Nasional serta kebijakan-kebijakan lainnya.Tujuan Penulisan Makalah ini dibuat untuk memenuhi salah satu tugas </span><span lang="EN-US"> </span><span lang="EN-US">pada mata kuliah </span><span lang="IN"> Hukum </span><span lang="EN-US">dan Kebijakan Publik </span><span lang="IN">Indonesia </span><span lang="EN-US">dan ingin lebih mengetahui </span><span lang="IN">serta </span><span lang="EN-US">mengkaji tentang </span><span lang="IN">Pelayanan Public dalam Konsep Good Governance</span><span>, </span><span lang="EN-US"> Penerapan Hukum Perizinan di Indonesia, Restrukturisasi Pelayanan Perizinan di Indonesia. Hukum tata usaha (administrasi) negara adalah hukum yang mengatur kegiatan administrasi negara. Yaitu hukum yang mengatur tata pelaksanaan pemerintah dalam menjalankan tugasnya. </span><span lang="IN">Hukum Administrasi telah berkembang dalam suasana manakala pihak Pemerintah mulai menata masyarakat dan dalam kaitan itu menggunakan sarana hukum, umpamanya dengan menetapkan keputusan-keputusan larangan tertentu atau dengan menerbitkan sistem-sistem perizinan.</span><strong></strong><span lang="IN">Karena izin merupakan suatu hubungan antara Pemerintah dengan masyarakat </span><span>maka </span><span lang="IN">Pemerintah dalam rangka meningkatkan pelayanan publik</span><span> atau pelayanan kepada masyarakat </span><span lang="IN"> dan perekonomian daerah perlu meningkatkan profesionalisme, termasuk penataan bidang perizinan guna meningkatkan pelayanan publik karena perizinan adalah elemen yang sangat diperhatikan para pelaku bisnis dalam menanamkan investasinya didaerah. </span><span>Khusus dalam Restruturisasi dan revitalisasi di bidang perizinan Pemerintah telah menerbitkan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 24 Tahun 2018 tentang Pelayanan Perizinan Berusaha Terintegrasi Secara Elektronik ( Online Single Submission /OSS ). Sistem </span><span lang="X-NONE">OSS mengintegrasikan seluruh pelayanan perizinan berusaha yang menjadi kewenangan Menteri/Pimpinan Lembaga, Gubernur, atau Bupati/Walikota yang dilakukan melalui elektronik</span><span lang="EN-US"> dan Peraturan Presiden Republik Indonesia Nomor 91 tahun 2017 tentang Percepatan Pelaksanaan Berusaha</span></p>

Photo by Ishan @seefromthesky on Unsplash ABSTRACT A strike to highlight the plight facing contract doctors which has been proposed has received mixed reactions from those within the profession and the public. This unprecedented nationwide proposal has the potential to cause real-world effects, posing an ethical dilemma. Although strikes are common, especially in high-income countries, these industrial actions by doctors in Malaysia are almost unheard of. Reviewing available evidence from various perspectives is therefore imperative to update the profession and the complexity of invoking this important human right. INTRODUCTION Contract doctors in Malaysia held a strike on July 26, 2021. COVID-19 cases are increasing in Malaysia. In June, daily cases ranged between 4,000 to 8,000 despite various public health measures. The R naught, which indicates the infectiousness of COVID-19, remains unchanged. During the pandemic, health care workers (HCWs) have been widely celebrated, resulting in a renewed appreciation of the risks that they face.[1] The pandemic has exposed flawed governance in the public healthcare system, particularly surrounding the employment of contract doctors. Contract doctors in Malaysia are doctors who have completed their medical training, as well as two years of internship, and have subsequently been appointed as medical officers for another two years. Contract doctors are not permanently appointed, and the system did not allow extensions after the two years nor does it offer any opportunity to specialize.[2] Last week, Parliament did decide to offer a two-year extension but that did not hold off the impending strike.[3] In 2016, the Ministry of Health introduced a contract system to place medical graduates in internship positions at government healthcare facilities across the country rather than placing them in permanent posts in the Public Service Department. Social media chronicles the issues that doctors in Malaysia faced. However, tensions culminated when and contract doctors called for a strike which ended up taking place in late July 2021. BACKGROUND Over the past decade, HCW strikes have arisen mostly over wages, work hours, and administrative and financial factors.[4] In 2012, the British Medical Association organized a single “day of action” by boycotting non-urgent care as a response to government pension reforms.[5] In Ireland, doctors went on strike for a day in 2013 to protest the austerity measures implemented by the EU in response to the global economic crisis. It involved a dispute over long working hours (100 hours per week) which violated EU employment laws and more importantly put patients’ lives at risk.[6] The strike resulted in the cancellation of 15,000 hospital appointments, but emergencies services were continued. Other major strikes have been organized in the UK to negotiate better pay for HCWs in general and junior doctors’ contracts specifically.[7] During the COVID-19 pandemic, various strikes have also been organized in Hong Kong, the US, and Bolivia due to various pitfalls in managing the pandemic.[8] A recent strike in August 2020 by South Korean junior doctors and medical students was organized to protest a proposed medical reform plan which did not address wage stagnation and unfair labor practices.[9] These demands are somewhat similar to the proposed strike by contract doctors in Malaysia. As each national health system operates within a different setting, these strikes should be examined in detail to understand the degree of self-interest involved versus concerns for patient’s welfare. l. The Malaysia Strike An anonymous group planned the current strike in Malaysia. The group used social media, garnering the attention of various key stakeholders including doctors, patients, government, and medical councils.[10] The organizers of the strike referred to their planned actions as a hartal. (Although historically a hartal involved a total shutdown of workplaces, offices, shops, and other establishments as a form of civil disobedience, the Malaysian contract doctors pledged no disturbance to healthcare working hours or services and intend a walk-out that is symbolic and reflective of a strike.)[11] The call to action mainly involved showing support for the contract doctors with pictures and placards. The doctors also planned the walk-out.[12] Despite earlier employment, contract medical doctors face many inequalities as opposed to their permanent colleagues. These include differences in basic salary, provisions of leave, and government loans despite doing the same job. The system disadvantages contract doctors offering little to no job security and limited career progression. Furthermore, reports in 2020 showed that close to 4,000 doctors’ contracts were expected to expire by May 2022, leaving their futures uncertain.[13] Some will likely be offered an additional two years as the government faces pressure from the workers. Between December 2016 and May 2021, a total of 23,077 contract doctors were reportedly appointed as medical officers, with only 789 receiving permanent positions.[14] It has been suggested that they are appointed into permanent positions based on merit but the criteria for the appointments remain unclear. Those who fail to acquire a permanent position inevitably seek employment elsewhere. During the COVID-19 pandemic, there have been numerous calls for the government to absorb contract doctors into the public service as permanent staff with normal benefits. This is important considering a Malaysian study that revealed that during the pandemic over 50 percent of medical personnel feel burned out while on duty.[15] This effort might be side-lined as the government prioritizes curbing the pandemic. As these issues remain neglected, the call for a strike should be viewed as a cry for help to reignite the discussions about these issues. ll. Right to strike The right to strike is recognized as a fundamental human right by the UN and the EU.[16] Most European countries also protect the right to strike in their national constitutions.[17] In the US, the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947 prohibited healthcare workers of non-profit hospitals to form unions and engage in collective bargaining. But this exclusion was repealed in 1947 and replaced with the requirement of a 10-day advanced written notice prior to any strike action.[18] Similarly, Malaysia also recognizes the right to dispute over labor matters, either on an individual or collective basis. The Industrial Relations Act (IRA) of 1967[19] describes a strike as: “the cessation of work by a body of workers acting in combination, or a concerted refusal or a refusal under a common understanding of a number of workers to continue to work or to accept employment, and includes any act or omission by a body of workers acting in combination or under a common understanding, which is intended to or does result in any limitation, restriction, reduction or cessation of or dilatoriness in the performance or execution of the whole or any part of the duties connected with their employment” According to the same act, only members of a registered trade union may legally participate in a strike with prior registration from the Director-General of Trade Unions.[20] Under Section 43 of the IRA, any strike by essential services (including healthcare) requires prior notice of 42 days to their employer.[21] Upon receiving the notice, the employer is responsible for reporting the particulars to the Director-General of Industrial Relations to allow a “cooling-off” period and appropriate action. Employees are also protected from termination if permitted by the Director-General and strike is legalized. The Malaysian contract healthcare workers’ strike was announced and transparent. Unfortunately, even after legalization, there is fear that the government may charge those participating in the legalized strike.[22] The police have announced they will pursue participants in the strike.[23] Even the Ministry of Health has issued a warning stating that those participating in the strike may face disciplinary actions from the ministry. However, applying these laws while ignoring the underlying issues may not bode well for the COVID-19 healthcare crisis. lll. Effects of a Strike on Health Care There is often an assumption that doctors’ strikes would unavoidably cause significant harm to patients. However, a systematic review examining several strikes involving physicians reported that patient mortality remained the same or fell during the industrial action.[24] A study after the 2012 British Medical Association strike has even shown that there were fewer in-hospital deaths on the day, both among elective and emergency populations, although neither difference was significant.[25] Similarly, a recent study in Kenya showed declines in facility-based mortality during strike months.[26] Other studies have shown no obvious changes in overall mortality during strikes by HCWs.[27] There is only one report of increased mortality associated with a strike in South Africa[28] in which all the doctors in the Limpopo province stopped providing any treatment to their patients for 20 consecutive days. During this time, only one hospital continued providing services to a population of 5.5 million people. Even though their data is incomplete, authors from this study found that the number of emergency room visits decreased during the strike, but the risks of mortality in the hospital for these patients increased by 67 percent.[29] However, the study compared the strike period to a randomly selected 20-day period in May rather than comparing an average of data taken from similar dates over previous years. This could greatly influence variations between expected annual hospital mortality possibly due to extremes in weather that may exacerbate pre-existing conditions such as heart failure during warmer months or selecting months with a higher incidence of viral illness such as influenza. Importantly, all strikes ensured that emergency services were continued, at least to the degree that is generally offered on weekends. Furthermore, many doctors still provide usual services to patients despite a proclaimed strike. For example, during the 2012 BMA strike, less than one-tenth of doctors were estimated to be participating in the strike.[30] Emergency care may even improve during strikes, especially those involving junior doctors who are replaced by more senior doctors.[31] The cancellation of elective surgeries may also increase the number of doctors available to treat emergency patients. Furthermore, the cancellation of elective surgery is likely to be responsible for transient decreases in mortality. Doctors also may get more rest during strike periods. Although doctor strikes do not seem to increase patient mortality, they can disrupt delivery of healthcare.[32] Disruptions in delivery of service from prolonged strikes can result in decline of in-patient admissions and outpatient service utilization, as suggested during strikes in the UK in 2016.[33] When emergency services were affected during the last strike in April, regular service was also significantly affected. Additionally, people might need to seek alternative sources of care from the private sector and face increased costs of care. HCWs themselves may feel guilty and demotivated because of the strikes. The public health system may also lose trust as a result of service disruption caused by high recurrence of strikes. During the COVID-19 pandemic, as the healthcare system remains stretched, the potential adverse effects resulting from doctor strikes remain uncertain and potentially disruptive. In the UK, it is an offence to “willfully and maliciously…endanger human life or cause serious bodily injury.”[34] Likewise, the General Medical Council (GMC) also requires doctors to ensure that patients are not harmed or put at risk by industrial action. In the US, the American Medical Association code of ethics prohibits strikes by physicians as a bargaining tactic, while allowing some other forms of collective bargaining.[35] However, the American College of Physicians prohibits all forms of work stoppages, even when undertaken for necessary changes to the healthcare system. Similarly, the Delhi Medical Council in India issued a statement that “under no circumstances doctors should resort to strike as the same puts patient care in serious jeopardy.”[36] On the other hand, the positions taken by the Malaysian Medical Council (MMC) and Malaysian Medical Association (MMA) on doctors’ strikes are less clear when compared to their Western counterparts. The MMC, in their recently updated Code of Professional Conduct 2019, states that “the public reputation of the medical profession requires that every member should observe proper standards of personal behavior, not only in his professional activities but at all times.” Strikes may lead to imprisonment and disciplinary actions by MMC for those involved. Similarly, the MMA Code of Medical Ethics published in 2002 states that doctors must “make sure that your personal beliefs do not prejudice your patients' care.”[37] The MMA which is traditionally meant to represent the voices of doctors in Malaysia, may hold a more moderate position on strikes. Although HCW strikes are not explicitly mentioned in either professional body’s code of conduct and ethics, the consensus is that doctors should not do anything that will harm patients and they must maintain the proper standard of behaviors. These statements seem too general and do not represent the complexity of why and how a strike could take place. Therefore, it has been suggested that doctors and medical organizations should develop a new consensus on issues pertaining to medical professional’s social contract with society while considering the need to uphold the integrity of the profession. Experts in law, ethics, and medicine have long debated whether and when HCW strikes can be justified. If a strike is not expected to result in patient harm it is perhaps acceptable.[38] Although these debates have centered on the potential risks that strikes carry for patients, these actions also pose risks for HCWs as they may damage morale and reputation.[39] Most fundamentally, strikes raise questions about what healthcare workers owe society and what society owes them. For strikes to be morally permissible and ethical, it is suggested that they must fulfil these three criteria:[40] a. Strikes should be proportionate, e., they ‘should not inflict disproportionate harm on patients’, and hospitals should as a minimum ‘continue to provide at least such critical services as emergency care.’ b. Strikes should have a reasonable hope of success, at least not totally futile however tough the political rhetoric is. c. Strikes should be treated as a last resort: ‘all less disruptive alternatives to a strike action must have been tried and failed’, including where appropriate ‘advocacy, dissent and even disobedience’. The current strike does not fulfil the criteria mentioned. As Malaysia is still burdened with a high number of COVID-19 cases, a considerable absence of doctors from work will disrupt health services across the country. Second, since the strike organizer is not unionized, it would be difficult to negotiate better terms of contract and career paths. Third, there are ongoing talks with MMA representing the fraternity and the current government, but the time is running out for the government to establish a proper long-term solution for these contract doctors. One may argue that since the doctors’ contracts will end in a few months with no proper pathways for specialization, now is the time to strike. However, the HCW right to strike should be invoked only legally and appropriately after all other options have failed. CONCLUSION The strike in Malaysia has begun since the drafting of this paper. Doctors involved assure that there will not be any risk to patients, arguing that the strike is “symbolic”.[41] Although an organized strike remains a legal form of industrial action, a strike by HCWs in Malaysia poses various unprecedented challenges and ethical dilemmas, especially during the pandemic. The anonymous and uncoordinated strike without support from the appropriate labor unions may only spark futile discussions without affirmative actions. It should not have taken a pandemic or a strike to force the government to confront the issues at hand. It is imperative that active measures be taken to urgently address the underlying issues relating to contract physicians. As COVID-19 continues to affect thousands of people, a prompt reassessment is warranted regarding the treatment of HCWs, and the value placed on health care. [1] Ministry of Health (MOH) Malaysia, “Current situation of COVID-19 in Malaysia.” http://covid-19.moh.gov.my/terkini (accessed Jul. 01, 2021). [2] “Future of 4,000 young doctors who are contract medical officers uncertain,” New Straits Times - November 26, 2020. https://www.nst.com.my/news/nation/2020/11/644563/future-4000-young-doctors-who-are-contract-medical-officers-uncertain [3] “Malaysia doctors strike, parliament meets as COVID strain shows,” Al Jazeera, July 26, 2021. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/7/26/malaysia-doctors-strike-parliament-meets-as-covid-strains-grow [4] R. Essex and S. M. Weldon, “Health Care Worker Strikes and the Covid Pandemic,” N. Engl. J. Med., vol. 384, no. 24, p. e93, Jun. 2021, doi: 10.1056/NEJMp2103327; G. Russo et al., “Health workers’ strikes in low-income countries: the available evidence,” Bull. World Health Organ., vol. 97, no. 7, pp. 460-467H, Jul. 2019, doi: 10.2471/BLT.18.225755. [5] M. Ruiz, A. Bottle, and P. Aylin, “A retrospective study of the impact of the doctors’ strike in England on 21 June 2012,” J. R. Soc. Med., vol. 106, no. 9, pp. 362–369, 2013, doi: 10.1177/0141076813490685. [6] E. Quinn, “Irish Doctors Strike to Protest Work Hours Amid Austerity,” The Wall Street Journal, 2013. https://www.wsj.com/articles/no-headline-available-1381217911?tesla=y (accessed Jun. 29, 2021). [7] “NHS workers back strike action in pay row by 2-to-1 margin,” The Guardian, 2014. https://www.theguardian.com/society/2014/sep/18/nhs-workers-strike-pay-unison-england (accessed Jun. 29, 2021); M. Limb, “Thousands of junior doctors march against new contract,” BMJ, p. h5572, Oct. 2015, doi: 10.1136/bmj.h5572. [8] J. Parry, “China coronavirus: Hong Kong health staff strike to demand border closure as city records first death,” BMJ, vol. 368, no. February, p. m454, Feb. 2020, doi: 10.1136/bmj.m454; “MultiCare healthcare workers strike, urging need for more PPEs, staff support,” Q13 FOX, 2020. https://www.q13fox.com/news/health-care-workers-strike-urging-need-for-ppes-risks-on-patient-safety (accessed Jun. 29, 2021); “Bolivia healthcare workers launch strike in COVID-hit region,” Al Jazeera, 2021. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/2/9/bolivia-healthcare-workers-strike-covid-hit-region (accessed Jun. 29, 2021). [9] K. Arin, “Why are Korean doctors striking?” The Korea Herald, 2020. http://www.koreaherald.com/view.php?ud=20200811000941 (accessed Jun. 29, 2021). [10] “Hartal Doktor Kontrak,” Facebook. https://www.facebook.com/hartaldoktorkontrak. [11] “Hartal,” Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary. https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/english/hartal (accessed Jun. 29, 2021). [12] “Hartal Doktor Kontrak,” Facebook. https://www.facebook.com/hartaldoktorkontrak. [13] R. Anand, “Underpaid and overworked, Malaysia’s contract doctors’ revolt amid Covid-19 surge,” The Straits Times, 2021. [14] Anand. [15] N. S. Roslan, M. S. B. Yusoff, A. R. Asrenee, and K. Morgan, “Burnout prevalence and its associated factors among Malaysian healthcare workers during covid-19 pandemic: An embedded mixed-method study,” Healthc., vol. 9, no. 1, 2021, doi: 10.3390/healthcare9010090. [16] Maina Kiai, “Report by the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association,” 2016. [Online]. Available: http://freeassembly.net/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/A.71.385_E.pdf. [17] ETUI contributors, Strike rules in the EU27 and beyond. The European Trade Union Institute. ETUI, 2007. [18] National Labor Relations Board, National Labor Relations Act. 1935, pp. 151–169. [19] Ministry of Human Resources, Industrial Relations Act 1967 (Act 177), no. October. 2015, pp. 1–76. [20] Article 10 of the Federal Constitution states that all citizens have the right to form associations including registered trade or labor unions. A secret ballot with two-third majority will suffice to call for a strike required for submission to the DGTU within 7 days as stated in Section 25(A) of the Trade Union Act 1959. [21] Ministry of Human Resources Malaysia, Guidelines on Strikes, Pickets and Lockouts in Malaysia. Putrajaya, 2011. [22] Ordinance Emergency which was declared in Malaysia since 12 January 2021. Under the Ordinance Emergency, the king or authorized personnel may, as deemed necessary, demand any resources. [23] “Malaysia doctors strike, parliament meets as COVID strain shows,” Al Jazeera, July 26, 2021. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/7/26/malaysia-doctors-strike-parliament-meets-as-covid-strains-grow [24] S. A. Cunningham, K. Mitchell, K. M. Venkat Narayan, and S. Yusuf, “Doctors’ strikes and mortality: A review,” Soc. Sci. Med., vol. 67, no. 11, pp. 1784–1788, Dec. 2008, doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2008.09.044. [25] M. Ruiz, A. Bottle, and P. Aylin, “A retrospective study of the impact of the doctors’ strike in England on 21 June 2012,” J. R. Soc. Med., vol. 106, no. 9, pp. 362–369, 2013, doi: 10.1177/0141076813490685. [26] G. K. Kaguthi, V. Nduba, and M. B. Adam, “The impact of the nurses’, doctors’ and clinical officer strikes on mortality in four health facilities in Kenya,” BMC Health Serv. Res., vol. 20, no. 1, p. 469, Dec. 2020, doi: 10.1186/s12913-020-05337-9. [27] G. Ong’ayo et al., “Effect of strikes by health workers on mortality between 2010 and 2016 in Kilifi, Kenya: a population-based cohort analysis,” Lancet Glob. Heal., vol. 7, no. 7, pp. e961–e967, Jul. 2019, doi: 10.1016/S2214-109X (19)30188-3. [28] M. M. Z. U. Bhuiyan and A. Machowski, “Impact of 20-day strike in Polokwane Hospital (18 August - 6 September 2010),” South African Med. J., vol. 102, no. 9, p. 755, Aug. 2012, doi: 10.7196/SAMJ.6045. [29] M. M. Z. U. Bhuiyan and A. Machowski, “Impact of 20-day strike in Polokwane Hospital (18 August - 6 September 2010),” South African Med. J., vol. 102, no. 9, p. 755, Aug. 2012, doi: 10.7196/SAMJ.6045. [30] M. Ruiz, A. Bottle, and P. Aylin, “A retrospective study of the impact of the doctors’ strike in England on 21 June 2012,” J. R. Soc. Med., vol. 106, no. 9, pp. 362–369, 2013, doi: 10.1177/0141076813490685. [31] D. Metcalfe, R. Chowdhury, and A. Salim, “What are the consequences when doctors strike?” BMJ, vol. 351, no. November, pp. 1–4, 2015, doi: 10.1136/bmj.h6231. [32] D. Waithaka et al., “Prolonged health worker strikes in Kenya- perspectives and experiences of frontline health managers and local communities in Kilifi County,” Int. J. Equity Health, vol. 19, no. 1, pp. 1–15, 2020, doi: 10.1186/s12939-020-1131-y. [33] The study has shown that there were 9.1% reduction in admissions and around 6% fewer emergency cases and outpatient appointments than expected. An additional 52% increase in expected outpatient appointments cancelations were made by hospitals during that period. D. Furnivall, A. Bottle, and P. Aylin, “Retrospective analysis of the national impact of industrial action by English junior doctors in 2016,” BMJ Open, vol. 8, no. 1, p. e019319, Jan. 2018, doi: 10.1136/bmjopen-2017-019319. [34] D. Metcalfe, R. Chowdhury, and A. Salim, “What are the consequences when doctors strike?” BMJ, vol. 351, no. November, pp. 1–4, 2015, doi: 10.1136/bmj.h6231. [35] R. Essex and S. M. Weldon, “Health Care Worker Strikes and the Covid Pandemic,” N. Engl. J. Med., vol. 384, no. 24, p. e93, Jun. 2021, doi: 10.1056/NEJMp2103327. [36] M. Selemogo, “Criteria for a just strike action by medical doctors,” Indian J. Med. Ethics, vol. 346, no. 21, pp. 1609–1615, Jan. 2014, doi: 10.20529/IJME.2014.010. [37] Malaysian Medical Association, “Malaysian Medical Association Official Website.” https://mma.org.my (accessed Jun. 29, 2021). [38] M. Toynbee, A. A. J. Al-Diwani, J. Clacey, and M. R. Broome, “Should junior doctors strike?” J. Med. Ethics, vol. 42, no. 3, pp. 167–170, Mar. 2016, doi: 10.1136/medethics-2015-103310. [39] R. Essex and S. M. Weldon, “Health Care Worker Strikes and the Covid Pandemic,” N. Engl. J. Med., vol. 384, no. 24, p. e93, Jun. 2021, doi: 10.1056/NEJMp2103327. [40] M. Selemogo, “Criteria for a just strike action by medical doctors,” Indian J. Med. Ethics, vol. 346, no. 21, pp. 1609–1615, Jan. 2014, doi: 10.20529/IJME.2014.010; A. J. Roberts, “A framework for assessing the ethics of doctors’ strikes,” J. Med. Ethics, vol. 42, no. 11, pp. 698–700, Nov. 2016, doi: 10.1136/medethics-2016-103395. [41] “Malaysia doctors strike, parliament meets as COVID strain shows,” Al Jazeera, July 26, 2021. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/7/26/malaysia-doctors-strike-parliament-meets-as-covid-strains-grow

Photo by Jeremy Wong on Unsplash ABSTRACT In response to the threat of COVID-19, CMS issued unprecedented restrictions severely limiting the liberty of older adults residing in long-term care. Older adults are identified as at a high risk of becoming infected through exposure to SARS-Cov-2 and of suffering the most severe morbidity and mortality. While protecting the individual from disease, the restrictions also had a determinantal effect. The restrictions exacerbated social isolation and loneliness, two pervasive public health concerns within the older adult population. Legally, the restrictions pass constitutional muster. The ethical analysis presents more questions and debates. Initially, the restrictions to protect the older adult were grounded in public health ethics and bioethics principles. However, the ethical lines become blurred as the risk of harm secondary to isolation increased over the time that the restrictions remained in effect. The ethical point of view becomes more divergent considering the restrictions also preserved medical resources for the greater good of society, arguably diverting them to serve younger people. We have a moral obligation to reduce social isolation and recognize the older adult as a valuable member of society with equal worth and dignity. INTRODUCTION In response to the threat of COVID-19, CMS issued unprecedented restrictions severely limiting the liberty of older adults residing in long-term care. Older adults are identified as at a high risk of becoming infected from exposure to SARS-Cov-2 and from suffering the most severe morbidity and mortality. While protecting the individual from disease, the restrictions also had a determinantal effect. The restrictions exacerbated social isolation and loneliness, two pervasive public health concerns within the older adult population. Legally, the restrictions pass Constitutional muster. The ethical analysis presents more questions and debates. Initially, the restrictions to protect the older adult were grounded in public health ethics and bioethics principles. However, the ethical lines become blurred as the risk of harm secondary to isolation increased over the time that the restrictions remained in effect. The devastation of COVID-19 within the older adult population extends beyond the immediate risk and harm of infection. At the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, experts determined that older adults, especially those living in long-term care, were at a greater risk of becoming infected and depleting scarce medical resources. Two days after WHO declared the pandemic, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) followed the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) recommendations and announced mitigation measures that required long-term care facilities to (1) restrict volunteers and nonessential personnel from entering the facility; (2) cancel all group activities and communal dining; (3) screen residents and health care personnel for fever and respiratory symptoms; and (4) encourage residents to stay in their rooms. The social isolation resulting from the mitigation measures posed a credible threat to five core domains of healthy aging: (1) promoting health; preventing injury and managing chronic conditions; (2) cognitive health; (3) physical health; (4) mental health; and (5) facilitating social engagement.[1] l. Social Isolation and Loneliness COVID-19 highlighted two pervasive public health concerns confronting older adults—social isolation and loneliness. Social isolation is an objective deficit in the number of relationships and the frequency of contact with family, friends, and the community.[2] Social Isolation is a risk factor for loneliness. Loneliness is the subjective perception of a lack of meaningful relationships.[3] Loneliness has three dimensions: (1) absence of a significant person to provide emotional support and affirm one’s value as a person; (2) absence of a small group of people seen regularly, such as a card group; and (3) absence of a larger network group of people who provide support by being together as a group, for example, church services or rotary meetings.[4] COVID-19 restrictions affected all three dimensions. Social isolation can be as dangerous as smoking fifteen cigarettes per day, earning its designation as a public health priority.[5] Isolation increases the risk of cardiovascular disease, obesity, anxiety, and depression. Loneliness can lead to depression, alcoholism, and suicidal thoughts.[6] Some studies found that loneliness is also a factor in cognitive decline. For example, caregivers reported that 63 percent of older adults with cognitive impairment experienced cognitive decline during the COVID-19 pandemic.[7] In 2017, the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP) reported that social isolation accounted for $6.7 billion in additional Medicare spending although only 14 percent of older adults in the US reported being socially isolated.[8] Approximately 24 percent of community-dwelling older adults in the US are socially isolated. Forty-three percent of adults aged 60 and older report feeling lonely. Those living in long-term care report loneliness at a rate of at least double of community-dwelling older adults.[9] WHO defines health as “a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity.”[10] A broad definition of health highlights the detriment of social isolation in older adults. There is a moral obligation to mitigate the effect of isolation.[11] The additional Medicare spending costs attributable to the effects of social isolation secondary to COVID-19 will be extraordinary. Providing social support will directly benefit older adults and indirectly benefit society by reducing Medicare spending associated with the effects of social isolation. Combating the pervasiveness of social isolation requires immediate collaborative community action. Many long-term care residents who depend on visits from family and friends to socialize increasingly felt lonely, abandoned, and despondent,[12] increasing the risk of feeling grief and loss, including individual and collective trauma reactions.[13] Also, normally social opportunities, medical, and legal appointments defaulted to telephone or virtual appointments. The cessation of in-person medical appointments interfered with optimal management of chronic conditions and preventive care. Some older adults lack access to the technology, are unfamiliar with technology, or cannot use technology for other reasons. At least one study supports the potential for older adults to benefit from technology and suggests that training could promote long-term benefits in older adults aged 80 years and over.[14] Focusing on technological advances specific to older adults with input from older adults should be a priority. When communal dining abruptly stopped, residents had to eat all their meals alone in their rooms. Older adults often mention the difficulty of eating meals alone, especially if recently divorced, widowed, or otherwise separated from a spouse or partner. Closure of the exercise facilities limited the ability of an older adult to stay physically active. Reduced physical activity creates long-term adverse health effects.[15] ll. Measures to Mitigate Isolation To facilitate some contact, long-term care facilities devised window visits. The resident remained safely inside the locked facility, standing or seated in front of a window. Visitors stood outside in the grass or parking lot. Any conversation took place over the telephone. To simulate physical contact, residents and visitors pressed their palms together, separated by the glass barrier. The window visits recall the prison visits depicted in movies and television. In late June 2020, CMS relaxed the restrictions and advised that long-term care facilities could resume some communal activities and permit outdoor visits. Although CMS eased the restrictions, interpersonal contact remained minimal. Outdoor visits required scheduling an appointment during limited hours of availability. The facilities limited the visits per week and the duration of each visit to thirty minutes. In addition, the staff enforced wearing personal protective equipment and maintaining physical distancing. Several impracticalities diminished the optimism of the relaxed restrictions. Residents could leave their rooms for meals but remained physically separated at a distance that prevented any meaningful interaction. Similarly, the limitations on the in-person visits presented problems. Non-resident spouses with mobility challenges found the outdoor access difficult, if not impossible. Residents or spouses with hearing and vision losses experienced challenges in communicating while sitting outside, six feet apart, and wearing masks.[16] lll. Legal Precedent for Emergency Measures The primary legal issue stems from the conflict between individual liberty and the public good or health. Jacobson v. Massachusetts provides a framework for balancing individual liberty rights and the public good during a pandemic.[17] Jacobson clarified an essential point of law - the rights and liberties secured by the US Constitution are not absolute.[18] Faced with a pandemic, a community has the right to protect members of the community.[19] Jacobson outlines four standards for imposing public health mandates during a pandemic. First, the State overreaches when it uses public health powers unnecessarily.[20] Second, the state must use the least restrictive means to prevent harm.[21] Third, the state must use reasonable means expected to prevent or ameliorate a health threat.[22] Finally, the intervention must not pose an undue risk.[23] The guidelines in Jacobson, established during the smallpox pandemic, apply to COVID-19. In response to the threat of COVID-19, public health authorities enacted mandates to protect the public, especially older adults, against the highly contagious and virulent virus. The CMS restrictions specifically addressed older adults living in long-term care facilities. While the CMS directives obstructed residents’ liberties, they also contradicted the Assisted Living Facility social model, which places autonomy and independence at the forefront. Given the gravity of harm and the uncertainties in the early phases of the pandemic, the restrictions were arguably the least restrictive means to manage the immediate threat. The effectiveness varied from facility to facility, with many deaths throughout the US in long-term care facilities. While valuable early in the pandemic, at some point the continuation of the mitigation measures increased social isolation and its associated risks. In Jew Ho v. Williamson, the Supreme Court overturned a quarantine order to contain the bubonic plague.[24] The officials enforced the order only against a targeted ethnic population which did not present an identified risk.[25] In reaching its decision, the Court determined that the quarantine order was not a reasonable regulation to prevent the spread of the bubonic plague. Rather, it was racially motivated. The Court ruled that the government cannot impose public health orders in a racially invidious manner.[26] There are similarities between Jew Ho and the CMS restrictions. Like the quarantine order in Jew Ho, the restrictions targeted a specific population. But with COVID-19 older adults were an identified high-risk population because of their susceptibility to infection and severe illness. During the early phases of the pandemic, the directives were reasonable to accomplish the purpose of preventing the spread in the identified high-risk population. They were not discriminatory according to the rule of law in Jew Ho. The argument supporting the constitutionality of the CMS restrictions wanes as the length of the safety precautions increased. lV. Ethical Analysis of the Lengthy Social Isolation The CMS restrictions require the ethical analysis of harm, proportionality, reciprocity, and transparency. As well as analysis under the principles of autonomy, beneficence, non-maleficence, and justice. a. Harm and Proportionality As previously discussed, older adult long-term care residents were more susceptible to COVID-19 and to severe physical effects requiring hospitalization. In addition, older adults are more likely to die from COVID-19. Based on a totality of the circumstances and what we knew about the virus in the early phases of the pandemic, the restrictions were the least restrictive means to protect this high-risk population. But the question of proportionality requires ongoing assessment and re-evaluation. While the initial uncertainty and chaos justified the restrictions, as the pandemic continued and the risk of harm from the restrictions increased, the pendulum began to swing. At some point, upon proof or likelihood of safety, less restrictive alternatives should have been adopted. b. Reciprocity The concept of reciprocity is a core principle of public health and requires the balancing of the benefits and burdens of the social cooperation.[27] When individuals sacrifice their liberty for the benefit of others, they should not be penalized as a result of making the sacrifice, and thus society owes a reciprocal obligation to the individuals, such as providing individuals support and not discriminating against them.[28] Residents did not have any input or choice when CMS and the administrators stripped away their autonomy and liberties. While the restrictions protected the individual resident from the direct harm of infection, the restrictions also protected society from the indirect harm of the depletion of scarce medical resources. Public health officials identified long-term care residents as most likely to require significant medical resources. One talking point repeatedly broadcast was the need to prevent the depletion of hospital beds, ventilators, medications, and supplies. Most assisted-living facilities are for-profit, and residents pay for their food, shelter, and personal needs. What does society owe these long-term care residents in return for the liberty they sacrificed for the benefit of society at large? At the very least, I suggest we owe these individuals the commitment to conduct research exploring and addressing the effects of the restrictions. c. Transparency by Government, the Media, and the Long-Term care Facilities The communications from government and public health officials about the pandemic and the restrictions were opaque, leaving unanswered questions, doubts, and speculation. Some facilities provided families with basic information communicated through robocall messaging, with words of encouragement, painting rosy pictures of the residents' sequestered daily lives. Public health officials assert the common good and protecting the public’s safety and health justify paternalism and compulsory powers.[29] One counterargument is that the compulsory interventions or restrictions push paternalism to new levels.[30] The COVID-19 pandemic and the mitigation interventions highlight this tension between libertarian and epidemiological models based on (1) shortages that triggered rationing and prioritization; and (2) measures that safeguarded public health but infringed on individual rights.[31] d. Autonomy, Beneficence, and Non-Maleficence Through a bioethical lens, we immediately see the clash between the CMS restrictions and the long-term care residents’ autonomy. However, autonomy is not absolute. There was a benefit for the individual resident: the protection from a deadly virus. Thus, I argue that the initial restrictions were beneficent. Yet I also point to the deleterious secondary physical and emotional effects of the isolation and assert that the restrictions should have been safely modified as new information on viral spread and safety came about. We can accept the beneficence of protecting the high-risk resident from a deadly disease while acknowledging the associated harm. However, at some point, we must also ask if the harm experienced due to prolonged severe restrictions reached a level that exceeded the boundaries of beneficence and became maleficent. Perceiving the long-term care resident as a passive recipient of care is paternalistic and antithetical to autonomy and a person-centered approach.[32] Instead, society must recognize older adults as essential stakeholders in policymaking. The direct and active involvement of older adults allows the individual to retain agency rather than becoming a passive recipient of care.[33] Prioritization of the older adult as an autonomous active participant counters ageism and promotes autonomy. e. Justice Justice calls for analysis of several discrepancies. First, the special protection of long-term care residents seems justifiable due to their special vulnerability. CMS treated long-term care facilities alike. Most community-dwelling older adults could decide whether to adhere to stay-at-home restrictions and were not subject to the same level of enforcement that existed within long-term care facilities. The restrictions were far more oppressive for long-term care residents. In response to the assertion that selective lockdown discriminates against older adults, the same arguments discussed above demonstrate the morally relevant justification: older adults are more likely to require hospitalization and die from COVID-19.[34] One convincing argument against restrictions on older adults echoing Kant’s categorical imperative argues that selectively restricting older adults for the good of other people amounts to treating older adults as a means to an end for others.[35] While the restrictions imposed on the individual might slow the spread of the disease within the specific long-term care facility, which protects that individual resident, they also impose on the individual resident to serve the greater good: the preservation of scarce medical resources. The second application pushes the restrictive measures closer to violating Kant’s categorical imperative by treating the older adult as a means to the end of others. That is, younger people and those living outside of long-term care would have more hospital resources available to them if long-term care residents were more severely isolated keeping them from needing hospitalization. From a Kantian perspective, the categorical imperative demands respecting the dignity of persons—Kant’s supreme (formal) principle.[36] When we consider the restrictions, I suggest that we must also consider the impact on dignity. It has been suggested that dignity is the “overarching principle of bioethics.”[37] In the context of an analysis of the socially isolating COVID-19 mitigation measures on older adults in long-term care facilities, we should consider the relational aspect of dignity, recognizing the adult as having value and equal worth. The protracted imposed isolation of older adults to preserve medical resources devalues older adults. Ongoing COVID-19 restrictions should be analyzed for their unjustified harms. A second justice concern outside the scope here is that long-term care facilities are resourced differently, and had different results due to quality of care, number of staff, infection control protocols, and previous health infraction records. CONCLUSION The myopic focus on mortality ignores the risks of morbidity secondary to the devastating effects of social isolation on the older adult’s health and quality of life. The paternalistic prevention eclipsed the resident’s autonomy. At some point, the attention and priority must shift. When formulating policies, we must figure out at what point or in which situations the negative impact of restrictions outweighs the protective benefits. Although the restrictions may have slowed the spread of COVID-19, we must not discount the negative consequences, which may be long-term. From an ethical perspective, we must acknowledge the harm that has occurred within this population and accept the responsibility to redress the harm and prevent repeating the mistakes. The prolonged restrictions stretched legal and ethical boundaries. The mixed purpose of the restrictions (protecting the individual resident and preserving healthcare resources) makes the ethical analysis more challenging. Yet doing something for someone’s own good is still paternalistic and problematic. The public health justification includes the collective. We must confront the tough questions about the efficacy of pandemic mitigation measures and the mitigation measures’ adverse consequences. Leaving the doors to long-term care facilities open during the pandemic would have exposed every resident and staff member to a contagion that presented a significant risk of morbidity and mortality. But locking the doors exacerbated social isolation and loneliness, increasing the risk of morbidity and mortality. Julian Savulescu may be correct that there was no desirable solution. We must still work to find better solutions that will reduce social isolation and recognize the older adult as a valuable member of society with equal worth and dignity. [1] Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) Nursing Homes & Long-term care Facilities. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/index.html. [2]Escalante, E., Golden, R. L., & Mason, D. J. (2020). Social Isolation and Loneliness: Imperatives for Health Care in a Post-COVID World. JAMA Health Forum, 1(12),e201597. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamahealthforum.2020.1597. [3] D'cruz, M., & Banerjee, D. (2020). ‘An invisible human rights crisis’: The marginalization of older adults during the COVID-19 pandemic – An advocacy review. Psychiatry Research, 292, 113369. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.psychres.2020.113369. [4] Simard, J., & Volicer, L. (2020). Loneliness and Isolation in Long-term care and the COVID-19 Pandemic. Journal of the American Medical Directors Association, 21(7), 966–967. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jamda.2020.05.006. [5] Escalante, E., Golden, R. L., & Mason, D. J. (2020). Social Isolation and Loneliness: Imperatives for Health Care in a Post-COVID World. JAMA Health Forum, 1(12). https://doi.org/10.1001/jamahealthforum.2020.1597. [6] Simard, J., & Volicer, L. (2020). Loneliness and Isolation in Long-term care and the COVID-19 Pandemic. Journal of the American Medical Directors Association, 21(7), 966–967. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jamda.2020.05.006. [7] Batsis, J. A., Daniel, K., Eckstrom, E., Goldlist, K., Kusz, H., Lane, D., … Friedman, S. M. (2021, January 26). Promoting Healthy Aging During COVID‐19. American Geriatrics Society. https://agsjournals.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/jgs.17035. [8] Escalante, E., Golden, R. L., & Mason, D. J. (2020). Social Isolation and Loneliness: Imperatives for Health Care in a Post-COVID World. JAMA Health Forum, 1(12), e201597. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamahealthforum.2020.1597. [9] Simard, J., & Volicer, L. (2020). Loneliness and Isolation in Long-term care and the COVID-19 Pandemic. Journal of the American Medical Directors Association, 21(7), 966–967. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jamda.2020.05.006. [10] World Health Organization. Frequently Asked Questions. https://www.who.int/about/frequently-asked-questions. [11] Chu, C. H., Donato‐Woodger, S., & Dainton, C. J. (2020). Competing crises: COVID‐19 countermeasures and social isolation among older adults in long‐term care. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 76(10), 2456–2459. https://doi.org/10.1111/jan.14467. [12] Gardner, W., States, D., & Bagley, N. (n.d.). The Coronavirus and the Risks to the Elderly in Long-term care. Journal of aging & social policy. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/32245346/. [13] Campbell, A. D. (2020). Practical Implications of Physical Distancing, Social Isolation, and Reduced Physicality for Older Adults in Response to COVID-19. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 63(6-7), 668–670. https://doi.org/10.1080/01634372.2020.1772933. [14] Radwan, E., Radwan, A., & Radwan, W. (2020). Challenges Facing Older Adults during the COVID-19 Outbreak. European Journal of Environment and Public Health, 5(1), em0059. https://doi.org/10.29333/ejeph/8457. [15] Plagg, B., Engl, A., Piccoliori, G., & Eisendle, K. (2020). Prolonged social isolation of the elderly during COVID-19: Between benefit and damage. Archives of Gerontology and Geriatrics, 89, 104086. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.archger.2020.104086 . [16] Chu, C. H., Donato‐Woodger, S., & Dainton, C. J. (2020). Competing crises: COVID‐19 countermeasures and social isolation among older adults in long‐term care. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 76(10), 2456–2459. https://doi.org/10.1111/jan.14467. [17] Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U.S. 11 (1905). [18] Jacobson. [19] Jacobson. [20] Jacobson. [21] Jacobson. [22] Jacobson. [23] Jacobson. [24] Jew Ho v. Williamson, 103 F.10 (C.C.N.D. Cal., 1900). [25] Jew Ho v. Williamson . [26] Jew Ho v. Williamson. [27] Viens, A. M. (2008). Public Health, Ethical Behavior and Reciprocity. The American Journal of Bioethics, 8(5), 1–3. https://doi.org/10.1080/15265160802180059. [28] Upshur, R. (2003, November 1). The Ethics of Quarantine. Retrieved from https://journalofethics.ama-assn.org/article/ethics-quarantine/2003-11. [29] Kamweri, J. M. M. (2013). The Ethical Balance Between Individual and Population Health Interests To Effectively Manage Pandemics and Epidemics (dissertation). [30] Argued by Ken Wing Professor Emeritus, Seattle University School of Law. Kamweri, J. M. M. (2013). The Ethical Balance Between Individual and Population Health Interests To Effectively Manage Pandemics and Epidemics (dissertation). [31] Interests To Effectively Manage Pandemics and Epidemics (dissertation). [32] Chu, p. 2457. [33] D'cruz, p.7. [34] Savulescu, J., & Cameron, J. (2020). Why lockdown of the elderly is not ageist and why levelling down equality is wrong. Journal of Medical Ethics, 46(11), 717–721. https://doi.org/10.1136/medethics-2020-106336. [35] Hugh McLachlan, Professor Emeritus of Applied Philosophy, [36] Heinrichs, B. (2010). Single-Principle Versus Multi-Principles Approaches in Bioethics. Journal of Applied Philosophy, 27(1), 72-83. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5930.2009.00474.x. [37] Gedge, E. by impact ethics · in C. E. (2015, July 27). What Is Dignity and Does Bioethics Need to Talk About It? Impact Ethics. https://impactethics.ca/2015/07/27/what-is-dignity-and-does-bioethics-need-to-talk-about-it/, citing, The 2005 UNESCO Declaration of Bioethics and Human Rights https://en.unesco.org/themes/ethics-science-and-technology/bioethics-and-human-rights.

Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circumstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith & Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless homogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circumstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. 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It is time for the truth to be brought out ... . Behind the scenes high-ranking Air Force officers are soberly concerned about the UFOs. But through official secrecy and ridicule, many citizens are led to believe the unknown flying objects are nonsense. -- Rear Admiral Roscoe Hillenkoetter, Director of Central Intelligence (1947-50), signed statement to Congress, 22 Aug. 1960 As an avid UFO enthusiast, an enduring subject of frustration for me is the complacency and ignorance that tends to characterise public knowledge of the phenomenon itself and its social repercussions. Its hard for people like myself to understand how anyone could not be interested in UFOs, let alone Congressional statements from ex-Directors of the Central Intelligence Agency testifying to an official policy of secrecy and ridicule (in other words, propaganda), which aims to suppress public interest and belief in UFOs. As a student of cultural studies who also happens to be a conspiracy theorist, the idea of the Central Intelligence Agency seeking to manipulate one of the twentieth century's most significant icons -- the UFO -- is a fascinating one, because it allows for the possibility that the ways in which the UFO has come to be understood by the public may involve more than the everyday cultural processes described by cultural studies. A review of the history of the CIA's interest in UFO phenomena actually suggests, quite compellingly I think, that since the 1950s, American culture (and, indirectly and to a lesser degree, the rest of the western world) may have been subjected to a highly sophisticated system of UFO propaganda that originated from the Central Intelligence Agency. This is, of course, a highly contentious claim which would bring many important repercussions should it turn out to be true. There is no point pretending that it doesn't sound like a basic premise of The X-Files -- of course it does. So to extract the idea from its comfortable fictional context and attempt to place it into a real historical one (a completely legitimate endeavour) one must become familiar with the politics of the UFO phenomenon in Cold War America, a field of history which is, to understate the matter, largely ignored by academia. A cursory glance at the thousands of (now declassified) UFO-related documents that once circulated through some of the highest channels of US intelligence reveal that, rather than the nonsense topic it is often considered, the UFO phenomenon has been a matter of great concern for the US government since 1947. To get a sense of just how seriously UFOs were taken by the CIA in the 1950s, consider this declassified 'Secret' memorandum from H. Marshall Chadwell, Assistant Director of Scientific Intelligence, to the Director of Central Intelligence, General Walter Bedell Smith, dated 24 September 1952: a world-wide reporting system has been instituted and major Air Force bases have been ordered to make interceptions of unidentified flying objects ... . Since 1947, ATIC [Air Technical Intelligence Center, a branch of the US Air Force] has received approximately 1500 official reports of sightings ... . During 1952 alone, official reports totalled 250. Of the 1500 reports, Air Force carries 20 percent as unexplained and of those received from January through July 1952 it carries 28 percent as unexplained. (qtd. in Good 390) Fifteen-hundred reports in five years is roughly three-hundred reports per year, which is dangerously close to one per day. Although only twenty percent, or one-fifth of these reports were unexplained, equalling about 60 unexplained sightings per year, this still equalled more than one unexplained sighting per week. But these were just the unexplained, official sightings collected by ATIC, which was by no means a comprehensive database of all sightings occurring in the United States, or the rest of the world, for that matter. Extrapolation of these figures suggested that the UFO problem was probably much more extensive than the preliminary findings were indicating, hence the erection of a world-wide reporting system and the interception of UFOs by major US Air Force bases. The social consequences of the UFO problem quickly became a matter of major importance to the CIA. Chadwell went on to point out that: The public concern with the phenomena, which is reflected both in the United States press and in the pressure of inquiry upon the Air Force, indicates that a fair proportion of our population is mentally conditioned to the acceptance of the incredible. In this fact lies the potential for the touching-off of mass hysteria and panic. (qtd. in Good 393) By "acceptance of the incredible" Chadwell was probably referring to acceptance of the existence of intelligently controlled, disc-shaped craft which are capable of performing aerial manoeuvres far in excess of those possible with contemporary technology. Flying saucers were, and remain, incredible. Yet belief in them had permeated the US government as early as 1947, when a 'Secret' Air Materiel Command report (now declassified) from Lieutenant General Nathan Twining to the Commanding General, Army Air Forces, announced that: It is the opinion that: (a) The phenomenon reported is something real and not visionary and fictitious. There are objects probably approximating the shape of a disc, of such appreciable size as to appear to be as large as man-made aircraft. There is a possibility that some of the incidents may be caused by natural phenomena, such as meteors. (b) The reported operating characteristics such as extreme rates of climb, manoeuvrability (particularly in roll), and action which must be considered evasive when sighted or contacted by friendly aircraft or radar, lend belief to the possibility that some of the objects are controlled either manually, automatically, or remotely. -- (qtd. in Good 313-4) This report was compiled only two months after the term flying saucer had been invented, following pilot Kenneth Arnold's historic sighting of nine saucer-like objects in June 1947. The fact that a phenomenon which should have been ignored as a tabloid fad was being confirmed, extremely quickly, by the Air Materiel Command Headquarters suggested that those people mentally conditioned to accept the impossible were not restricted to the public domain. They also, apparently, held positions of considerable power within the government itself. This rapid acceptance, at the highest levels of America's defense agencies, of the UFO reality must have convinced certain segments of the CIA that a form of hysteria had already begun, so powerful that those whose job it was to not only remain immune from such psychosocial forces, but to manage them, were actually succumbing to it themselves. What the CIA faced, then, was nothing short of a nation on the verge of believing in aliens. Considering this, it should become a little clearer why the CIA might develop an interest in the UFO phenomenon at this point. Whether aliens were here or not did not, ultimately, matter. What did matter was the obvious social phenomenon of UFO belief. Walter Bedell Smith, Director of Central Intelligence, realised this in 1952, and wrote to the Executive Secretary of the National Security Council (in a letter previously classified 'Secret'): It is my view that this situation has possible implications for our national security which transcend the interests of a single service. A broader, coordinated effort should be initiated to develop a firm scientific understanding of the several phenomena which apparently are involved in these reports, and to assure ourselves that the incidents will not hamper our present efforts in the Cold War or confuse our early warning system in case of an attack. I therefore recommend that this Agency and the agencies of the Department of Defense be directed to formulate and carry out a program of intelligence and research activities required to solve the problem of instant positive identification of unidentified flying objects ... . This effort shall be coordinated with the military services and the Research and Development Board of the Department of Defense, with the Psychological Strategy Board and other Governmental agencies as appropriate. (qtd. in Good 400-1) What the Director was asserting, basically, was that the UFO problem was too big for the CIA to solve alone. Any government agencies it was deemed necessary to involve were to be called into action to deal with the UFOs. If this does not qualify UFOs as serious business, it is difficult to imagine what would. In the same year, Chadwell again reported to the CIA Director in a memo which suggests that he and his colleagues were on the brink of believing not only that UFOs were real, but that they represented an extraterrestrial presence: At this time, the reports of incidents convince us that there is something going on that must have immediate attention ... . Sightings of unexplained objects at great altitudes and traveling at high speeds in the vicinity of major US defense installations are of such nature that they are not attributable to natural phenomena or known types of aerial vehicles. (qtd. in Good 403) In 1953, these concerns eventually led to the CIA's most public investigation of the UFO phenomenon, the Robertson Panel. Its members were Dr H. P. Robertson (physics and radar); Dr Lloyd V. Berkner (geophysics); Dr Samuel Goudsmit (atomic structure and statistical problems); and Dr Thornton Page (astronomy and astrophysics). Associate members were Dr J. Allen Hynek (astronomy) and Frederick C. Durant (missiles and rockets). Twelve hours of meetings ensued (not nearly enough time to absorb all of the most compelling UFO data gathered at this point), during which the panel was shown films of UFOs, case histories and sightings prepared by the ATIC, and intelligence reports relating to the Soviet Union's interest in US sightings, as well as numerous charts depicting, for example, frequency and geographic location of sightings (Good 404). The report (not fully declassified until 1975) concluded with a highly skeptical, and highly ambiguous, view of UFO phenomena. Part IV, titled "Comments and Suggestions of the Panel", stated that: Reasonable explanations could be suggested for most sightings ... by deduction and scientific method it could be induced (given additional data) that other cases might be explained in a similar manner. (qtd. in Good 404) However, even if the panel's insistence that UFOs were not of extraterrestrial origin seemed disingenuous, it still noted the subjectivity of the public to mass hysteria and greater vulnerability to possible enemy psychological warfare (qtd. in Good 405). To remedy this, it recommended quite a profound method of propaganda: The debunking aim would result in reduction in public interest in flying saucers which today evokes a strong psychological reaction. This education could be accomplished by mass media such [as] television, motion pictures, and popular articles. Basis of such education would be actual case histories which had been puzzling at first but later explained. As in the case of conjuring tricks, there is much less stimulation if the secret is known. Such a program should tend to reduce the current gullibility of the public and consequently their susceptibility to clever hostile propaganda. The panel noted that the general absence of Russian propaganda based on a subject with so many obvious possibilities for exploitation might indicate a possible Russian official policy ... . It was felt strongly that psychologists familiar with mass psychology should advise on the nature and extent of the program ... . It was believed that business clubs, high schools, colleges, and television stations would all be pleased to cooperate in the showing of documentary type motion pictures if prepared in an interesting manner. The use of true cases showing first the mystery and then the explanation would be forceful ... . The continued emphasis on the reporting of these phenomena does, in these parlous times, result in a threat to the orderly functioning of the protective organs of the body politic ... . [It is recommended that] the national security agencies take immediate steps to strip the Unidentified Flying Objects of the special status they have been given and the aura of mystery they have unfortunately acquired; that the national security agencies institute policies on intelligence, training, and public education designed to prepare the material defenses and the morale of the country to recognise most promptly and to react most effectively to true indications of hostile intent or action. We suggest that these aims may be achieved by an integrated program designed to reassure the public of the total lack of evidence of inimical forces behind the phenomena, to train personnel to recognize and reject false indications quickly and effectively, and to strengthen regular channels for the evaluation of and prompt reaction to true indications of hostile measures. (qtd. in Good 405-6) The general aim of the Robertson Panel's recommendations, then, was to not only stop people believing in UFOs, but to stop people seeing UFOs, which constitutes an extreme manipulation of the public consciousness. It was the intention of the CIA to ensure, as subtly as was possible, that most people interpreted specific visual experiences (i.e. UFO sightings) in terms of a strict CIA-developed criterion. This momentous act basically amounts to an attempt to define, control and enforce a particular construction of reality which specifically excludes UFOs. In an ironic way, the Robertson Panel report advocated a type of modern exorcism, and may have been the very birthplace of the idea that such an obvious icon of wonder and potential as the UFO is, it can never be more than a misidentification or a hoax. We cannot be certain to what extent the recommendations of the Robertson Panel were put into practice, but we can safely assume that its findings were not ignored by the CIA. For example, Captain Edward J. Ruppelt, Chief of the ATIC's Aerial Phenomena Branch, has testified that "[We were] ordered to hide sightings when possible, but if a strong report does get out, we have to publish a fast explanation -- make up something to kill the report in a hurry, and also ridicule the witnesses, especially if we can't find a plausible answer. We even have to discredit our own pilots" (Good 407). Comments like these make one wonder just how extensive the program of debunking and ridicule actually was. What I have suggested here is that during the 1950s, and possibly throughout the four decades since, an objective of the CIA has been to downplay its own interest in the UFO phenomenon to the public whilst engaging in secret, complex investigations of the phenomenon itself and its social repercussions. If this is the case, as the evidence -- the best of which can be found in the government's own files (even though such evidence, as tens of thousands of conspiracy theorists continue to stress, can hardly be taken simply at face value) -- indicates, then the construction of the UFO in western popular culture will have to be revised as a process involving more than just the projection of popular hopes, desires and anxieties onto an abstract, mythical object. It will also need to be seen as involving the clandestine manipulation of this process by immeasurably powerful groups within the culture itself, such as the CIA. And since the CIAs major concerns about UFOs haved traditionally been explicitly related to the Cold War, the renewed prominence of the UFO in western popular culture since the demise of the Soviet Union requires immediate, serious investigation in a political context. For the UFO issue is, and has always been, a political issue. I suggest that until this fascinating chapter of American domestic history is explored more thoroughly, the cultural function of the UFO will remain just as poorly understood as its physical nature. References Good, Timothy. Beyond Top Secret: The Worldwide UFO Security Threat. London: MacMillan, 1996. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Adam Dodd. "Making It Unpopular: The CIA and UFOs in Popular Culture." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.4 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9906/cia.php>. Chicago style: Adam Dodd, "Making It Unpopular: The CIA and UFOs in Popular Culture," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 4 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9906/cia.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Adam Dodd. (1999) Making it unpopular: the CIA and UFOs in popular culture. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(4). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9906/cia.php> ([your date of access]).

Introduction This article situates the dark as a liminal and creative space of experimentation where tensions are generative and people tinker with emerging technologies to create alternative futures. Darkness need not mean chaos and fear of violence – it can mean privacy and protection. We define dark as an experimental space based upon uncertainties rather than computational knowns (Bridle) and then demonstrate via a case study of cryptocurrencies the contribution of dark and liminal social spaces to future(s)-making. Cryptocurrencies are digital cash systems that use decentralised (peer-to-peer) networking to enable irreversible payments (Maurer, Nelms, and Swartz). Cryptocurrencies are often clones or variations on the ‘original’ Bitcoin payment systems protocol (Trump et al.) that was shared with the cryptographic community through a pseudonymous and still unknown author(s) (Nakamoto), creating a founder mystery. Due to the open creation process, a new cryptocurrency is relatively easy to make. However, many of them are based on speculative bubbles that mirror Bitcoin, Ethereum, and ICOs’ wealth creation. Examples of cryptocurrencies now largely used for speculation due to their volatility in holding value are rampant, with online clearing houses competing to trade hundreds of different assets from AAVE to ZIL. Many of these altcoins have little to no following or trading volume, leading to their obsolescence. Others enjoy immense popularity among dedicated communities of backers and investors. Consequently, while many cryptocurrency experiments fail or lack adoption and drop from the purview of history, their constant variation also contributes to the undertow of the future that pulls against more visible surface waves of computational progress. The article is structured to first define how we understand and leverage ‘dark’ against computational cultures. We then apply thematic and analytical tactics to articulate future-making socio-technical experiments in the dark. Based on past empirical work of the authors (Maddox "Netnography") we focus on crypto-cultures’ complex emancipatory and normative tensions via themes of construction, disruption, contention, redirection, obsolescence, and iteration. Through these themes we illustrate the mutation and absorption of dark experimental spaces into larger social structures. The themes we identify are not meant as a complete or necessarily serial set of occurrences, but nonetheless contribute a new vocabulary for students of technology and media to see into and grapple with the dark. Embracing the Dark: Prework & Analytical Tactics for Outside the Known To frame discussion of the dark here as creative space for alternative futures, we focus on scholars who have deeply engaged with notions of socio-technical darkness. This allows us to explore outside the blinders of computational light and, with a nod to Sassen, dig in the shadows of known categories to evolve the analytical tactics required for the study of emerging socio-technical conditions. We understand the Dark Web to usher shifting and multiple definitions of darkness, from a moral darkness to a technical one (Gehl). From this work, we draw the observation of how technologies that obfuscate digital tracking create novel capacities for digital cultures in spaces defined by anonymity for both publisher and user. Darknets accomplish this by overlaying open internet protocols (e.g. TCP/IP) with non-standard protocols that encrypt and anonymise information (Pace). Pace traces concepts of darknets to networks in the 1970s that were 'insulated’ from the internet’s predecessor ARPANET by air gap, and then reemerged as software protocols similarly insulated from cultural norms around intellectual property. ‘Darknets’ can also be considered in ternary as opposed to binary terms (Gehl and McKelvey) that push to make private that which is supposed to be public infrastructure, and push private platforms (e.g. a Personal Computer) to make public networks via common bandwidth. In this way, darknets feed new possibilities of communication from both common infrastructures and individual’s platforms. Enabling new potentials of community online and out of sight serves to signal what the dark accomplishes for the social when measured against an otherwise unending light of computational society. To this point, a new dark age can be welcomed insofar it allows an undecided future outside of computational logics that continually define and refine the possible and probable (Bridle). This argument takes von Neumann’s 1945 declaration that “all stable processes we shall predict. All unstable processes we shall control” (in Bridle 21) as a founding statement for computational thought and indicative of current society. The hope expressed by Bridle is not an absence of knowledge, but an absence of knowing the future. Past the computational prison of total information awareness within an accelerating information age (Castells) is the promise of new formations of as yet unknowable life. Thus, from Bridle’s perspective, and ours, darkness can be a place of freedom and possibility, where the equality of being in the dark, together, is not as threatening as current privileged ways of thinking would suggest (Bridle 15). The consequences of living in a constant glaring light lead to data hierarchies “leaching” (Bridle) into everything, including social relationships, where our data are relationalised while our relations are datafied (Maddox and Heemsbergen) by enforcing computational thinking upon them. Darkness becomes a refuge that acknowledges the power of unknowing, and a return to potential for social, equitable, and reciprocal relations. This is not to say that we envision a utopian life without the shadow of hierarchy, but rather an encouragement to dig into those shadows made visible only by the brightest of lights. The idea of digging in the shadows is borrowed from Saskia Sassen, who asks us to consider the ‘master categories’ that blind us to alternatives. According to Sassen (402), while master categories have the power to illuminate, their blinding power keeps us from seeing other presences in the landscape: “they produce, then, a vast penumbra around that center of light. It is in that penumbra that we need to go digging”. We see darkness in the age of digital ubiquity as rejecting the blinding ‘master category’ of computational thought. Computational thought defines social/economic/political life via what is static enough to predict or unstable enough to render a need to control. Otherwise, the observable, computable, knowable, and possible all follow in line. Our dig in the shadows posits a penumbra of protocols – both of computational code and human practice – that circle the blinding light of known digital communications. We use the remainder of this short article to describe these themes found in the dark that offer new ways to understand the movements and moments of potential futures that remain largely unseen. Thematic Resonances in the Dark This section considers cryptocultures of the dark. We build from a thematic vocabulary that has been previously introduced from empirical examples of the crypto-market communities which tinker with and through the darkness provided by encryption and privacy technologies (Maddox "Netnography"). Here we refine these future-making themes through their application to events surrounding community-generated technology aimed at disrupting centralised banking systems: cryptocurrencies (Maddox, Singh, et al.). Given the overlaps in collective values and technologies between crypto-communities, we find it useful to test the relevance of these themes to the experimental dynamics surrounding cryptocurrencies. We unpack these dynamics as construction, rupture and disruption, redirection, and the flip-sided relationship between obsolescence and iteration leading to mutation and absorption. This section provides a working example for how these themes adapt in application to a community dwelling at the edge of experimental technological possibilities. The theme of construction is both a beginning and a materialisation of a value field. It originates within the cyberlibertarians’ ideological stance towards using technological innovations to ‘create a new world in the shell of the old’ (van de Sande) which has been previously expressed through the concept of constructive activism (Maddox, Barratt, et al.). This libertarian ideology is also to be found in the early cultures that gave rise to cryptocurrencies. Through their interest in the potential of cryptography technologies related to social and political change, the Cypherpunks mailing list formed in 1992 (Swartz). The socio-cultural field surrounding cryptocurrencies, however, has always consisted of a diverse ecosystem of vested interests building collaborations from “goldbugs, hippies, anarchists, cyberpunks, cryptographers, payment systems experts, currency activists, commodity traders, and the curious” (Maurer, Nelms, and Swartz 262). Through the theme of construction we can consider architectures of collaboration, cooperation, and coordination developed by technically savvy populations. Cryptocurrencies are often developed as code by teams who build in mechanisms for issuance (e.g. ‘mining’) and other controls (Conway). Thus, construction and making of cryptocurrencies tend to be collective yet decentralised. Cryptocurrencies arose during a time of increasing levels of distrust in governments and global financial instability from the Global Financial Crisis (2008-2013), whilst gaining traction through their usefulness in engaging in illicit trade (Saiedi, Broström, and Ruiz). It was through this rupture in the certainties of ‘the old system’ that this technology, and the community developing it, sought to disrupt the financial system (Maddox, Singh, et al.; Nelms et al.). Here we see the utility of the second theme of rupture and disruption to illustrate creative experimentation in the liminal and emergent spaces cryptocurrencies afford. While current crypto crazes (e.g. NFTs, ICOs) have their detractors, Cohen suggests, somewhat ironically, that the momentum for change of the crypto current was “driven by the grassroots, and technologically empowered, movement to confront the ills perceived to be powered and exacerbated by market-based capitalism, such as climate change and income inequality” (Cohen 739). Here we can start to envision how subterranean currents that emerge from creative experimentations in the dark impact global social forces in multifaceted ways – even as they are dragged into the light. Within a disrupted environment characterised by rupture, contention and redirection is rife (Maddox "Disrupting"). Contention and redirection illustrate how competing agendas bump and grind to create a generative tension around a deep collective desire for social change. Contention often emerges within an environment of hacks and scams, of which there are many stories in the cryptocurrency world (see Bartlett for an example of OneCoin, for instance; Kavanagh, Miscione, and Ennis). Other aspects of contention emerge around how the technology works to produce (mint) cryptocurrencies, including concern over the environmental impact of producing cryptocurrencies (Goodkind, Jones, and Berrens) and the production of non-fungible tokens for the sale of digital assets (Howson). Contention also arises through the gendered social dynamics of brogramming culture skewing inclusive and diverse engagement (Bowles). Shifting from the ideal of inclusion to the actual practice of crypto-communities begs the question of whose futures are being made. Contention and redirections are also evidenced by ‘hard forks’ in cryptocurrency. The founder mystery resulted in the gifting of this technology to a decentralised and leaderless community, materialised through the distributed consensus processes to approve software updates to a cryptocurrency. This consensus system consequently holds within it the seeds for governance failures (Trump et al.), the first of which occurred with the ‘hard forking’ of Bitcoin into Bitcoin cash in 2017 (Webb). Hard forks occur when developers and miners no longer agree on a proposed change to the software: one group upgraded to the new software while the others operated on the old rules. The resulting two separate blockchains and digital currencies concretised the tensions and disagreements within the community. This forking resulted initially in a shock to the market value of, and trust in, the Bitcoin network, and the dilution of adoption networks across the two cryptocurrencies. The ongoing hard forks of Bitcoin Cash illustrate the continued contention occurring within the community as crypto-personalities pit against each other (Hankin; Li). As these examples show, not all experiments in cryptocurrencies are successful; some become obsolete through iteration (Arnold). Iteration engenders mutations in the cultural framing of socio-technical experiments. These mutations of meaning and signification then facilitate their absorption into novel futures, showing the ternary nature of how what happens in the dark works with what is known by the light. As a rhetorical device, cryptocurrencies have been referred to as a currency (a payment system) or a commodity (an investment or speculation vehicle; Nelms et al. 21). However, new potential applications for the underlying technologies continue emerge. For example, Ethereum, the second-most dominant cryptocurrency after Bitcoin, now offers smart contract technology (decentralised autonomous organisations, DAO; Kavanagh, Miscione, and Ennis) and is iterating technology to dramatically reduce the energy consumption required to mine and mint the non-fungible tokens (NFTs) associated with crypto art (Wintermeyer). Here we can see how these rhetorical framings may represent iterative shifts and meaning-mutation that is as pragmatic as it is cultural. While we have considered here the themes of obsolescence and iteration threaded through the technological differentiations amongst cryptocurrencies, what should we make of these rhetorical or cultural mutations? This cultural mutation, we argue, can be seen most clearly in the resurgence of Dogecoin. Dogecoin is a cryptocurrency launched in 2013 that takes its name and logo from a Shiba Inu meme that was popular several years ago (Potts and Berg). We can consider Dogecoin as a playful infrastructure (Rennie) and cultural product that was initially designed to provide a low bar for entry into the market. Its affordability is kept in place by the ability for miners to mint an unlimited number of coins. Dogecoin had a large resurgence of value and interest just after the meme-centric Reddit community Wallstreetbets managed to drive the share price of video game retailer GameStop to gain 1,500% (Potts and Berg). In this instance we see the mutation of a cryptocurrency into memecoin, or cultural product, for which the value is a prism to the wild fluctuations of internet culture itself, linking cultural bubbles to financial ones. In this case, technologies iterated in the dark mutated and surfaced as cultural bubbles through playful infrastructures that intersected with financial systems. The story of dogecoin articulates how cultural mutation articulates the absorption of emerging techno-potentials into larger structures. Conclusion From creative experiments digging in the dark shadows of global socio-economic forces, we can see how the future is formed beneath the surface of computational light. Yet as we write, cryptocurrencies are being absorbed by centralising and powerful entities to integrate them into global economies. Examples of large institutions hoarding Bitcoin include the crypto-counterbalancing between the Chinese state through its digital currency DCEP (Vincent) and Facebook through the Libra project. Vincent observes that the state-backed DCEP project is the antithesis of the decentralised community agenda for cryptocurrencies to enact the separation of state and money. Meanwhile, Facebook’s centralised computational control of platforms used by 2.8 billion humans provide a similarly perverse addition to cryptocurrency cultures. The penumbra fades as computational logic shifts its gaze. Our thematic exploration of cryptocurrencies highlights that it is only in their emergent forms that such radical creative experiments can dwell in the dark. They do not stay in the dark forever, as their absorption into larger systems becomes part of the future-making process. The cold, inextricable, and always impending computational logic of the current age suffocates creative experimentations that flourish in the dark. Therefore, it is crucial to tend to the uncertainties within the warm, damp, and dark liminal spaces of socio-technical experimentation. References Arnold, Michael. "On the Phenomenology of Technology: The 'Janus-Faces' of Mobile Phones." Information and Organization 13.4 (2003): 231-56. Bartlett, Jamie. 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"Bugging Out: Darknets as Parasites of Large-Scale Media Objects." Media, Culture & Society 41.2 (2019): 219-35. Goodkind, Andrew L., Benjamin A. Jones, and Robert P. Berrens. "Cryptodamages: Monetary Value Estimates of the Air Pollution and Human Health Impacts of Cryptocurrency Mining." Energy Research & Social Science 59 (2020): 101281. Hankin, Aaron. "What You Need to Know about the Bitcoin Cash ‘Hard Fork’." MarketWatch 13 Nov. 2018. 21 Apr. 2021 <https://www.marketwatch.com/story/what-you-need-to-know-about-the-bitcoin-cash-hard-fork-2018-11-13>. Howson, Peter. "NFTs: Why Digital Art Has Such a Massive Carbon Footprint." The Conversation April 2021. 21 Apr. 2021 <https://theconversation.com/nfts-why-digital-art-has-such-a-massive-carbon-footprint-158077>. Kavanagh, Donncha, Gianluca Miscione, and Paul J. Ennis. "The Bitcoin Game: Ethno-Resonance as Method." Organization (2019): 1-20. Li, Shine. 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Introduction“From every kind of man obedience I expect; I’m the Emperor of Japan.” (“Miyasama,” from Gilbert and Sullivan’s musical The Mikado, 1885)This commentary is facilitated by—surprisingly resilient—oriental stereotypes of an imagined Japan (think of Oscar Wilde’s assertion, in 1889, that Japan was a European invention). During the Victorian era, in Britain, there was a craze for all things oriental, particularly ceramics and “there was a craze for all things Japanese and no middle class drawing room was without its Japanese fan or teapot.“ (V&A Victorian). These pastoral depictions of the ‘oriental life’ included the figures of men and women in oriental garb, with fans, stilt shoes, kimono-like robes, and appropriate headdresses, engaging in garden-based activities, especially tea ceremony variations (Landow). In fact, tea itself, and the idea of a ceremony of serving it, had taken up a central role, even an obsession in middle- and upper-class Victorian life. Similarly, landscapes with wild seas, rugged rocks and stunted pines, wizened monks, pagodas and temples, and particular fauna and flora (cranes and other birds flying through clouds of peonies, cherry blossoms and chrysanthemums) were very popular motifs (see Martin and Koda). Rather than authenticity, these designs heightened the Western-based romantic stereotypes associated with a stylised form of Japanese life, conducted sedately under rule of the Japanese Imperial Court. In reality, prior to the Meiji period (1868–1912), the Emperor was largely removed from everyday concerns, residing as an isolated, holy figure in Kyoto, the traditional capital of Japan. Japan was instead ruled from Edo (modern day Tokyo) led by the Shogun and his generals, according to a strict Confucian influenced code (see Keene). In Japan, as elsewhere, the presence of feudal-style governance includes policies that determine much of everyday life, including restrictions on clothing (Rall 169). The Samurai code was no different, and included a series of protocols that restricted rank, movement, behaviour, and clothing. As Vincent has noted in the case of the ‘lace tax’ in Great Britain, these restrictions were designed to punish those who seek to penetrate the upper classes through their costume (28-30). In Japan, pre-Meiji sumptuary laws, for example, restricted the use of gold, and prohibited the use of a certain shade of red by merchant classes (V&A Kimono).Therefore, in the governance of pre-globalised societies, the importance of clothing and textile is evident; as Jones and Stallybrass comment: We need to understand the antimatedness of clothes, their ability to “pick up” subjects, to mould and shape them both physically and socially—to constitute subjects through their power as material memories […] Clothing is a worn world: a world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body. (2-3, emphasis added)The significant re-imagining of Japanese cultural and national identities are explored here through the cataclysmic impact of Western ideologies on Japanese cultural traditions. There are many ways to examine how indigenous cultures respond to European, British, or American (hereafter Western) influences, particularly in times of conflict (Wilk). Western ideology arrived in Japan after a long period of isolation (during which time Japan’s only contact was with Dutch traders) through the threat of military hostility and war. It is after this outside threat was realised that Japan’s adoption of military and industrial practices begins. The re-imagining of their national identity took many forms, and the inclusion of a Western-style military costuming as a schoolboy uniform became a highly visible indicator of Japan’s mission to protect its sovereign integrity. A brief history of Japan’s rise from a collection of isolated feudal states to a unified military power, in not only the Asian Pacific region but globally, demonstrates the speed at which they adopted the Western mode of warfare. Gunboats on Japan’s ShorelinesJapan was forcefully opened to the West in the 1850s by America under threat of First Name Perry’s ‘gunboat diplomacy’ (Hillsborough 7-8). Following this, Japan underwent a rapid period of modernisation, and an upsurge in nationalism and military expansion that was driven by a desire to catch up to the European powers present in the Pacific. Noted by Ian Ferguson in Civilization: The West and the Rest, Unsure, the Japanese decided […] to copy everything […] Japanese institutions were refashioned on Western models. The army drilled like Germans; the navy sailed like Britons. An American-style system of state elementary and middle schools was also introduced. (221, emphasis added)This was nothing short of a wide-scale reorganisation of Japan’s entire social structure and governance. Under the Emperor Meiji, who wrested power from the Shogunate and reclaimed it for the Imperial head, Japan steamed into an industrial revolution, achieving in a matter of years what had taken Europe over a century.Japan quickly became a major player-elect on the world stage. However, as an island nation, Japan lacked the essentials of both coal and iron with which to fashion not only industrial machinery but also military equipment, the machinery of war. In 1875 Japan forced Korea to open itself to foreign (read: Japanese) trade. In the same treaty, Korea was recognised as a sovereign nation, separate from Qing China (Tucker 1461). The necessity for raw materials then led to the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), a conflict between Japan and China that marked the emergence of Japan as a major world power. The Korean Peninsula had long been China’s most important client state, but its strategic location adjacent to the Japanese archipelago, and its natural resources of coal and iron, attracted Japan’s interest. Later, the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05), allowed a victorious Japan to force Russia to abandon its expansionist policy in the Far East, becoming the first Asian power in modern times to defeat a European power. The Russo-Japanese War developed out of the rivalry between Russia and Japan for dominance in Korea and Manchuria, again in the struggle for natural resources (Tucker 1534-46).Japan’s victories, together with the county’s drive for resources, meant that Japan could now determine its role within the Asia-Pacific sphere of influence. As Japan’s military, and their adoption of Westernised combat, proved effective in maintaining national integrity, other social institutions also looked to the West (Ferguson 221). In an ironic twist—while Victorian and Continental fashion was busy adopting the exotic, oriental look (Martin and Koda)—the kimono, along with other essentials of Japanese fashions, were rapidly altered (both literally and figuratively) to suit new, warlike ideology. It should be noted that kimono literally means ‘things that you wear’ and which, prior to exposure to Western fashions, signified all worn clothing (Dalby 65-119). “Wearing Things” in Westernised JapanAs Japan modernised during the late 1800s the kimono was positioned as symbolising barbaric, pre-modern, ‘oriental’ Japan. Indeed, on 17 January 1887 the Meiji Empress issued a memorandum on the subject of women’s clothing in Japan: “She [the Empress] believed that western clothes were in fact closer to the dress of women in ancient Japan than the kimonos currently worn and urged that they be adopted as the standard clothes of the reign” (Keene 404). The resemblance between Western skirts and blouses and the simple skirt and separate top that had been worn in ancient times by a people descended from the sun goddess, Amaterasu wo mikami, was used to give authority and cultural authenticity to Japan’s modernisation projects. The Imperial Court, with its newly ennobled European style aristocrats, exchanged kimono silks for Victorian finery, and samurai armour for military pomp and splendour (Figure 1).Figure 1: The Meiji Emperor, Empress and Crown Prince resplendent in European fashions on an outing to Asukayama Park. Illustration: Toyohara Chikanobu, circa 1890.It is argued here that the function of a uniform is to prepare the body for service. Maids and butlers, nurses and courtesans, doctors, policemen, and soldiers are all distinguished by their garb. Prudence Black states: “as a technology, uniforms shape and code the body so they become a unit that belongs to a collective whole” (93). The requirement to discipline bodies through clothing, particularly through uniforms, is well documented (see Craik, Peoples, and Foucault). The need to distinguish enemies from allies on the battlefield requires adherence to a set of defined protocols, as referenced in military fashion compendiums (see Molloy). While the postcolonial adoption of Western-based clothing reflects a new form of subservience (Rall, Kuechler and Miller), in Japan, the indigenous garments were clearly designed in the interests of ideological allegiance. To understand the Japanese sartorial traditions, the kimono itself must be read as providing a strong disciplinary element. The traditional garment is designed to represent an upright and unbending column—where two meters of under bindings are used to discipline the body into shape are then topped with a further four meters of a stiffened silk obi wrapped around the waist and lower chest. To dress formally in such a garment requires helpers (see Dalby). The kimono both constructs and confines the women who wear it, and presses them into their roles as dutiful, upper-class daughters (see Craik). From the 1890s through to the 1930s, when Japan again enters a period of militarism, the myth of the kimono again changes as it is integrated into the build-up towards World War II.Decades later, when Japan re-established itself as a global economic power in the 1970s and 1980s, the kimono was re-authenticated as Japan’s ‘traditional’ garment. This time it was not the myth of a people descended from solar deities that was on display, but that of samurai strength and propriety for men, alongside an exaggerated femininity for women, invoking a powerful vision of Japanese sartorial tradition. This reworking of the kimono was only possible as the garment was already contained within the framework of Confucian family duty. However, in the lead up to World War II, Japanese military advancement demanded of its people soldiers that could win European-style wars. The quickest solution was to copy the military acumen and strategies of global warfare, and the costumes of the soldiery and seamen of Europe, including Great Britain (Ferguson). It was also acknowledged that soldiers were ‘made not born’ so the Japanese educational system was re-vamped to emulate those of its military rivals (McVeigh). It was in the uptake of schoolboy uniforms that this re-imagining of Japanese imperial strength took place.The Japanese Schoolboy UniformCentral to their rapid modernisation, Japan adopted a constitutional system of education that borrowed from American and French models (Tipton 68-69). The government viewed education as a “primary means of developing a sense of nation,” and at its core, was the imperial authorities’ obsession with defining “Japan and Japaneseness” (Tipton 68-69). Numerous reforms eventually saw, after an abolition of fees, nearly 100% attendance by both boys and girls, despite a lingering mind-set that educating women was “a waste of time” (Tipton 68-69). A boys’ uniform based on the French and Prussian military uniforms of the 1860s and 1870s respectively (Kinsella 217), was adopted in 1879 (McVeigh 47). This jacket, initially with Prussian cape and cap, consists of a square body, standing mandarin style collar and a buttoned front. It was through these education reforms, as visually symbolised by the adoption of military style school uniforms, that citizen making, education, and military training became interrelated aspects of Meiji modernisation (Kinsella 217). Known as the gakuran (gaku: to study; ran: meaning both orchid, and a pun on Horanda, meaning Holland, the only Western country with trading relations in pre-Meiji Japan), these jackets were a symbol of education, indicating European knowledge, power and influence and came to reflect all things European in Meiji Japan. By adopting these jackets two objectives were realised:through the magical power of imitation, Japan would, by adopting the clothing of the West, naturally rise in military power; and boys were uniformed to become not only educated as quasi-Europeans, but as fighting soldiers and sons (suns) of the nation.The gakuran jacket was first popularised by state-run schools, however, in the century and a half that the garment has been in use it has come to symbolise young Japanese masculinity as showcased in campus films, anime, manga, computer games, and as fashion is the preeminent garment for boybands and Japanese hipsters.While the gakuran is central to the rise of global militarism in Japan (McVeigh 51-53), the jacket would go on to form the basis of the Sun Yat Sen and Mao Suits as symbols of revolutionary China (see McVeigh). Supposedly, Sun Yat Sen saw the schoolboy jacket in Japan as a utilitarian garment and adopted it with a turn down collar (Cumming et al.). For Sun Yat Sen, the gakuran was the perfect mix of civilian (school boy) and military (the garment’s Prussian heritage) allowing him to walk a middle path between the demands of both. Furthermore, the garment allowed Sun to navigate between Western style suits and old-fashioned Qing dynasty styles (Gerth 116); one was associated with the imperialism of the National Products Movement, while the other represented the corruption of the old dynasty. In this way, the gakuran was further politicised from a national (Japanese) symbol to a global one. While military uniforms have always been political garments, in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as the world was rocked by revolutions and war, civilian clothing also became a means of expressing political ideals (McVeigh 48-49). Note that Mahatma Ghandi’s clothing choices also evolved from wholly Western styles to traditional and emphasised domestic products (Gerth 116).Mao adopted this style circa 1927, further defining the style when he came to power by adding elements from the trousers, tunics, and black cotton shoes worn by peasants. The suit was further codified during the 1960s, reaching its height in the Cultural Revolution. While the gakuran has always been a scholarly black (see Figure 2), subtle differences in the colour palette differentiated the Chinese population—peasants and workers donned indigo blue Mao jackets, while the People’s Liberation Army Soldiers donned khaki green. This limited colour scheme somewhat paradoxically ensured that subtle hierarchical differences were maintained even whilst advocating egalitarian ideals (Davis 522). Both the Sun Yat Sen suit and the Mao jacket represented the rejection of bourgeois (Western) norms that objectified the female form in favour of a uniform society. Neo-Maoism and Mao fever of the early 1990s saw the Mao suit emerge again as a desirable piece of iconic/ironic youth fashion. Figure 2: An example of Gakuran uniform next to the girl’s equivalent on display at Ichikawa Gakuen School (Japan). Photo: Emerald King, 2015.There is a clear and vital link between the influence of the Prussian style Japanese schoolboy uniform on the later creation of the Mao jacket—that of the uniform as an integral piece of worn propaganda (Atkins).For Japan, the rapid deployment of new military and industrial technologies, as well as a sartorial need to present her leaders as modern (read: Western) demanded the adoption of European-style uniforms. The Imperial family had always been removed from Samurai battlefields, so the adoption of Western military costume allowed Japan’s rulers to present a uniform face to other global powers. When Japan found itself in conflict in the Asia Pacific Region, without an organised military, the first requirement was to completely reorganise their system of warfare from a feudal base and to train up national servicemen. Within an American-style compulsory education system, the European-based curriculum included training in mathematics, engineering and military history, as young Britons had for generations begun their education in Greek and Latin, with the study of Ancient Greek and Roman wars (Bantock). It is only in the classroom that ideological change on a mass scale can take place (Reference Please), a lesson not missed by later leaders such as Mao Zedong.ConclusionIn the 1880s, the Japanese leaders established their position in global politics by adopting clothing and practices from the West (Europeans, Britons, and Americans) in order to quickly re-shape their country’s educational system and military establishment. The prevailing military costume from foreign cultures not only disciplined their adopted European bodies, they enforced a new regime through dress (Rall 157-174). For boys, the gakuran symbolised the unity of education and militarism as central to Japanese masculinity. Wearing a uniform, as many authors suggest, furthers compliance (Craik, Nagasawa Kaiser and Hutton, and McVeigh). As conscription became a part of Japanese reality in World War II, the schoolboys just swapped their military-inspired school uniforms for genuine military garments.Re-imagining a Japanese schoolboy uniform from a European military costume might suit ideological purposes (Atkins), but there is more. The gakuran, as a uniform based on a close, but not fitted jacket, was the product of a process of advanced industrialisation in the garment-making industry also taking place in the 1800s:Between 1810 and 1830, technical calibrations invented by tailors working at the very highest level of the craft [in Britain] eventually made it possible for hundreds of suits to be cut up and made in advance [...] and the ready-to-wear idea was put into practice for men’s clothes […] originally for uniforms for the War of 1812. (Hollander 31) In this way, industrialisation became a means to mass production, which furthered militarisation, “the uniform is thus the clothing of the modern disciplinary society” (Black 102). There is a perfect resonance between Japan’s appetite for a modern military and their rise to an industrialised society, and their conquests in Asia Pacific supplied the necessary material resources that made such a rapid deployment possible. The Japanese schoolboy uniform was an integral part of the process of both industrialisation and militarisation, which instilled in the wearer a social role required by modern Japanese society in its rise for global power. Garments are never just clothing, but offer a “world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body” (Jones and Stallybrass 3-4).Today, both the Japanese kimono and the Japanese schoolboy uniform continue to interact with, and interrogate, global fashions as contemporary designers continue to call on the tropes of ‘military chic’ (Tonchi) and Japanese-inspired clothing (Kawamura). References Atkins, Jaqueline. Wearing Propaganda: Textiles on the Home Front in Japan, Britain, and the United States. Princeton: Yale UP, 2005.Bantock, Geoffrey Herman. Culture, Industrialisation and Education. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1968.Black, Prudence. “The Discipline of Appearance: Military Style and Australian Flight Hostess Uniforms 1930–1964.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture. Ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 91-106.Craik, Jenifer. Uniforms Exposed: From Conformity to Transgression. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Cumming, Valerie, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. “Mao Style.” The Dictionary of Fashion History. Eds. Valerie Cumming, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. Oxford: Berg, 2010.Dalby, Liza, ed. Kimono: Fashioning Culture. London: Vintage, 2001.Davis, Edward L., ed. Encyclopaedia of Contemporary Chinese Culture. London: Routledge, 2005.Dees, Jan. Taisho Kimono: Speaking of Past and Present. Milan: Skira, 2009.Ferguson, N. Civilization: The West and the Rest. London: Penguin, 2011.Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan. London: Penguin, 1997. Gerth, Karl. China Made: Consumer Culture and the Creation of the Nation, Cambridge: East Asian Harvard Monograph 224, 2003.Gilbert, W.S., and Arthur Sullivan. The Mikado or, The Town of Titipu. 1885. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://math.boisestate.edu/gas/mikado/mk_lib.pdf›. Hillsborough, Romulus. Samurai Revolution: The Dawn of Modern Japan Seen through the Eyes of the Shogun's Last Samurai. Vermont: Tuttle, 2014.Jones, Anne R., and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000.Keene, Donald. Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852-1912. New York: Columbia UP, 2002.King, Emerald L. “Schoolboys and Kimono Ladies.” Presentation to the Un-Thinking Asian Migrations Conference, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, 24-26 Aug. 2014. Kinsella, Sharon. “What’s Behind the Fetishism of Japanese School Uniforms?” Fashion Theory 6.2 (2002): 215-37. Kuechler, Susanne, and Daniel Miller, eds. Clothing as Material Culture. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Landow, George P. “Liberty and the Evolution of the Liberty Style.” 22 Aug. 2010. ‹http://www.victorianweb.org/art/design/liberty/lstyle.html›.Martin, Richard, and Harold Koda. Orientalism: Vision of the East in Western Dress. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994.McVeigh, Brian J. Wearing Ideology: State, Schooling, and Self-Presentation in Japan. Oxford: Berg, 2000.Molloy, John. Military Fashion: A Comparative History of the Uniforms of the Great Armies from the 17th Century to the First World War. New York: Putnam, 1972.Peoples, Sharon. “Embodying the Military: Uniforms.” Critical Studies in Men’s Fashion 1.1 (2014): 7-21.Rall, Denise N. “Costume & Conquest: A Proximity Framework for Post-War Impacts on Clothing and Textile Art.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture, ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 157-74. Tipton, Elise K. Modern Japan: A Social and Political History. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 2016.Tucker, Spencer C., ed. A Global Chronology of Conflict: From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2013.V&A Kimono. Victoria and Albert Museum. “A History of the Kimono.” 2004. 2 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/h/a-history-of-the-kimono/›.V&A Victorian. Victoria and Albert Museum. “The Victorian Vision of China and Japan.” 10 Nov. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/t/the-victorian-vision-of-china-and-japan/›.Vincent, Susan J. The Anatomy of Fashion: Dressing the Body from the Renaissance to Today. Berg: Oxford, 2009.Wilde, Oscar. “The Decay of Lying.” 1889. In Intentions New York: Berentano’s 1905. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://virgil.org/dswo/courses/novel/wilde-lying.pdf›. Wilk, Richard. “Consumer Goods as a Dialogue about Development.” Cultural History 7 (1990) 79-100.

Introduction Ireland did not have a tradition of printed cookbooks prior to the 20th century. As a consequence, Irish culinary manuscripts from before this period are an important primary source for historians. This paper makes the case that the manuscripts are a unique way of accessing voices that have quotidian concerns seldom heard above the dominant narratives of conquest, colonisation and famine (Higgins; Dawson). Three manuscripts are examined to see how they contribute to an understanding of Irish social and culinary history. The Irish banking crisis of 2008 is a reminder that comments such as the one in the title of this paper may be more then a casual remark, indicating rather an underlying anxiety. Equally important is the evidence in the manuscripts that Ireland had a domestic culinary tradition sited within the culinary traditions of the British Isles. The terms “vernacular”, representing localised needs and traditions, and “polite”, representing stylistic features incorporated for aesthetic reasons, are more usually applied in the architectural world. As terms, they reflect in a politically neutral way the culinary divide witnessed in the manuscripts under discussion here. Two of the three manuscripts are anonymous, but all are written from the perspective of a well-provisioned house. The class background is elite and as such these manuscripts are not representative of the vernacular, which in culinary terms is likely to be a tradition recorded orally (Gold). The first manuscript (NLI, Tervoe) and second manuscript (NLI, Limerick) show the levels of impact of French culinary influence through their recipes for “cullis”. The Limerick manuscript also opens the discussion to wider social concerns. The third manuscript (NLI, Baker) is unusual in that the author, Mrs. Baker, goes to great lengths to record the provenance of the recipes and as such the collection affords a glimpse into the private “polite” world of the landed gentry in Ireland with its multiplicity of familial and societal connections. Cookbooks and Cuisine in Ireland in the 19th Century During the course of the 18th century, there were 136 new cookery book titles and 287 reprints published in Britain (Lehmann, Housewife 383). From the start of the 18th to the end of the 19th century only three cookbooks of Irish, or Anglo-Irish, authorship have been identified. The Lady’s Companion: or Accomplish’d Director In the whole Art of Cookery was published in 1767 by John Mitchell in Skinner-Row, under the pseudonym “Ceres,” while the Countess of Caledon’s Cheap Receipts and Hints on Cookery: Collected for Distribution Amongst the Irish Peasantry was printed in Armagh by J. M. Watters for private circulation in 1847. The modern sounding Dinners at Home, published in London in 1878 under the pseudonym “Short”, appears to be of Irish authorship, a review in The Irish Times describing it as being written by a “Dublin lady”, the inference being that she was known to the reviewer (Farmer). English Copyright Law was extended to Ireland in July 1801 after the Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland in 1800 (Ferguson). Prior to this, many titles were pirated in Ireland, a cause of confusion alluded to by Lehmann when she comments regarding the Ceres book that it “does not appear to be simply a Dublin-printed edition of an English book” (Housewife 403). This attribution is based on the dedication in the preface: “To The Ladies of Dublin.” From her statement that she had a “great deal of experience in business of this kind”, one may conclude that Ceres had worked as a housekeeper or cook. Cheap Receipts and Hints on Cookery was the second of two books by Catherine Alexander, Countess of Caledon. While many commentators were offering advice to Irish people on how to alleviate their poverty, in Friendly Advice to Irish Mothers on Training their Children, Alexander was unusual in addressing her book specifically to its intended audience (Bourke). In this cookbook, the tone is of a practical didactic nature, the philosophy that of enablement. Given the paucity of printed material, manuscripts provide the main primary source regarding the existence of an indigenous culinary tradition. Attitudes regarding this tradition lie along the spectrum exemplified by the comments of an Irish journalist, Kevin Myers, and an eminent Irish historian, Louis Cullen. Myers describes Irish cuisine as a “travesty” and claims that the cuisine of “Old Ireland, in texture and in flavour, generally resembles the cinders after the suttee of a very large, but not very tasty widow”, Cullen makes the case that Irish cuisine is “one of the most interesting culinary traditions in Europe” (141). It is not proposed to investigate the ideological standpoints behind the various comments on Irish food. Indeed, the use of the term “Irish” in this context is fraught with difficulty and it should be noted that in the three manuscripts proposed here, the cuisine is that of the gentry class and representative of a particular stratum of society more accurately described as belonging to the Anglo-Irish tradition. It is also questionable how the authors of the three manuscripts discussed would have described themselves in terms of nationality. The anxiety surrounding this issue of identity is abating as scholarship has moved from viewing the cultural artifacts and buildings inherited from this class, not as symbols of an alien heritage, but rather as part of the narrative of a complex country (Rees). The antagonistic attitude towards this heritage could be seen as reaching its apogee in the late 1950s when the then Government minister, Kevin Boland, greeted the decision to demolish a row of Georgian houses in Dublin with jubilation, saying that they stood for everything that he despised, and describing the Georgian Society, who had campaigned for their preservation, as “the preserve of the idle rich and belted earls” (Foster 160). Mac Con Iomaire notes that there has been no comprehensive study of the history of Irish food, and the implications this has for opinions held, drawing attention to the lack of recognition that a “parallel Anglo-Irish cuisine existed among the Protestant elite” (43). To this must be added the observation that Myrtle Allen, the doyenne of the Irish culinary world, made when she observed that while we have an Irish identity in food, “we belong to a geographical and culinary group with Wales, England, and Scotland as all counties share their traditions with their next door neighbour” (1983). Three Irish Culinary Manuscripts The three manuscripts discussed here are held in the National Library of Ireland (NLI). The manuscript known as Tervoe has 402 folio pages with a 22-page index. The National Library purchased the manuscript at auction in December 2011. Although unattributed, it is believed to come from Tervoe House in County Limerick (O’Daly). Built in 1776 by Colonel W.T. Monsell (b.1754), the Monsell family lived there until 1951 (see, Fig. 1). The house was demolished in 1953 (Bence-Jones). William Monsell, 1st Lord Emly (1812–94) could be described as the most distinguished of the family. Raised in an atmosphere of devotion to the Union (with Great Britain), loyalty to the Church of Ireland, and adherence to the Tory Party, he converted in 1850 to the Roman Catholic religion, under the influence of Cardinal Newman and the Oxford Movement, changing his political allegiance from Tory to Whig. It is believed that this change took place as a result of the events surrounding the Great Irish Famine of 1845–50 (Potter). The Tervoe manuscript is catalogued as 18th century, and as the house was built in the last quarter of the century, it would be reasonable to surmise that its conception coincided with that period. It is a handsome volume with original green vellum binding, which has been conserved. Fig. 1. Tervoe House, home of the Monsell family. In terms of culinary prowess, the scope of the Tervoe manuscript is extensive. For the purpose of this discussion, one recipe is of particular interest. The recipe, To make a Cullis for Flesh Soups, instructs the reader to take the fat off four pounds of the best beef, roast the beef, pound it to a paste with crusts of bread and the carcasses of partridges or other fowl “that you have by you” (NLI, Tervoe). This mixture should then be moistened with best gravy, and strong broth, and seasoned with pepper, thyme, cloves, and lemon, then sieved for use with the soup. In 1747 Hannah Glasse published The Art of Cookery, Made Plain and Easy. The 1983 facsimile edition explains the term “cullis” as an Anglicisation of the French word coulis, “a preparation for thickening soups and stews” (182). The coulis was one of the essential components of the nouvelle cuisine of the 18th century. This movement sought to separate itself from “the conspicuous consumption of profusion” to one where the impression created was one of refinement and elegance (Lehmann, Housewife 210). Reactions in England to this French culinary innovation were strong, if not strident. Glasse derides French “tricks”, along with French cooks, and the coulis was singled out for particular opprobrium. In reality, Glasse bestrides both sides of the divide by giving the much-hated recipe and commenting on it. She provides another example of this in her recipe for The French Way of Dressing Partridges to which she adds the comment: “this dish I do not recommend; for I think it an odd jumble of thrash, by that time the Cullis, the Essence of Ham, and all other Ingredients are reckoned, the Partridges will come to a fine penny; but such Receipts as this, is what you have in most Books of Cookery yet printed” (53). When Daniel Defoe in The Complete English Tradesman of 1726 criticised French tradesmen for spending so much on the facades of their shops that they were unable to offer their customers a varied stock within, we can see the antipathy spilling over into other creative fields (Craske). As a critical strategy, it is not dissimilar to Glasse when she comments “now compute the expense, and see if this dish cannot be dressed full as well without this expense” at the end of a recipe for the supposedly despised Cullis for all Sorts of Ragoo (53). Food had become part of the defining image of Britain as an aggressively Protestant culture in opposition to Catholic France (Lehmann Politics 75). The author of the Tervoe manuscript makes no comment about the dish other than “A Cullis is a mixture of things, strained off.” This is in marked contrast to the second manuscript (NLI, Limerick). The author of this anonymous manuscript, from which the title of this paper is taken, is considerably perplexed by the term cullis, despite the manuscript dating 1811 (Fig. 2). Of Limerick provenance also, but considerably more modest in binding and scope, the manuscript was added to for twenty years, entries terminating around 1831. The recipe for Beef Stake (sic) Pie is an exact transcription of a recipe in John Simpson’s A Complete System of Cookery, published in 1806, and reads Cut some beef steaks thin, butter a pan (or as Lord Buckingham’s cook, from whom these rects are taken, calls it a soutis pan, ? [sic] (what does he mean, is it a saucepan) [sic] sprinkle the pan with pepper and salt, shallots thyme and parsley, put the beef steaks in and the pan on the fire for a few minutes then put them to cool, when quite cold put them in the fire, scrape all the herbs in over the fire and ornament as you please, it will take an hour and half, when done take the top off and put in some coulis (what is that?) [sic]. Fig. 2. Beef Stake Pie (NLI, Limerick). Courtesy of the National Library of Ireland. Simpson was cook to Lord Buckingham for at least a year in 1796, and may indeed have travelled to Ireland with the Duke who had several connections there. A feature of this manuscript are the number of Cholera remedies that it contains, including the “Rect for the cholera sent by Dr Shanfer from Warsaw to the Brussels Government”. Cholera had reached Germany by 1830, and England by 1831. By March 1832, it had struck Belfast and Dublin, the following month being noted in Cork, in the south of the country. Lasting a year, the epidemic claimed 50,000 lives in Ireland (Fenning). On 29 April 1832, the diarist Amhlaoibh Ó Súilleabháin notes, “we had a meeting today to keep the cholera from Callan. May God help us” (De Bhaldraithe 132). By 18 June, the cholera is “wrecking destruction in Ennis, Limerick and Tullamore” (135) and on 26 November, “Seed being sown. The end of the month wet and windy. The cholera came to Callan at the beginning of the month. Twenty people went down with it and it left the town then” (139). This situation was obviously of great concern and this is registered in the manuscript. Another concern is that highlighted by the recommendation that “this receipt is as good as the bank. It has been obligingly given to Mrs Hawkesworth by the chief book keeper at the Bank of Ireland” (NLI, Limerick). The Bank of Ireland commenced business at St. Mary’s Abbey in Dublin in June 1783, having been established under the protection of the Irish Parliament as a chartered rather then a central bank. As such, it supplied a currency of solidity. The charter establishing the bank, however, contained a prohibitory clause preventing (until 1824 when it was repealed) more then six persons forming themselves into a company to carry on the business of banking. This led to the formation, especially outside Dublin, of many “small private banks whose failure was the cause of immense wretchedness to all classes of the population” (Gilbert 19). The collapse that caused the most distress was that of the Ffrench bank in 1814, founded eleven years previously by the family of Lord Ffrench, one of the leading Catholic peers, based in Connacht in the west of Ireland. The bank issued notes in exchange for Bank of Ireland notes. Loans from Irish banks were in the form of paper money which were essentially printed promises to pay the amount stated and these notes were used in ordinary transactions. So great was the confidence in the Ffrench bank that their notes were held by the public in preference to Bank of Ireland notes, most particularly in Connacht. On 27 June 1814, there was a run on the bank leading to collapse. The devastation spread through society, from business through tenant farmers to the great estates, and notably so in Galway. Lord Ffrench shot himself in despair (Tennison). Williams and Finn, founded in Kilkenny in 1805, entered bankruptcy proceedings in 1816, and the last private bank outside Dublin, Delacours in Mallow, failed in 1835 (Barrow). The issue of bank failure is commented on by writers of the period, notably so in Dickens, Thackery, and Gaskill, and Edgeworth in Ireland. Following on the Ffrench collapse, notes from the Bank of Ireland were accorded increased respect, reflected in the comment in this recipe. The receipt in question is one for making White Currant Wine, with the unusual addition of a slice of bacon suspended from the bunghole when the wine is turned, for the purpose of enriching it. The recipe was provided to “Mrs Hawkesworth by the chief book keeper of the bank” (NLI, Limerick). In 1812, a John Hawkesworth, agent to Lord CastleCoote, was living at Forest Lodge, Mountrath, County Laois (Ennis Chronicle). The Coote family, although settling in County Laois in the seventeenth century, had strong connections with Limerick through a descendent of the younger brother of the first Earl of Mountrath (Landed Estates). The last manuscript for discussion is the manuscript book of Mrs Abraham Whyte Baker of Ballytobin House, County Kilkenny, 1810 (NLI, Baker). Ballytobin, or more correctly Ballaghtobin, is a townland in the barony of Kells, four miles from the previously mentioned Callan. The land was confiscated from the Tobin family during the Cromwellian campaign in Ireland of 1649–52, and was reputedly purchased by a Captain Baker, to establish what became the estate of Ballaghtobin (Fig. 3) To this day, it is a functioning estate, remaining in the family, twice passing down through the female line. In its heyday, there were two acres of walled gardens from which the house would have drawn for its own provisions (Ballaghtobin). Fig. 3. Ballaghtobin 2013. At the time of writing the manuscript, Mrs. Sophia Baker was widowed and living at Ballaghtobin with her son and daughter-in-law, Charity who was “no beauty, but tall, slight” (Herbert 414). On the succession of her husband to the estate, Charity became mistress of Ballaghtobin, leaving Sophia with time on what were her obviously very capable hands (Nevin). Sophia Baker was the daughter of Sir John Blunden of Castle Blunden and Lucinda Cuffe, daughter of the first Baron Desart. Sophia was also first cousin of the diarist Dorothea Herbert, whose mother was Lucinda’s sister, Martha. Sophia Baker and Dorothea Herbert have left for posterity a record of life in the landed gentry class in rural Georgian Ireland, Dorothea describing Mrs. Baker as “full of life and spirits” (Herbert 70). Their close relationship allows the two manuscripts to converse with each other in a unique way. Mrs. Baker’s detailing of the provenance of her recipes goes beyond the norm, so that what she has left us is not just a remarkable work of culinary history but also a palimpsest of her family and social circle. Among the people she references are: “my grandmother”; Dorothea Beresford, half sister to the Earl of Tyrone, who lived in the nearby Curraghmore House; Lady Tyrone; and Aunt Howth, the sister of Dorothea Beresford, married to William St Lawrence, Lord Howth, and described by Johnathan Swift as “his blue eyed nymph” (195). Other attributions include Lady Anne Fitzgerald, wife of Maurice Fitzgerald, 16th knight of Kerry, Sir William Parsons, Major Labilen, and a Mrs. Beaufort (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Mrs. Beauforts Rect. (NLI, Baker). Courtesy of the National Library of Ireland. That this Mrs. Beaufort was the wife of Daniel Augustus Beaufort, mother of the hydrographer Sir Francis Beaufort, may be deduced from the succeeding recipe supplied by a Mrs. Waller. Mrs. Beaufort’s maiden name was Waller. Fanny Beaufort, the elder sister of Sir Francis, was Richard Edgeworth’s fourth wife and close friend and confidante of his daughter Maria, the novelist. There are also entries for “Miss Herbert” and “Aunt Herbert.” While the Baker manuscript is of interest for the fact that it intersects the worlds of the novelist Maria Edgeworth and the diarist Dorothea Herbert, and for the societal references that it documents, it is also a fine collection of recipes that date back to the mid-18th century. An example of this is a recipe for Sligo pickled salmon that Mrs. Baker, nee Blunden, refers to in an index that she gives to a second volume. Unfortunately this second volume is not known to be extant. This recipe features in a Blunden family manuscript of 1760 as referred to in Anelecta Hibernica (McLysaght). The recipe has also appeared in Cookery and Cures of Old Kilkenny (St. Canices’s 24). Unlike the Tervoe and Limerick manuscripts, Mrs. Baker is unconcerned with recipes for “cullis”. Conclusion The three manuscripts that have been examined here are from the period before the famine of 1845–50, known as An Gorta Mór, translated as “the big hunger”. The famine preceding this, Bliain an Áir (the year of carnage) in 1740–1 was caused by extremely cold and rainy weather that wiped out the harvest (Ó Gráda 15). This earlier famine, almost forgotten today, was more severe than the subsequent one, causing the death of an eight of the population of the island over one and a half years (McBride). These manuscripts are written in living memory of both events. Within the world that they inhabit, it may appear there is little said about hunger or social conditions beyond the walls of their estates. Subjected to closer analysis, however, it is evident that they are loquacious in their own unique way, and make an important contribution to the narrative of cookbooks. Through the three manuscripts discussed here, we find evidence of the culinary hegemony of France and how practitioners in Ireland commented on this in comparatively neutral fashion. An awareness of cholera and bank collapses have been communicated in a singular fashion, while a conversation between diarist and culinary networker has allowed a glimpse into the world of the landed gentry in Ireland during the Georgian period. References Allen, M. “Statement by Myrtle Allen at the opening of Ballymaloe Cookery School.” 14 Nov. 1983. Ballaghtobin. “The Grounds”. nd. 13 Mar. 2013. ‹http://www.ballaghtobin.com/gardens.html›. Barrow, G.L. “Some Dublin Private Banks.” Dublin Historical Record 25.2 (1972): 38–53. Bence-Jones, M. A Guide to Irish Country Houses. London: Constable, 1988. Bourke, A. Ed. Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing Vol V. Cork: Cork UP, 2002. Craske, M. “Design and the Competitive Spirit in Early and Mid 18th Century England”, Journal of Design History 12.3 (1999): 187–216. Cullen, L. The Emergence of Modern Ireland. London: Batsford, 1981. Dawson, Graham. “Trauma, Memory, Politics. The Irish Troubles.” Trauma: Life Stories of Survivors. Ed. Kim Lacy Rogers, Selma Leydesdorff and Graham Dawson. New Jersey: Transaction P, 2004. De Bhaldraithe,T. Ed. Cín Lae Amhlaoibh. Cork: Mercier P, 1979. Ennis Chronicle. 12–23 Feb 1812. 10 Feb. 2013 ‹http://astheywere.blogspot.ie/2012/12/ennis-chronicle-1812-feb-23-feb-12.html› Farmar, A. E-mail correspondence between Farmar and Dr M. Mac Con Iomaire, 26 Jan. 2011. Fenning, H. “The Cholera Epidemic in Ireland 1832–3: Priests, Ministers, Doctors”. Archivium Hibernicum 57 (2003): 77–125. Ferguson, F. “The Industrialisation of Irish Book Production 1790-1900.” The Oxford History of the Irish Book, Vol. IV The Irish Book in English 1800-1891. Ed. J. Murphy. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2011. Foster, R.F. Luck and the Irish: A Brief History of Change from 1970. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2008. Gilbert, James William. The History of Banking in Ireland. London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longman, 1836. Glasse, Hannah. The Art of Cookery Made Plain and Easy by a Lady: Facsimile Edition. Devon: Prospect, 1983. Gold, C. Danish Cookbooks. Seattle: U of Washington P, 2007. Herbert, D. Retrospections of an Outcast or the Life of Dorothea Herbert. London: Gerald Howe, 1929. Higgins, Michael D. “Remarks by President Michael D. Higgins reflecting on the Gorta Mór: the Great famine of Ireland.” Famine Commemoration, Boston, 12 May 2012. 18 Feb. 2013 ‹http://www.president.ie/speeches/ › Landed Estates Database, National University of Galway, Moore Institute for Research, 10 Feb. 2013 ‹http://landedestates.nuigalway.ie/LandedEstates/jsp/family-show.jsp?id=633.› Lehmann, G. The British Housewife: Cookery books, cooking and society in eighteenth-century Britain. Totnes: Prospect, 1993. ---. “Politics in the Kitchen.” 18th Century Life 23.2 (1999): 71–83. Mac Con Iomaire, M. “The Emergence, Development and Influence of French Haute Cuisine on Public Dining in Dublin Restaurants 1900-2000: An Oral History”. Vol. 2. PhD thesis. Dublin Institute of Technology. 2009. 8 Mar. 2013 ‹http://arrow.dit.ie/tourdoc/12›. McBride, Ian. Eighteenth Century Ireland: The Isle of Slaves. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 2009. McLysaght, E.A. Anelecta Hibernica 15. Dublin: Irish Manuscripts Commission, 1944. Myers, K. “Dinner is served ... But in Our Culinary Dessert it may be Korean.” The Irish Independent 30 Jun. 2006. Nevin, M. “A County Kilkenny Georgian Household Notebook.” Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 109 (1979): 5–18. (NLI) National Library of Ireland. Baker. 19th century manuscript. MS 34,952. ---. Limerick. 19th century manuscript. MS 42,105. ---. Tervoe. 18th century manuscript. MS 42,134. Ó Gráda, C. Famine: A Short History. New Jersey: Princeton UP, 2009. O’Daly, C. E-mail correspondence between Colette O’Daly, Assistant Keeper, Dept. of Manuscripts, National Library of Ireland and Dorothy Cashman. 8 Dec. 2011. Potter, M. William Monsell of Tervoe 1812-1894. Dublin: Irish Academic P, 2009. Rees, Catherine. “Irish Anxiety, Identity and Narrative in the Plays of McDonagh and Jones.” Redefinitions of Irish Identity: A Postnationalist Approach. Eds. Irene Gilsenan Nordin and Carmen Zamorano Llena. Bern: Peter Lang, 2010. St. Canice’s. Cookery and Cures of Old Kilkenny. Kilkenny: Boethius P, 1983. Swift, J. The Works of the Rev Dr J Swift Vol. XIX Dublin: Faulkner, 1772. 8 Feb. 2013. ‹http://www.google.ie/search?tbm=bks&hl=en&q=works+of+jonathan+swift+Vol+XIX+&btnG=› Tennison, C.M. “The Old Dublin Bankers.” Journal of the Cork Historical and Archeological Society 1.2 (1895): 36–9.

Introduction Many people’s knowledge of history is gleaned through popular culture. As a result there is likely a blurring of history with myth. This is one of the criticisms of historical romance novels, which blur historical details with fictional representations. As a result of this the genre is often dismissed from serious academic scholarship. The other reason for its disregard may be that it is largely seen as women’s fiction. As ‘women’s fiction’ it is largely relegated to that of ‘low culture’ and considered to have little literary value. Yet the romance genre remains popular and lucrative. Research by the Romance Writers of America in 2016 found that the genre represents 23% of the US fiction market and generates in excess of US$1 billion per year (Romance Writers of America). Since the onset of COVID-19, sales of romance novels in the US have soared, increasing by 17% between January and May 2020. The most popular genre was the historical romance genre. In total during that period, 16.2 million romance e-books were purchased by consumers (NPD). Yet despite its popularity, romance fiction remains stuck in the pulp fiction bubble. This article draws upon an international survey conducted in June 2020 by the authors. The study aimed to understand how readers of historical romance novels (n=813) engage with historical representations in popular culture, and how they navigate issues of authenticity. Consuming History through Popular Culture: “Historical Romance Novels Bring History to Life” Popular culture presents a tangible way in which audiences can engage with history and historical practices. “The spaces scholars have no idea about – the gaps between verifiable fact – are the territory for the writer of fictional history” (de Groot 217). Historical romance writer Georgette Heyer, for example, was influenced by her father’s conviction that “the historical novel was a worthy medium for learning about the past” (Kloester 102), and readers of historical romance often echo this view. One participant in this study considered the genre a way to “learn about history, the mores and customs, the food and clothing of that particular era … and how it contrasts to modern times”. For another participant, “most historical romances are set in countries other than my own. I like learning about these other countries and cultures”. The historical romance genre, in some instances, was not the reason for reading the novel: it was the historical setting. The romance itself was often incidental: “I am more interested in the history than the romance, but if the romance is done well … [then] the tensions of the romance illustrate and highlight historical divisions”. While a focus on history rather than romance, it posits that authors are including historically accurate details, and this is recognised by readers of the genre. In fact, one contributor to the survey argued that as a member of a writers’ group they were aware of that the “majority of the writers of that genre were voracious researchers, so much so that writers of other genres (male western writers for one) were going to them for information”. While fiction provides entertainment and relaxation, reading historical romance provides an avenue for accessing history without engaging it in a scholarly environment. Participants offered examples of this, saying “I like learning about the past and novels are an easy and relaxing way to do it” and “I enjoy historical facts but don’t necessarily need to read huge historical texts about Elizabeth Woodville when I can read The White Queen.” Social and political aspects of an era were gleaned from historical romance novels that may be less evident in historical texts. For one respondent, “I enjoy the description of the attire … behaviours … the social strata, politics, behaviours toward women and women who were ahead of their time”. Yet at the same time, historical fiction provides a way for readers to learn about historical events and places that spurred them to access more factual historical sources: “when I read a novel that involves actual historic happenings, it drives me to learn if the author is representing them correctly and to learn more about the topics”. For another, the historical romance “makes me want to do some more research”. Hence, historical fiction can provide new ways of seeing the past: “I enjoy seeing the similarities between people of the past and present. Hist[orical] Fic[tion] brings us hope that we can learn and survive our present.” A consciousness of how ancestors “survived and thrived” was evident among many participants. For one, history is best learned through the eyes of the people who lived through the era. School doesn’t teach history in a way that I can grasp, but putting myself into the shoes of the ordinary people who experienced, I have a better understanding of the time. Being able to access different perspectives on history and historical events and make an emotional connection with the past allowed readers to better understand the lived experiences of those from the past. This didn’t mean that readers were ignoring the fictional nature of the genre; rather, readers were clearly aware that the author was often taking liberties with history in order to advance the plot. Yet they still enjoyed the “glimpses of history that is included in the story”, adding that the “fictional details makes the history come alive”. The Past Represents a Different Society For some, historical romances presented a different society, and in some ways a nostalgia for the past. This from one participant: I like the attention to eloquence, to good speech, to manners, to responsibility toward each other, to close personal relationships, to value for education and history, to an older, more leisurely, more thoughtful way of life. A similar view was offered by another participant: “I like the language. I like the slowness, the courtship. I like the olden time social rules of honour and respect. I like worlds in which things like sword fights might occur”. For these respondents, there is a nostalgia where things were better then than now (Davis 18). Readers clearly identified with the different social and moral behaviours that they experienced in the novels they are reading, with one identifying more with the “historical morals, ethics, and way of life than I do modern ones”. Representations of a more respectful past were one aspect that appealed to readers: “people are civil to each other”, they are “generally kinder” and have a “more traditional moral code”. An aspect of escapism is also evident: “I enjoy leaving the present day for a while”. It is a past where readers find “time and manners [that are] now lost to us”. The genre reflects time that “seemed simpler” but “of course it helps if you are in the upper class”. Many historical romance novels are set within the social sphere of the elites of a society. And these readers’ views clearly indicate this: honestly, the characters are either wealthy or will be by the end, which releases from the day to day drudgeries and to the extent possible ensures an economic “happily ever after” as well as a romantic one … . I know the reality of even the elite wasn’t as lovely as portrayed in the books. But they are a charming and sometimes thrilling fantasy to escape inside … It is in the elite social setting that a view emerges in historical romance novels that “things are simpler and you don’t have today’s social issues to deal with”. No one period of history appears to reflect this narrative; rather, it is a theme across historical periods. The intrigue is in how the storyline develops to cope with social mores. “I enjoy reading about characters who wind their way around rules and the obstacles of their society … . Nothing in a historical romance can be fixed with a quick phone call”. The historical setting is actually an advantage because history places constrictions upon a plot: “no mobile phones, no internet, no fast cars. Many a plot would be over before it began if the hero and heroine had a phone”. Hence history and social mores “limit the access of characters and allow for interesting situations”. Yet another perspective is how readers draw parallels to the historic pasts they read about: “I love being swept away into a different era and being able to see how relevant some social issues are today”. There are however aspects that readers are less enamoured with, namely the lack of sex. While wholesome, particularly in the case of Christian authors, other characters are heroines who are virgins until after marriage, but even then may be virgins for “months or years after the wedding”. Similarly, “I deplore the class system and hate the inequalities of the past, yet I love stories where dukes and earls behave astonishingly well and marry interesting women and where all the nastiness is overcome”. The Problem with Authenticity The results of the international historical romance survey that forms the basis of this research indicate that most readers and writers alike were concerned with authenticity. Writers of historical romance novels often go to great lengths to ensure that their stories are imbued with historically accurate details. For readers, this “brings the characters and locales to life”. For readers, “characters can be fictional, but major events and ways of living should be authentic … dress, diet, dances, customs, historic characters”. Portraying historical accuracy is appreciated by readers: “I appreciate the time and effort the author takes to research subjects and people from a particular time period to make their work seem more authentic and believable”. Georgette Heyer, whose works were produced between 1921 and 1974, is considered as the doyenne of regency romance novels (Thurston 37), with a reputation for exacting historical research (Kloester 209). Heyer’s sway is such that 88 (10.8%) of the respondents to the romance survey cited her when asked who their favourite author is, with some also noting that she is a standard for other authors to aspire to. For one participant, I only read one writer of historical romance: Georgette Heyer. Why? Sublime writing skills, characterisation, delicious Wodehousian humour and impeccable accurate and research into the Regency period. Despite this prevailing view, “Heyer’s Regency is a selective one, and much of the broader history of the period is excluded from it” (Kloester 210). Heyer’s approach to history is coloured by the various approaches and developments to historiography that occurred throughout the period in which she was writing (Kloester 103). There is little evidence that she approached her sources with a critical eye and it appears that she often accepted her sources as historical fact (Kloester 112). Heyer’s works are devoid of information as to what is based in history and what was drawn from her imagination (Kloester 110). Despite the omissions above, Heyer has a reputation for undertaking meticulous research for her novels. This, however, is problematic in itself, as Alexandra Stirling argues: “in trying to recreate Regency patterns of speech by applying her knowledge of historical colloquialism, she essentially created her own dialect” that has come to “dominate the modern genre” (Stirling). Heyer is also highly criticised for both her racism (particularly anti-Semitism), which is reflected in her characterisation of Regency London as a society of “extreme whiteness”, which served to erase “the reality of Regency London as a cosmopolitan city with people of every skin colour and origin, including among the upper classes” (Duvezin-Caubet 249). Thus Heyer’s Regency London is arguably a fantasy world that has little grounding in truth, despite her passion for historical research. Historical romance author Felicia Grossman argues that this paradox occurs as “mixed in with [Heyer’s] research is a lot of pure fiction done to fit her personal political views” (Grossman), where she deliberately ignores historical facts that do not suit her narrative, such as the sociological implications of the slave trade and the very public debate about it that occurred during the regency. The legacy of these omissions can be found in contemporary romances set in that period. By focussing on, and intensifying, a narrow selection of historical facts, “the authentic is simultaneously inauthentic” (Hackett 38). For one participant, “I don’t really put much stock into “historical accuracy” as a concept, when I read a historical romance, I read it almost in the way that one would read a genre fantasy novel, where each book has its own rules and conventions”. Diversifying the Bubble The intertwining of history and narrative posits how readers separate fact from fiction. Historical romance novels have often been accused by both readers and critics of providing a skewed view on the past. In October 2019 the All about Romance blog asked its readers: “Does Historical Romance have a quality problem?”, leading to a strong debate with many contributors noting how limited the genre had developed, with the lack of diversity being a particular strain of discussion. Just a few weeks later, the peak industry body, the Romance Writers Association of America, became embroiled in a racism controversy. Cultural products such as romance novels are products of a wider white heteronormative paradigm which has been increasingly challenged by movements such as the LGBTQI+, Me Too, and Black Lives Matter, which have sought to address the evident racial imbalance. The lack of racial representation and racial equality in historical novels also provides an opportunity to consider contemporary ideals. Historical romance novels for one participant provided a lens through which to understand the “challenges for women and queers”. Being a genre that is dominated by both female writers and readers (the Romance Writers Association claims that 82% of readers are female), it is perhaps no surprise that many respondents were concerned with female issues. For one reader, the genre provides a way to “appreciate the freedom that women have today”. Yet it remains that the genre is fictional, allowing readers to fantasise about different social and racial circumstances: “I love the modern take on historical novels with fearless heroines living lives (they maybe couldn’t have) in a time period that intrigues me”. Including strong women and people of colour in the genre means those once excluded or marginalised are centralised, suggesting historical romance novels provide a way of fictionally going some way to re-addressing gender and racial imbalances. Coupled with romance’s guarantee of a happy ending, the reader is assured that the heroine has a positive outcome, and can “have it all”, surely a mantra that should appeal to feminists. “Historical romance offers not just escape, but a journey – emotional, physical or character change”; in this view, readers positively respond to a narrative in which plots engage with both the positive and negative sides of history. One participant put it this way: “I love history especially African American history. Even though our history is painful it is still ours and we loved just like we suffered”. Expanding the Bubble Bridgerton (2020–), the popular Netflix show based upon Julia Quinn’s bestselling historical romance series, challenges the whitewashing of history by presenting an alternative history. Choosing a colour-blind cast and an alternate reality where racism was dispelled when the King marries a woman of colour and bestowed honours on citizens of all colours, Bridgerton’s depiction of race has generally been met with positive reviews. The author of the series of books that Bridgerton is adapted from addressed this point: previously, I’ve gotten dinged by the historical accuracy police. So in some ways, I was fearful – if you do that, are you denying real things that happened? But you know what? This is already romantic fantasy, and I think it’s more important to show that as many people as possible deserve this type of happiness and dignity. So I think they made the absolutely right choice, bringing in all this inclusivity (Quinn cited in Flood). Despite the critics, and there have been some, Netflix claims that the show has placed “number one in 83 countries including the US, UK, Brazil, France, India and South Africa”, which they credited partly to audiences who “want to see themselves reflected on the screen” (Howe). There is no claim to accuracy, as Howe argues that the show’s “Regency reimagined isn’t meant to be history. It’s designed to be more lavish, sexier and funnier than the standard period drama”. As with the readers surveyed above, this is a knowing audience who are willing to embrace an alternate vision of the past. Yet there are aspects which need to remain, such as costume, class structure, technology, which serve to signify the past. As one participant remarked, “I love history. I love reading what is essentially a fantasy-realism setting. I read for escapism and it’s certainly that”. “The Dance of History and Fiction” What is evident in this discussion is what Griffiths calls the “dance of history and fiction”, where “history and fiction … are a tag team, sometimes taking turns, sometimes working in tandem, to deepen our understanding and extend our imagination” (Griffiths). He reminds us that “historians and novelists do not constitute inviolable, impermeable categories of writers. Some historians are also novelists and many novelists are also historians. Historians write fiction and novelists write history”. More so, “history doesn’t own truth, and fiction doesn’t own imagination”. Amongst other analysis of the intersections and juxtaposition of history and fiction, Griffiths provides one poignant discussion, that of Kate Grenville’s novel The Secret River (2006). According to the author's own Website, The Secret River caused controversy when it first appeared, and become a pawn in the “history wars” that continues to this day. How should a nation tell its foundation story, when that story involves the dispossession of other people? Is there a path between the “black armband” and the “white blindfold” versions of a history like ours? In response to the controversy Grenville made an interesting if confusing argument that she does not make a distinction between “story-telling history” and “the discipline of History”, and between “writing true stories” and “writing History” (Griffiths). The same may be said for romance novelists; however, it is in their pages that they are writing a history. The question is if it is an authentic history, and does that really matter? References Davis, Fred. Yearning for Yesterday: A Sociology of Nostalgia. Free Press, 1979. De Groot, Jerome. Consuming History Historians and Heritage in Contemporary Popular Culture. Florence Taylor and Francis, 2009. Duvezin-Caubet, Caroline. "Gaily Ever After: Neo-Victorian M/M Genre Romance for the Twenty-First Century." Neo-Victorian Studies 13.1 (2020). Flood, Alison. "Bridgerton Author Julia Quinn: 'I've Been Dinged by the Accuracy Police – but It's Fantasy!'." The Guardian 12 Jan. 2021. 15 Jan. 2021 <https://www.theguardian.com/books/2021/jan/12/bridgerton-author-julia-quinn-accuracy-fantasy-feisty-rakish-artistocrats-jane-austen>. Griffiths, Tom. "The Intriguing Dance of History and Fiction." TEXT 28 (2015). Grossman, Felicia. "Guest Post: Georgette Heyer Was an Antisemite and Her Work Is Not Foundational Historical Romance." Romance Daily News 2021 (2020). <https://romancedailynews.medium.com/guest-post-georgette-heyer-was-an-antisemite-and-her-work-is-not-foundational-historical-romance-fc00bfc7c26>. Hackett, Lisa J. "Curves & a-Lines: Why Contemporary Women Choose to Wear Nostalgic 1950s Style Clothing." Sociology. Doctor of Philosophy, University of New England, 2020. 320. Howe, Jinny. "'Bridgerton': How a Bold Bet Turned into Our Biggest Series Ever." Netflix, 27 Jan. 2021. <https://about.netflix.com/en/news/bridgerton-biggest-series-ever>. Kloester, Jennifer V. "Georgette Heyer: Writing the Regency: History in Fiction from Regency Buck to Lady of Quality 1935-1972." 2004. NPD. "Covid-19 Lockdown Gives Romance a Lift, the NPD Group Says." NPD Group, 2020. 2 Feb. 2021 <https://www.npd.com/wps/portal/npd/us/news/press-releases/2020/covid-19-lockdown-gives-romance-a-lift--the-npd-group-says/>. Romance Writers of America. "About the Romance Genre." 2016. 2 Feb. 2021 <https://www.rwa.org/Online/Romance_Genre/About_Romance_Genre.aspx>. Stirling, Alexandra. "Love in the Ton: Georgette Heyer's Legacy in Regency Romance World-Building." Nursing Clio. Ed. Jacqueline Antonovich. 13 Feb. 2020. <https://nursingclio.org/2020/02/13/love-in-the-ton-georgette-heyers-legacy-in-regency-romance-world-building/>. Thurston, Carol. The Romance Revolution : Erotic Novels for Women and the Quest for a New Sexual Identity. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987.

Prometheus, chained to a rock, having his liver pecked out by a great bird only for the organ to grow back again each night so that the torture may be repeated afresh the next day must be the quintessential image of masculinity in crisis. This paper will consider Promethean myth and the issues it raises regarding 'creation' including: the role of creator, the relationship between creator and created, the usurping of maternal (creative) power by patriarchy and, not least, the offering of an experimental model in which masculine identity can be recreated. I argue that Promethean myth raises significant issues relating to anxieties associated with notions of masculinity and gender, which are subsequently transposed in Shelley's modernist recasting of the myth, Frankenstein. I then consider 'Promethean' science fiction film, as an area particularly concerned with re-creation, in terms of construction of the self, gender and masculinity. Prometheus & Creation Prometheus (whose name means 'forethought') was able to foresee the future and is credited with creating man from mud/clay. As Man was inferior to other creations and unprotected, Prometheus allowed Man to walk upright [1] like the Gods. He also stole from them the gift of fire, to give to Man, and tricked the Gods into allowing Man to keep the best parts of sacrifices (giving the Gods offal, bones and fat). Thus Prometheus is regarded as the father and creator of Mankind, and as Man's benefactor and protector; whose love of Man (or love of trickery and his own cleverness) leads him to deceive the Gods. Prometheus's brother, Epimetheus (whose name means 'afterthought'), was commissioned to make all the other creations and Prometheus was to overlook his work when it was done. Due to Epimetheus's short-sightedness there were no gifts left (such as fur etc.) to bestow upon Man – the nobler animal which Prometheus was entrusted to make. Prometheus, a Titan, and illegitimate son of Iapetus and the water nymph Clymene (Kirkpatrick, 1991), helped fight against the Titans the side of Zeus, helping Zeus seize the throne. More than simple indication of a rebellious spirit, his illegitimate status (albeit as opposed to an incestuous one – Iapetus was married to his sister Themis) raises the important issues of both legitimacy and filial loyalty, so recurrent within accounts of creation (of man, and human artifice). Some hold that Prometheus is punished for his deceptions i.e. over fire and the sacrifices, thus he is punished as much for his brother's failings as much as for his own ingenuity and initiative. Others maintain he is punished for refusing to tell Zeus which of Zeus's sons would overthrow him, protecting Zeus' half mortal son and his mortal mother. Zeus's father and grandfather suffered castration and usurpment at the hands of their offspring – for both Zeus and Prometheus (pro)creation is perilous. Prometheus's punishment here is for withholding a secret which accords power. In possessing knowledge (power) which could have secured his release, Prometheus is often viewed as emblematic of endurance, suffering and resistance and parental martyrdom. Prometheus, as mentioned previously, was chained to a rock where a great bird came and tore at his liver [2], the liver growing back overnight for the torture to be repeated afresh the following day. Heracles, a half mortal son of Zeus, slays the bird and frees Prometheus, thus Man repays his debt by liberation of his benefactor, or, in other accounts, he is required to take Prometheus's place, and thus liberating his creator and resulting in his own enslavement. Both versions clearly show the strength of bond between Prometheus and his creation but the latter account goes further in suggesting that Man and Maker are interchangeable. Also linked to Promethean myth is the creation of the first woman, Pandora. Constructed (by Jupiter at Zeus's command) on one hand as Man's punishment for Prometheus's tricks, and on the other as a gift to Man from the Gods. Her opening of 'the box', either releasing all mans ills, plagues and woes, or letting all benevolent gifts but hope escape, is seen as disastrous from either perspective. However what is emphasised is that the creation of Woman is secondary to the creation of Man. Therefore Prometheus is not the creator of humankind but of mankind. The issue of gender is an important aspect of Promethean narrative, which I discuss in the next section. Gender Issues Promethean myths raise a number of pertinent issues relating to gender and sexuality. Firstly they suggest that both Man and Woman are constructed [3], and that they are constructed as distinct entities, regarding Woman as inferior to Man. Secondly creative power is posited firmly with the masculine (by virtue of the male sex of both Prometheus and Jupiter), negating maternal and asserting patriarchal power. Thirdly Nature, which is associated with the feminine, is surpassed in that whilst Man is made from the earth (mud/clay) it is Prometheus who creates him (Mother Earth providing only the most basic raw materials for production); and Nature is overcome as Man is made independent of climate through the gift of fire. Tensions arise in that Prometheus's fate is also linked to childbirth in so far as that which is internal is painfully rendered external (strongly raising connotations of the abject – which threatens identity boundaries). The intense connection between creation and childbirth indicates that the appropriation of power is of a power resting not with the gods, but with women. The ability to see the future is seen as both frightening and reassuring. Aeschylus uses this to explain Prometheus's tolerance of his fate: he knew he had to endure pain but he knew he would be released, and thus was resigned to his suffering. As the bearer of the bleeding wound Prometheus is feminised, his punishment represents a rite of passage through which he may earn the status 'Father of Man' and reassert and define his masculine identity, hence a masochistic desire to suffer is also suggested. Confrontations with the abject, the threat posed to identity, and Lacanian notions of desire in relation to the other, are subjects which problematise the myth's assertion of masculine power. I will now consider how the Promethean myth is recast in terms of modernity in the story of Frankenstein and the issues regarding male power this raises. Frankenstein - A Modern Prometheus Consistent with the Enlightenment spirit of renewal and reconstruction, the novel Frankenstein emerges in 1818, re-casting Promethean myth in terms of science, and placing the scientist (i.e. man) as creator. Frankenstein in both warning against assuming the power of God and placing man as creator, simultaneously expresses the hopes and fears of the transition from theocratic belief to rationality. One of the strategies Frankenstein gives us through its narrative use of science and technology is a social critique and interrogation of scientific discourse made explicit through its alignment with gender discourse. In appropriating reproductive power without women, it enacts an appropriation of maternity by patriarchy. In aligning the use of this power by patriarchy with the power of the gods, it attempts to deify and justify use of this power whilst rendering women powerless and indeed superfluous. Yet as it offers the patriarchal constructs of science and technology as devoid of social responsibility, resulting in monstrous productions, it also facilitates a critique of patriarchy (Cranny Francis, 1990, p220). The creature, often called 'Frankenstein' rather than 'Frankenstein's monster', is not the only 'abomination to God'. Victor Frankenstein is portrayed as a 'spoilt brat of a child', whose overindulgence results in his fantasy of omnipotent power over life itself, and leads to neglect of, and lack of care towards, his creation. Indeed he may be regarded as the true 'monster' of the piece, as he is all too clearly lacking Prometheus's vision and pastoral care [4]. "Neither evil nor inhuman, [the creature] comes to seem little more than morally uninformed, poorly 'put together' by a human creator who has ill served both his creation and his fellow humans." (Telotte, 1995, p. 76). However, the model of the natural – and naturally free – man emerges in the novel from an implied pattern of subjection which demonstrates that the power the man-made constructs of science and technology give us come at great cost: "[Power] is only made possible by what [Mary Shelley] saw as a pointedly modern devaluation of the self: by affirming that the human is, at base, just a put together thing, with no transcendent origin or purpose and bound to a half vital existence at best by material conditions of its begetting."(ibid.) Frankenstein's power expressed through his overcoming of Nature, harnessing of technology and desire to subject the human body to his will, exhibits the modern world's mastery over the self. However it also requires the devaluation of self so that the body is regarded as subject, thus leading to our own subjection. For Telotte (1995, p37), one reflection of our Promethean heritage is that as everything comes to seem machine-like and constructed, the human too finally emerges as a kind of marvellous fiction, or perhaps just another empty invention. Access to full creative potential permits entry "into a true 'no man's land'…. a wonderland...where any wonder we might conceive, or any wondrous way we might conceive of the self, might be fashioned". Certainly the modernist recasting of Promethean myth embodies that train of thought which is most consciously aiming to discover the nature of man through (re)creating him. It offers patriarchal power as a power over the self (independent of the gods); a critique of the father; and the fantasy of (re)construction of the self at the cost of deconstruction of the body which, finally, leads to the subjection of the self. The Promethean model, I maintain, serves to illuminate and further our understanding of the endurance, popularity and allure of fantasies of creation, which can be so readily found in cinematic history, and especially within the science fiction genre. This genre stands out as a medium both well suited to, and enamoured with, Promethean reworkings [5]. As religion (of which Greek mythology is a part) and science both attempt to explain the world and make it knowable they offer the reassurance, satisfaction and the illusion of security and control, whilst tantalising with notions of possible futures. Promethean science fiction film realises the visual nature of these possible futures providing us, in its future visions, with glimpses of alternative ways of seeing and being. Promethean Science Fiction Film Science fiction, can be seen as a 'body genre' delineated not by excess of sex, blood or emotion but by excess of control over the body as index of identity (Cook, 1999, p.193). Science fiction films can be seen to fall broadly into three categories: space flight, alien invaders and futuristic societies (Hayward, 1996, p.305). Within these, Telotte argues (Replications, 1995), most important are the images of "human artifice", which form a metaphor for our own human selves, and have come to dominate the contemporary science fiction film (1995, p11). The science fiction film contains a structural tension that constantly rephrases central issues about the self and constructedness. Paradoxically whilst the science fiction genre profits from visions of a technological future it also displays technophobia – the promises of these fictions represent dangerous illusions with radical and subversive potential, suggesting that nature and the self may be 'reconstructable' rather than stable and unchanging. Whilst some films return us safely to a comforting stable humanity, others embrace and affirm the subversive possibilities advocating an evolution or rebirth of the human. Regardless of their conservative (The Iron Giant, 1999, Planet of the Apes, 1968) or subversive tendencies (Metropolis 1926, Blade Runner 1982, Terminator 1984), they offer the opportunity to explore "a space of desire" (Telotte, p. 153, 1990) a place where the self can experience a kind of otherness and possibilities exceed the experience of our normal being (The Stepford Wives 1974, The Fly 1986, Gattaca 1997 [6]). What I would argue is central to the definition of a Promethean sub-genre of science fiction is the conscious depiction and understanding of the (hu)man subject or artifice as technological or scientific construction rather than natural. Often, as in Promethean myth, there is a mirroring between creator and creation, constructor and constructed, which serves to bind them despite their differences, and may often override them. Power in this genre is revealed as masculine power over the feminine, namely reproductive power; as such tensions in male identity arise and may be interrogated. Promethean (film) texts have at their centre issues of what it is to be human, and within this, what it is to be a man. There is a focus on hegemonic masculinity within these texts, which serves as a measure of masculinity. Furthermore these texts are most emphatically concerned with the construction of masculinity and with masculine power. The notion of creation raises questions of paternity, motherhood, parenting, and identification with the father, although the ways in which these issues are portrayed or explored may be quite diverse. As a creation of man, rather than of 'woman', the subjects created are almost invariably 'other' to their creators, whilst often embodying the fantasies, desires and repressed fears of their makers. That otherness and difference form central organising principles in these texts is undisputable, however there also can be seen to exist a bond between creator and created which is worthy of exploration, as the progeny of man retains a close likeness (though not always physically) to its maker [7]. Particularly in the Promethean strand of science fiction film we encounter the abject, posing a threat to fragile identity constructions (recalling the plight of Prometheus on his rock and his feminised position). I also maintained that 'lack' formed part of the Promethean heritage. Not only are the desires of the creators often lacking in Promethean care and vision, but their creations are revealed as in some way lacking, falling short of their creator's desire and indeed their own [8]. From the very beginnings of film we see the desire to realise (see) Promethean power accorded to man and to behold his creations. The mad scientists of film such as Frankenstein (1910), Homunculus (1916), Alraune (1918), Orlacs Hande (1925) and Metropolis (1926) and Frankenstein (1931) all point to the body as source of subjection and resistance. Whilst metal robots may be made servile, "the flesh by its very nature always rebels" (Telotte, 1995, p. 77). Thus whilst they form a metaphor for the way the modern self is subjugated, they also suggest resistance to that subjugation, pointing to "a tension between body and mind, humanity and its scientific attainments, the self and a cultural subjection" (ibid.). The films of the 1980's and 90's, such as Blade Runner (1982), Robocop (1987) Terminator 2: Judgement Day (1994), point towards "the human not as ever more artificial but the artificial as ever more human" (Telotte, 1995, p.22). However, these cyborg bodies are also gendered bodies providing metaphors for the contemporary anxieties about 'masculinities'. Just as the tale of Prometheus is problematic in that there exist many variations of the myth [9], with varying accounts capable of producing a range of readings, concepts of 'masculinity' are neither stable nor uniform, and are subject to recasting and reconstruction. Likewise in Promethean science fiction film masculine identities are multiple, fragmented and dynamic. These films do not simply recreate masculinities in the sense that they mirror extant anxieties but recreate in the sense that they 'play' with these anxieties, possibilities of otherness and permeate boundaries. We may see this 'play' as liberating, in that it offers possible ways of being and understanding difference, or conservative, reinstating hegemonic masculinity by asserting old hierarchies. As versions of the myth are reconstructed what new types of creator/creature will emerge? What will they say about our understanding and experiences of "masculinities"? What new possibilities and identities may we envision? Perhaps the most significant aspect of our Promethean heritage is that, as Prometheus is chained to his rock and tortured, through the perpetual regeneration of his liver, almost as if to counterweight or ballast the image of masculinity in crisis, comes the 'reassuring' notion that whatever the strains cracks or injuries the patriarchal image endures: 'we can rebuild him' [10]. We not only can but will, for in doing so we are also reconstructing ourselves. Footnote According to Bulfinch (web) he gave him an upright stature so he could look to the Heavens and gaze on the stars. Linking to Science Fiction narratives of space exploration etc. (Encyclopedia Mythica – [web]) -The liver was once regarded as the primary organ of our being (the heart being our contemporary equivalent) where passions and pain and were felt. Both physically constructed and sociologically, with woman as inferior lesser being and implying gender determinism. This is further articulated to effect in the James Whale film (Frankenstein, 1931), where 'Henry' Frankenstein's creation is regarded as his 'first born' and notions of lineage predominate, ultimately implying he will now pursue more natural methods of (pro)creation. Frankenstein is seen by some as the first cyborg novel in its linking of technology and creation and also often cited as the first science fiction film (although there were others). For example in Andrew Niccol's Gattaca (1997), the creation of man occurs through conscious construction of the self, acknowledging that we are all constructed and acknowledging that masculinity must be reconstructed if it is to be validated. Patriarchy has worked to mythologise our relationship to (mother) nature, so that the human becomes distinct from the manufactured. What is perhaps the most vital aspect of the character Vincent in Gattaca is his acknowledgement that the body must be altered, restructured, reshaped and defined in order to pass from insignificance to significance in terms of hegemonic masculine identity. It is therefore through a reappraisal of the external that the internal gains validity. See Foucault on resemblance and similitude (in The Gendered Cyborg, 2000). See Scott Bukatman on Blade Runner in Kuhn, 1990. The tale of Prometheus had long existed in oral traditions and folklore before Hesiod wrote of it in Theogeny and Works and Days, and Aeschylus, elaborated on Hesiod, when he wrote Prometheus Bound (460B.C). Catchphrase used in the 1970's popular TV series The Six Million Dollar Man in relation to Steve Austin the 'bionic' character of the title. References Bernink, M. & Cook, P. (eds.) The Cinema Book (2nd edition). London: British Film Institute Publishing, 1999. Clute, J. Science Fiction: The Illustrated Encyclopaedia. London: Dorling Kindersley, 1995. Cohan, S. & Hark, I.R. (eds.) Screening the Male. London: Routledge, 1993. Hall, S., Held, D. & McLennan, G. (eds.) Modernity and its Futures. Cambridge and Oxford: Polity Press in association with The Open University, 1993. Jancovich, M. Rational Fears: American horror in the 1950's. Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1996. Jeffords, S. Can Masculinity be Terminated? In Cohan, S. & Hark, I.R. (eds.) Screening the Male. London and New York: Routledge, 1993. Kirkup, G., Janes, L., Woodward, K. & Hovenden, F. (eds.) The Gendered Cyborg: A Reader. London: Routledge, 2000. Kuhn, A. (ed.) Alien Zone: Cultural Theory and Contemporary Science Fiction Cinema. London and New York: Verso, 1990. Sobchack, V. Screening Space. New Brunswick, New Jersey and London: Rutgers University Press 1999. Telotte, J.P. A Distant Technology: Science Fiction Film and the Machine Age, Hanover and London: Wesleyan University Press, 2000. Telotte, J.P. Replications. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1995 Bulfinch's Mythology, The Age of Fable – Chapter 2: Prometheus and Pandora: (accessed 21st March 2000) http://www.bulfinch.org/fables/bull2.html Bulfinch's Mythology: (accessed March 21st 2000) http://www.bulfinch.org.html Encyclopaedia Mythica: Greek Mythology: (accessed June 15th 2000) http://oingo.com/topic/20/20246.html Encyclopaedia Mythica: Articles (accessed 15th June 2000) http://www.pantheon.org/mythica/articles.html

Cultural sociologists (Bourdieu; DiMaggio, “Cultural Capital”, “Classification”; Gans; Lamont & Foumier; Halle; Erickson) wrote about high culture and popular culture in an attempt to explain the growing social and economic inequalities, to find consensus on culture hierarchies, and to analyze cultural complexities. Halle states that this categorisation of culture into “high culture” and “popular culture” underlined most of the debate on culture in the last fifty years. Gans contends that both high culture and popular culture are stereotypes, public forms of culture or taste cultures, each sharing “common aesthetic values and standards of tastes” (8). However, this article is not concerned with these categorisations, or macro analysis. Rather, it is a reflection piece that inquires if opera, which is usually considered high culture, has become more equal to popular culture, and why some directors change the time and place of opera plots, whereas others will stay true to the original setting of the story. I do not consider these productions “adaptations,” but “post-modern morphologies,” and I will refer to this later in the paper. In other words, the paper is seeking to explain a social phenomenon and explore the underlying motives by quoting interviews with directors. The word ‘opera’ is defined in Elson’s Music Dictionary as: “a form of musical composition evolved shortly before 1600, by some enthusiastic Florentine amateurs who sought to bring back the Greek plays to the modern stage” (189). Hence, it was an experimentation to revive Greek music and drama believed to be the ideal way to express emotions (Grout 186). It is difficult to pinpoint the exact moment when stage directors started changing the time and place of the original settings of operas. The practice became more common after World War II, and Peter Brook’s Covent Garden productions of Boris Godunov (1948) and Salome (1949) are considered the prototypes of this practice (Sutcliffe 19-20). Richard Wagner’s grandsons, the brothers Wieland and Wolfgang Wagner are cited in the music literature as using technology and modern innovations in staging and design beginning in the early 1950s. Brief Background into the History of Opera Grout contends that opera began as an attempt to heighten the dramatic expression of language by intensifying the natural accents of speech through melody supported by simple harmony. In the late 1590s, the Italian composer Jacopo Peri wrote what is considered to be the first opera, but most of it has been lost. The first surviving complete opera is Euridice, a version of the Orpheus myth that Peri and Giulio Caccini jointly set to music in 1600. The first composer to understand the possibilities inherent in this new musical form was Claudio Monteverdi, who in 1607 wrote Orfeo. Although it was based on the same story as Euridice, it was expanded to a full five acts. Early opera was meant for small, private audiences, usually at court; hence it began as an elitist genre. After thirty years of being private, in 1637, opera went public with the opening of the first public opera house, Teatro di San Cassiano, in Venice, and the genre quickly became popular. Indeed, Monteverdi wrote his last two operas, Il ritorno d’Ulisse in patria and L’incoronazione di Poppea for the Venetian public, thereby leading the transition from the Italian courts to the ‘public’. Both operas are still performed today. Poppea was the first opera to be based on a historical rather than a mythological or allegorical subject. Sutcliffe argues that opera became popular because it was a new mixture of means: new words, new music, new methods of performance. He states, “operatic fashion through history may be a desire for novelty, new formulas displacing old” (65). By the end of the 17th century, Venice alone had ten opera houses that had produced more than 350 operas. Wealthy families purchased season boxes, but inexpensive tickets made the genre available to persons of lesser means. The genre spread quickly, and various styles of opera developed. In Naples, for example, music rather than the libretto dominated opera. The genre spread to Germany and France, each developing the genre to suit the demands of its audiences. For example, ballet became an essential component of French opera. Eventually, “opera became the profligate art as large casts and lavish settings made it the most expensive public entertainment. It was the only art that without embarrassment called itself ‘grand’” (Boorstin 467). Contemporary Opera Productions Opera continues to be popular. According to a 2002 report released by the National Endowment for the Arts, 6.6 million adults attended at least one live opera performance in 2002, and 37.6 million experienced opera on television, video, radio, audio recording or via the Internet. Some think that it is a dying art form, while others think to the contrary, that it is a living art form because of its complexity and “ability to probe deeper into the human experience than any other art form” (Berger 3). Some directors change the setting of operas with perhaps the most famous contemporary proponent of this approach being Peter Sellars, who made drastic changes to three of Mozart’s most famous operas. Le Nozze di Figaro, originally set in 18th-century Seville, was set by Sellars in a luxury apartment in the Trump Tower in New York City; Sellars set Don Giovanni in contemporary Spanish Harlem rather than 17th century Seville; and for Cosi Fan Tutte, Sellars chose a diner on Cape Cod rather than 18th century Naples. As one of the more than six million Americans who attend live opera each year, I have experienced several updated productions, which made me reflect on the convergence or cross-over between high culture and popular culture. In 2000, I attended a production of Don Giovanni at the Estates Theatre in Prague, the very theatre where Mozart conducted the world premiere in 1787. In this production, Don Giovanni was a fashion designer known as “Don G” and drove a BMW. During the 1999-2000 season, Los Angeles Opera engaged film director Bruce Beresford to direct Verdi’s Rigoletto. Beresford updated the original setting of 16th century Mantua to 20th century Hollywood. The lead tenor, rather than being the Duke of Mantua, was a Hollywood agent known as “Duke Mantua.” In the first act, just before Marullo announces to the Duke’s guests that the jester Rigoletto has taken a mistress, he gets the news via his cell phone. Director Ian Judge set the 2004 production of Le Nozze di Figaro in the 1950s. In one of the opening productions of the 2006-07 LA opera season, Vincent Patterson also chose the 1950s for Massenet’s Manon rather than France in the 1720s. This allowed the title character to appear in the fourth act dressed as Marilyn Monroe. Excerpts from the dress rehearsal can be seen on YouTube. Most recently, I attended a production of Ariane et Barbe-Bleu at the Paris Opera. The original setting of the Maeterlinck play is in Duke Bluebeard’s castle, but the time period is unclear. However, it is doubtful that the 1907 opera based on an 1899 play was meant to be set in what appeared to be a mental institution equipped with surveillance cameras whose screens were visible to the audience. The critical and audience consensus seemed to be that the opera was a musical success but a failure as a production. James Shore summed up the audience reaction: “the production team was vociferously booed and jeered by much of the house, and the enthusiastic applause that had greeted the singers and conductor, immediately went nearly silent when they came on stage”. It seems to me that a new class-related taste has emerged; the opera genre has shot out a subdivision which I shall call “post-modern morphologies,” that may appeal to a larger pool of people. Hence, class, age, gender, and race are becoming more important factors in conceptualising opera productions today than in the past. I do not consider these productions as new adaptations because the libretto and the music are originals. What changes is the fact that both text and sound are taken to a higher dimension by adding iconographic images that stimulate people’s brains. When asked in an interview why he often changes the setting of an opera, Ian Judge commented, “I try to find the best world for the story and characters to operate in, and I think you have to find a balance between the period the author set it in, the period he conceived it in and the nature of theatre and audiences at that time, and the world we live in.” Hence, the world today is complex, interconnected, borderless and timeless because of advanced technologies, and updated opera productions play with symbols that offer multiple meanings that reflect the world we live in. It may be that television and film have influenced opera production. Character tenor Graham Clark recently observed in an interview, “Now the situation has changed enormously. Television and film have made a lot of things totally accessible which they were not before and in an entirely different perception.” Director Ian Judge believes that television and film have affected audience expectations in opera. “I think audiences who are brought up on television, which is bad acting, and movies, which is not that good acting, perhaps require more of opera than stand and deliver, and I have never really been happy with someone who just stands and sings.” Sociologist Wendy Griswold states that culture reflects social reality and the meaning of a particular cultural object (such as opera), originates “in the social structures and social patterns it reflects” (22). Screens of various technologies are embedded in our lives and normalised as extensions of our bodies. In those opera productions in which directors change the time and place of opera plots, use technology, and are less concerned with what the composer or librettist intended (which we can only guess), the iconographic images create multi valances, textuality similar to Mikhail Bakhtin’s notion of multiplicity of voices. Hence, a plurality of meanings. Plàcido Domingo, the Eli and Edyth Broad General Director of Los Angeles Opera, seeks to take advantage of the company’s proximity to the film industry. This is evidenced by his having engaged Bruce Beresford to direct Rigoletto and William Friedkin to direct Ariadne auf Naxos, Duke Bluebeard’s Castle and Gianni Schicchi. Perhaps the most daring example of Domingo’s approach was convincing Garry Marshall, creator of the television sitcom Happy Days and who directed the films Pretty Woman and The Princess Diaries, to direct Jacques Offenbach’s The Grand Duchess of Gerolstein to open the company’s 20th anniversary season. When asked how Domingo convinced him to direct an opera for the first time, Marshall responded, “he was insistent that one, people think that opera is pretty elitist, and he knew without insulting me that I was not one of the elitists; two, he said that you gotta make a funny opera; we need more comedy in the operetta and opera world.” Marshall rewrote most of the dialogue and performed it in English, but left the “songs” untouched and in the original French. He also developed numerous sight gags and added characters including a dog named Morrie and the composer Jacques Offenbach himself. Did it work? Christie Grimstad wrote, “if you want an evening filled with witty music, kaleidoscopic colors and hilariously good singing, seek out The Grand Duchess. You will not be disappointed.” The FanFaire Website commented on Domingo’s approach of using television and film directors to direct opera: You’ve got to hand it to Plàcido Domingo for having the vision to draw on Hollywood’s vast pool of directorial talent. Certainly something can be gained from the cross-fertilization that could ensue from this sort of interaction between opera and the movies, two forms of entertainment (elitist and perennially struggling for funds vs. popular and, it seems, eternally rich) that in Los Angeles have traditionally lived separate lives on opposite sides of the tracks. A wider audience, for example, never a problem for the movies, can only mean good news for the future of opera. So, did the Marshall Plan work? Purists of course will always want their operas and operettas ‘pure and unadulterated’. But with an audience that seemed to have as much fun as the stellar cast on stage, it sure did. Critic Alan Rich disagrees, calling Marshall “a representative from an alien industry taking on an artistic product, not to create something innovative and interesting, but merely to insult.” Nevertheless, the combination of Hollywood and opera seems to work. The Los Angeles Opera reported that the 2005-2006 season was its best ever: “ticket revenues from the season, which ended in June, exceeded projected figures by nearly US$900,000. Seasonal attendance at the Dorothy Chandler Pavilion stood at more than 86% of the house’s capacity, the largest percentage in the opera’s history.” Domingo continues with the Hollywood connection in the upcoming 2008-2009 season. He has reengaged William Friedkin to direct two of Puccini’s three operas titled collectively as Il Trittico. Friedkin will direct the two tragedies, Il Tabarro and Suor Angelica. Although Friedkin has already directed a production of the third opera in Il Trittico for Los Angeles, the comedy Gianni Schicchi, Domingo convinced Woody Allen to make his operatic directorial debut with this work. This can be viewed as another example of the desire to make opera and popular culture more equal. However, some, like Alan Rich, may see this attempt as merely insulting rather than interesting and innovative. With a top ticket price in Los Angeles of US$238 per seat, opera seems to continue to be elitist. Berger (2005) concurs with this idea and gives his rationale for elitism: there are rich people who support and attend the opera; it is an imported art from Europe that causes some marginalisation; opera is not associated with something being ‘moral,’ a concept engrained in American culture; it is expensive to produce and usually funded by kings, corporations, rich people; and the opera singers are rare –usually one in a million who will have the vocal quality to sing opera arias. Furthermore, Nicholas Kenyon commented in the early 1990s: “there is suspicion that audiences are now paying more and more money for their seats to see more and more money spent on stage” (Kenyon 3). Still, Garry Marshall commented that the budget for The Grand Duchess was US$2 million, while his budget for Runaway Bride was US$72 million. Kenyon warns, “Such popularity for opera may be illusory. The enjoyment of one striking aria does not guarantee the survival of an art form long regarded as over-elitist, over-recondite, and over-priced” (Kenyon 3). A recent development is the Metropolitan Opera’s decision to simulcast live opera performances from the Met stage to various cinemas around the world. These HD transmissions began with the 2006-2007 season when six performances were broadcast. In the 2007-2008 season, the schedule has expanded to eight live Saturday matinee broadcasts plus eight recorded encores broadcast the following day. According to The Los Angeles Times, “the Met’s experiment of merging film with live performance has created a new art form” (Aslup). Whether or not this is a “new art form,” it certainly makes world-class live opera available to countless persons who cannot travel to New York and pay the price for tickets, when they are available. In the US alone, more than 350 cinemas screen these live HD broadcasts from the Met. Top ticket price for these performances at the Met is US$375, while the lowest price is US$27 for seats with only a partial view. Top price for the HD transmissions in participating cinemas is US$22. This experiment with live simulcasts makes opera more affordable and may increase its popularity; combined with updated stagings, opera can engage a much larger audience and hope for even a mass consumption. Is opera moving closer and closer to popular culture? There still seems to be an aura of elitism and snobbery about opera. However, Plàcido Domingo’s attempt to join opera with Hollywood is meant to break the barriers between high and popular culture. The practice of updating opera settings is not confined to Los Angeles. As mentioned earlier, the idea can be traced to post World War II England, and is quite common in Europe. Examples include Erich Wonder’s approach to Wagner’s Ring, making Valhalla, the mythological home of the gods and typically a mountaintop, into the spaceship Valhalla, as well as my own experience with Don Giovanni in Prague and Ariane et Barbe-Bleu in Paris. Indeed, Sutcliffe maintains, “Great classics in all branches of the arts are repeatedly being repackaged for a consumerist world that is increasingly and neurotically self-obsessed” (61). Although new operas are being written and performed, most contemporary performances are of operas by Verdi, Mozart, and Puccini (www.operabase.com). This means that audiences see the same works repeated many times, but in different interpretations. Perhaps this is why Sutcliffe contends, “since the 1970s it is the actual productions that have had the novelty value grabbed by the headlines. Singing no longer predominates” (Sutcliffe 57). If then, as Sutcliffe argues, “operatic fashion through history may be a desire for novelty, new formulas displacing old” (Sutcliffe 65), then the contemporary practice of changing the original settings is simply the latest “new formula” that is replacing the old ones. If there are no new words or new music, then what remains are new methods of performance, hence the practice of changing time and place. Opera is a complex art form that has evolved over the past 400 years and continues to evolve, but will it survive? The underlining motives for directors changing the time and place of opera performances are at least three: for aesthetic/artistic purposes, financial purposes, and to reach an audience from many cultures, who speak different languages, and who have varied tastes. These three reasons are interrelated. In 1996, Sutcliffe wrote that there has been one constant in all the arguments about opera productions during the preceding two decades: “the producer’s wish to relate the works being staged to contemporary circumstances and passions.” Although that sounds like a purely aesthetic reason, making opera relevant to new, multicultural audiences and thereby increasing the bottom line seems very much a part of that aesthetic. It is as true today as it was when Sutcliffe made the observation twelve years ago (60-61). My own speculation is that opera needs to attract various audiences, and it can only do so by appealing to popular culture and engaging new forms of media and technology. Erickson concludes that the number of upper status people who are exclusively faithful to fine arts is declining; high status people consume a variety of culture while the lower status people are limited to what they like. Research in North America, Europe, and Australia, states Erickson, attest to these trends. My answer to the question can stage directors make opera and popular culture “equal” is yes, and they can do it successfully. Perhaps Stanley Sharpless summed it up best: After his Eden triumph, When the Devil played his ace, He wondered what he could do next To irk the human race, So he invented Opera, With many a fiendish grin, To mystify the lowbrows, And take the highbrows in. References The Grand Duchess. 2005. 3 Feb. 2008 < http://www.ffaire.com/Duchess/index.htm >.Aslup, Glenn. “Puccini’s La Boheme: A Live HD Broadcast from the Met.” Central City Blog Opera 7 Apr. 2008. 24 Apr. 2008 < http://www.centralcityopera.org/blog/2008/04/07/puccini%E2%80%99s- la-boheme-a-live-hd-broadcast-from-the-met/ >.Berger, William. Puccini without Excuses. New York: Vintage, 2005.Boorstin, Daniel. The Creators: A History of Heroes of the Imagination. New York: Random House, 1992.Bourdieu, Pierre. 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And Cue the Soprano.” The New York Times 4 Sep. 2005.Los Angeles Opera. “LA Opera General Director Placido Domingo Announces Results of Record-Breaking 20th Anniversary Season.” News release. 2006.Marshall, Garry. “Interview with Garry Marshall.” The KCSN Opera House, 88.5 FM. 31 Aug. 2005.National Endowment for the Arts. 2002 Survey of Public Participation in the Arts. Research Division Report #45. 5 Feb. 2008 < http://www.nea.gov/pub/NEASurvey2004.pdf >.NCM Fanthom. “The Metropolitan Opera HD Live.” 2 Feb. 2008 < http://fathomevents.com/details.aspx?seriesid=622&gclid= CLa59NGuspECFQU6awodjiOafA >.Opera Today. James Sobre: Ariane et Barbe-Bleue and Capriccio in Paris – Name This Stage Piece If You Can. 5 Feb. 2008 < http://www.operatoday.com/content/2007/09/ariane_et_barbe_1.php >.Rich, Alan. “High Notes, and Low.” LA Weekly 15 Sep. 2005. 6 May 2008 < http://www.laweekly.com/stage/a-lot-of-night-music/high-notes-and-low/8160/ >.Sharpless, Stanley. “A Song against Opera.” In E. O. 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