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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Vanuatu. Office of the Prime Minister

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Academic literature on the topic 'Vanuatu. Office of the Prime Minister'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Vanuatu. Office of the Prime Minister"

1

Jha, Rajani Ranjan. "Prime Minister’s Office: The Fulcrum of Indian Administration." Indian Journal of Public Administration 65, no. 1 (February 6, 2019): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556118822029.

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Prime minister occupies a pivotal position in any parliamentary system of government. At the time of India’s Independence, the prime minister’s office (PMO) started working as a low profile non-constitutional and non-statutory body. But within less than two decades, the PMO emerged as an institution with a formidable influence in policymaking. It was sometimes labelled as the parallel government. This article is a modest attempt to discuss the origin and development of the PMO in India right from Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to PM Narendra Modi. In the process, it deals briefly with the organisational structure of PMO and the role of the principal secretary to the PMO. Additionally, the article examines how with every prime minister importance of the PMO changes. This nerve centre of power basks in the reflected glory of its incumbent, the Prime Minister of India.

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Ryoichi, Osamu. "POLITICAL CHANGING FOR PRIME MINISTER OF JAPAN." International Journal of Law Reconstruction 5, no. 1 (May 6, 2021): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/ijlr.v5i1.15540.

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The prime minister of Japan (日本国内閣総理大臣, Nihon-koku naikaku sōridaijin, or shushō (首相)) (informally referred to as the PMOJ) is head of the government of Japan, the chief executive of the National Cabinet and the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of Japan; he is appointed by the emperor of Japan after being designated by the National Diet and must enjoy the confidence of the House of Representatives to remain in office. He is the head of the Cabinet and appoints and dismisses the other ministers of state. The literal translation of the Japanese name for the office is Minister for the Comprehensive Administration of (or the Presidency over) the Cabinet. The current prime minister of Japan is Yoshihide Suga. On 14 September 2020, he was elected to the presidency of the governing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). After being confirmed in the Diet, he received an invitation from Emperor Naruhito to form a government as the new prime minister, and took office on 16 September 2020. Japan's parliament has elected Yoshihide Suga as the country's new prime minister, following the surprise resignation of Shinzo Abe. After winning the leadership of the governing party earlier this week, Wednesday's vote confirms the former chief cabinet secretary's new position. It happened because the needed of political interest for Japan.

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Burrett, Tina. "Explaining Japan’s Revolving Door Premiership: Applying the Leadership Capital Index." Politics and Governance 4, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i2.575.

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The tenure of Japanese prime ministers is famously short. Between 2006 and 2012 Japan changed prime minister once a year. What factors can explain Japan’s revolving-door premiership? To explore this puzzle, this article applies the <em>Leadership Capital Index</em> (LCI) developed by Bennister, ’t Hart and Worthy (2015) to case studies of the nine Japanese prime ministers holding office between 2000 and 2015. Leadership capital is the aggregate of leaders’ political resources: skills, relations and reputation. The LCI thus allows analysis of the interplay between individual capacities and contextual conditions in determining leaders’ ability to gain, maintain and deploy power. The LCI is applied to answer two questions. Firstly, what accounts for the short tenure of many Japanese premiers? In which of the LCI’s three leadership dimensions do Japanese leaders lack capital? Secondly, what forms of capital allow some prime ministers to retain office for longer than average (>2 years)? In particular, the article analyses the leadership of Junichiro Koizumi (2001–2006) Japan’s longest serving prime minister since the 1970s, and incumbent Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who has held office for three years since December 2012. As well as utilising the LCI to comparatively analyse the tenure of Japan’s prime ministers, this article tests the applicability of the Index beyond Western parliamentary democracies.

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O'Malley, Eoin. "Investigating the Effects of Directly Electing the Prime Minister." Government and Opposition 41, no. 2 (2006): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00174.x.

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AbstractThere are good prima facie reasons to believe that directly electing a prime minister may provide the holder of that office with a tremendous power resource. Indeed some countries with weak prime ministers have debated this possible change, and one, Israel, carried it through. Using a theoretical argument based on the number of veto points in a political system, this article proposes that a directly elected prime minister will not increase the power of a prime minister. It studies what actually happened in Israel, and offers alternative explanations for the weakness of and lack of cohesion in its executive. Similarly, other factors are identified as causes of prime ministerial weakness in Italy and Japan.

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Feldman, Ofer. "Political Reality and Editorial Cartoons in Japan: How the National Dailies Illustrate the Japanese Prime Minister." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 72, no. 3 (September 1995): 571–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909507200308.

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This report of a content analysis details how editorial cartoons in two Japanese national dailies illustrated six recent Japanese prime ministers during their first three months in office. The findings reveal the growing importance the media allocate to the national political leader as a source of political information and coverage. Nevertheless, the prime minister appears as a passive man who lacks leadership qualities, reflecting to a certain extent the weak position the prime minister has in Japanese politics.

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6

Brookshire, Jerry H., and Peter Hennessy. "The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders since 1945." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 35, no. 1 (2003): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054573.

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Rossi, John. "The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders since 1945." History: Reviews of New Books 30, no. 1 (January 2001): 16–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2001.10525933.

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Anere, Ray. "Papua New Guinea in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.227.

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Abstract The current power struggle has taken on historical proportions, interrupting the four-year-old Somare government in Papua New Guinea one year short of its full five-year term. In August 2011, Speaker of Parliament Jeffrey Nape declared the Office of Prime Minister vacant, resulting in Parliament electing Peter O'Neill as the new prime minister. Late in the year, the Supreme Court ruled otherwise.

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Burki, Shahid Javed. "Pakistan: Growth Set Back by Structural Rigidities (The Quaid-i-Azam Memorial Lecture)." Pakistan Development Review 35, no. 4I (December 1, 1996): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v35i4ipp.315-342.

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This article has five parts. The first provides an overview of major structural weaknesses in the Pakistani economy—I call them faultlines. The following three parts describe the programme of stabilisation and structural reform introduced by the caretaker administration of Prime Minister Meraj Khalid. This government was in office for 104 days, from November 5, 1996 to February 17, 1997. On February 17, the government headed by Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif took office. The fifth part provides a brief assessment of what lies in Pakistan’s future if the problems created by delayed structural reforms are not addressed adequately and on time.

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Ganesan, N. "Malaysia in 2002: Political Consolidation amid Change?" Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.147.

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In 2002, the Malaysian government underwent significant political consolidation. Despite Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's sudden announcement in June of his resignation, he will remain in office until October 2003, after which Deputy Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi will replace him as prime minister. The government's political consolidation derived partly from its war on terrorism, which allowed it to marginalize the mainstream opposition. Additionally, opposition parties themselves are in disarray. Economically, the country performed well, and unorthodox measures introduced after the Asian financial crisis have begun to pay off. In foreign affairs, Malaysia achieved good accommodation with the U.S. but suffered from hiccups in its bilateral relations with regional neighbors.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Vanuatu. Office of the Prime Minister"

1

Holm, Fredrik. "Primus inter pares? : an institutional comparison of the Office of Prime Minister : Britain, the Republic of Ireland, Sweden and Denmark." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1454/.

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Kratavičiūtė-Ališauskienė, Aistė. "Analysis of formal and informal systems of performance evaluation: the case of the Office of the Prime minister of Lithuania." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20140616_095755-05950.

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System of performance evaluation is an essential part of performance management and a major source of organizational control. Discussion about motivational/demotivational power of the formal and informal systems of performance evaluation for different personality types of employees opens a new page in the studies of human resource management. The following research question reflects the core of this thesis “To what extent the informal system of performance evaluation exists beside the formal system of performance evaluation and how do they operate as work motivators/demotivators for civil servants of different psychological types?”. The formal and informal systems of performance evaluation in the Office of the Prime Minister of Lithuania (OPML) are analysed using the theoretical research framework based on three different perspectives: sociology of law, human resource management and psychology. An ethnographic research, supplemented by the psychometric instrument HEXACO PI-R, is conducted to unfold the informal system of performance evaluation and to investigate its motivational/demotivation impact on two different personality types of OPML advisers (ORGANIZED and FLEXIBLE). The formal system is found to be a motivator for the ORGANIZED civil servants and demotivator for the FLEXIBLE advisers, while the informal system served as demotivator for all of the advisers who admitted its existence. In-depth interpretations of the doctoral dissertation research results are provided... [to full text]
Veiklos vertinimo sistema yra neatskiriama veiklos valdymo dalis ir svarbus organizacinės kontrolės įrankis. Diskusijos apie formalios ir neformalios vertinimo sistemų motyvavimo / demotyvavimo galią skirtingų asmenybės tipų darbuotojams atveria naujas perspektyvas žmogiškųjų išteklių valdymo tyrimuose. Šios disertacijos esmę atspindi tyrimo klausimas „Kiek neformali veiklos vertinimo sistema egzistuoja šalia formalios veiklos vertinimo sistemos, ir kaip jos, kaip darbo motyvatoriai / demotyvatoriai, veikia skirtingų asmenybės tipų viešojo sektoriaus darbuotojus?“. Formali ir neformali veiklos vertinimo sistemos Lietuvos Respublikos Ministro Pirmininko tarnyboje (MPT) analizuojamos pasitelkiant teorinį tyrimo pagrindą, kuris yra paremtas trimis skirtingomis perspektyvomis: teisės sociologija, žmogiškųjų išteklių valdymu ir psichologija. Etnografinis tyrimas, kurį papildo psichometrinis įrankis HEXACO PI-R, atliktas siekiant identifikuoti neformalią veiklos vertinimo sistemą ir ištirti jos motyvacinį / demotyvacinį poveikį dviejų skirtingų asmenybės tipų(ORGANIZUOTIESIEMS ir LANKSTIESIEMS) MPT patarėjams. Nustatyta, kad formali sistema veikia kaip motyvatorius ORGANIZUOTIESIEMS patarėjams ir kaip demotyvatorius LANKSTIESIEMS valstybės tarnautojams, o neformali sistema demotyvuoja visus patarėjus, kurie pripažino, kad tokia sistema egzistuoja. Darbe analizuojami atlikto tyrimo rezultatai ir pateikiamos išvados.

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Caron, Matthieu. "L'autonomie organisationnelle du gouvernement : recherche sur le droit gouvernemental de la Vème République." Thesis, Lille 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LIL20030/document.

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La doctrine constitutionnelle française a reconnu, à la suite des traités de Jules Poudra et d’Eugène Pierre, que le droit parlementaire représentait une réalité juridique positive qui méritait d’être conceptualisée et d’accéder au rang de discipline universitaire. Paradoxalement, aucune étude approfondie du Gouvernement n’a jamais été menée pour déterminer s’il existait un droit gouvernemental.En procédant au récolement et à l’analyse des règles relatives à l’ordonnancement intérieur du Gouvernement de la Ve République, cette thèse entend précisément démontrer que le Gouvernement régit de manière autonome sa propre organisation et son fonctionnement internes au même titre que le Parlement. D’une part, elle permet de soutenir que le Gouvernement dispose d’une autonomie de portée variable (résiduelle, partagée ou pleine) lorsqu’il élabore le droit régissant son organisation politique. D’autre part, elle établit qu’il jouit d’une pleine autonomie pour réglementer l’organisation de son administration gouvernementale (cabinets ministériels, administrations chargées de la coordination interministérielle et administrations centrales).Cette thèse ne prétend pas pour autant constituer une théorie générale du droit gouvernemental. Elle se veut une première recherche de droit constitutionnel destinée à susciter un débat doctrinal au sujet de l’existence juridique du droit gouvernemental et de son utilité pour la démocratie
French constitutional doctrine, following the treaties of Jules Poudra and Eugène Pierre, acknowledged that Parliamentary Law represented a positive reality which deserved to be conceptualised and take its full place as a university discipline. It is paradoxical that no in-depth study has ever been carried out on Government to determine if Governmental law really existsBy collecting, gathering and analysing the rules concerning the internal organisation of the Government of the Fifth Republic, this thesis wishes to prove that the Government regulates its own organisation and internal operations in an autonomous manner in much the same way as the Parliament. On the one hand this thesis defends the fact that the Government has a variable scope of autonomy (Residual, shared or complete) when drawing up laws governing its own organisation policy. On the other hand, it points out that the Government exercises full autonomy to regulate the organisation of its administration (Ministries, Offices in charge of coordinating the different Ministries and the Central Administration).The intention of this thesis is not to put forward a general theory on Governmental Law. It is an initial research into constitutional law with a purpose of stimulating doctrinal debate on the existence of Governmental Law and its utility for Democracy

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Auriacombe, Christelle Jeanette. "Die rol van die Franse ministeriele cabinet : 'n vertolking." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18023.

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In die politieke en administratiewe stelsel van Frankryk bestaan die ministeriele cabinet as 'n instelling eiesoortig aan Frankryk, met die doel om ministers individueel in stoat te stel om die politieke wil van die regering ten uitvoer te bring. Die gesag van die cabinets is kontroversieel en word enersyds geprys en andersyds gekritiseer. Die Franse ministeriele cabinet neem die plek in van 'n permanente departementshoof. en bestaan uit 'n groep persoonlike personeel wot aan elke minister verbonde is. Sy funksie is om horn te ondersteun en te adviseer sodat hy 'n ingeligte oordeel kan fel voordat hy besluite neem, en ook om te verseker dot sy beleid geformuleer, verduidelik en uitgevoer word. Die ministeriele cabinet was oorspronklik 'n politieke instelling wot in die algemeen uit politieke bondgenote van die minister bestaan het. In die Vyfde Republiek het dit egter ontwikkel tot 'n formele instelling. Dit het 'n onontbeerlike rol begin speel om die skakeling van die politieke stelsel met die administratiewe stelsel te bewerkstellig en ko6rdinering te verseker. Net soos die ministers, funksioneer die cabinets op daardie kruispunte waar verskeie politieke en administratiewe instellings met mekaar skakel. Hulle vervul gevolglik 'n sleutelrol om skakeling te fasiliteer en samewerking te bewerkstellig. Ministeriele cabinets verbind dus die politieke partye, die Parlement, belangegroepe en drukgroepe met ministeries (staatsdepartemente) as uiNoerende instellings. In hierdie proefskrif word die funksionering van die cabinets ontleed en hulle besondere rol in die Franse politieke en administratiewe stelsel vertolk. Die skrywer het bevind dot, waar cabinets effektief funksioneer, hulle doelmatige en doeltreffende meganismes is om die verhouding tussen die politieke en administratiewe stelsel in die bree te versterk tot voordeel van goele regering. Cabinets wot egter nie effektief funksioneer nie, lei tot 'n verswakking in die verhoudinge in en tussen ministeries met nadelige gevolge vir die regering. Voorts is bevind dot die cabinets 'n belangrike rol vervul om die kloof tussen die minister en die amptenare in sy ministerie te oorbrug. 'n Cabinet kan dus 'n minister se loopbaan bevorder of benadeel.
The French political and administrative system includes the ministerial cabinet, a uniquely French institution that exists with the purpose of enabling individual ministers to execute the political will of the government. The authority of the cabinets is either praised or criticised. The French ministerial cabinet substitutes for a permanent head of a deportment, and consists of a group of personal staff serving each minister. Its function is to support and advise him, in order to enable him to make informed judgements before taking decisions, and also to ensure that his policy is formulated. clarified and executed. In its original form the ministerial cabinet was a political institution, generally consisting of political allies of the minister. However. in the Fifth Republic it was transformed into a formal institution. It acquired an indispensable role in effecting liaison and co-ordination of the political system with the administrative system. The cabinets, like the ministers, function at the intersections of political and administrative institutions. Thus they play a key role in facilitating liaison. Hence. ministerial cabinets link the political parties, Parliament, interest groups and pressure groups, with the ministries (state deportments) as executive institutions. This thesis consists of an analysis of the functioning of cabinets, and interprets their particular role in the French political and administrative system. The author has found that where cabinets function as efficient and effective mechanisms, they strengthen the relationship of the political and administrative systems in general to the advantage of good governance. Ineffective cabinets, however. impair the relations within and among ministries to the disadvantage of the government. It has also been established that cabinets play an important role in bridging the gap between the minister and the officials in his ministry. A cabinet can thus improve or damage a minister's career.
Public Administration and Management
D. Litt. et Phil. (Publieke Administrasie)

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Books on the topic "Vanuatu. Office of the Prime Minister"

1

Vanuatu. Office of the Ombudsman. Public report on the alleged misappropriation of the community development fund by Mr. Maxime Carlot Korman. Port Vila, Vanuatu: Office of the Ombudsman, 2000.

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Vanuatu. Office of the Ombudsman. Public report on the illegal payments to staff of Prime Minister's office and Finance department: Office of the Ombudsman, Republic of Vanuatu. [Port Vila, Vanuatu]: The Office, 1999.

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Parliament, Great Britain. Prime Minister (Office, Role and Functions) Bill. London: Stationery Office, 2001.

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Great Britain. Office of the Deputy Prime Mininster. Office of the Deputy Prime Minister annual report. London: Stationery Office, 2004.

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Education, Vanuatu Ministry of. Grant funding arrangement between the Government of the Republic of Vanuatu represented by the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Finance and Economic Management and the Prime Minister's Office and the Commonwealth of Australia represented by the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID) and New Zealand Agency for International Development (NZAID) in relation to the Vanuatu education road map. Vanuatu: Government of the Republic of Vaniatu, 2009.

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Parliament, Great Britain. Prime Minister (Office, Role and Functions) Bill: Explanatory notes. London: Stationery Office, 2001.

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Dilks, David. The Office of Prime Minister in twentieth-century Britain. [Hull]: University of Hull Press, 1993.

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Vanuatu. Office of the Ombudsman. Public report on the improper and unlawful issue of diplomatic and official passports to "Honorary Consuls","Trade Commissioners" and other "special" Vanuatu representatives and ministerial "advisers": By Mr. Jean Sese and the Department of Foreign Affairs on the improper and unreasonable instructions of Prime Minister Rt. Hon. S. Vohor, Foreign Affairs Minister Vidal Soksok, former Prime Minister Hon. Mc Korman & former Foreign Affairs Minister Hon. Willie Jimmy & former Finance Minister Hon. Barak Sope. Republic of Vanuatu: Office of the Ombudsman, 1998.

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The prime minister: The office and its holders since 1945. New York: Palgrave for St. Martin's Press, 2001.

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The prime minister: The office and its holders since 1945. London: Allen Lane/Penguin Press, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Vanuatu. Office of the Prime Minister"

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Seldon, Anthony. "The Cabinet Office and Coordination, 1979–87." In Prime Minister, Cabinet and Core Executive, 125–48. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24141-5_7.

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Seymour-Ure, Colin. "TV’s Impact on the Office of Prime Minister." In Australia Towards 2000, 287–300. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10785-8_23.

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Norton, Philip. "Tony Blair and the Office of Prime Minister." In Ten Years of New Labour, 89–102. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230584372_6.

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Madgwick, Peter. "The Office of Prime Minister: Structure and Style." In British Government: The Central Executive Territory, 136–51. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14897-4_12.

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Lee, Michael. "The Ethos of the Cabinet Office: A Comment on the Testimony of Officials." In Prime Minister, Cabinet and Core Executive, 149–57. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24141-5_8.

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Beloff, Max. "Prime Minister and President: The Office of First Executive." In Politics and Consensus in Modern Britain, 23–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19178-9_3.

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Madgwick, Peter. "Introduction: Political Leadership and the Office of Prime Minister." In British Government: The Central Executive Territory, 133–35. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14897-4_11.

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Bujard, Birgit. "Prime Minister’s Office and Cabinet Office as Institutional Resources of the Prime Minister in the European (Monetary) Policy Core Executive." In The British Prime Minister in the Core Executive, 87–113. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89953-4_7.

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Brazier, Rodney. "Prime Minister." In Choosing a Prime Minister, 137–56. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859291.003.0006.

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This chapter looks at the ways in which a politician becomes Prime Minister after a General Election. The voting system is briefly analysed because it is through its operation that a Prime Minister has the constitutional right to hold office—but by a method that is flawed. The significance of party manifestos is examined. While an election that gives one party a majority in the Commons is a simple concept, hung Parliaments have caused constitutional and political problems in the past. Such results in 1910, 1923, 1929, and 1974 are explained. The formation of the Coalition Government in 2010 is analysed, and the effect of methods codified in The Cabinet Manual on the consequences of the 2017 hung Parliament is assessed in detail. The obligations of a sitting Prime Minister when a hung Parliament is returned are explored.

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Trollope, Anthony. "Chapter 80 the last meeting at matching." In The Prime Minister. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/owc/9780199587193.003.0085.

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The ex-Prime Minister did not carry out his purpose of leaving London in the middle of the season and travelling either to Italy or Norway. He was away from London at Whitsuntide longer perhaps than he might have been if still in office, and...

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Conference papers on the topic "Vanuatu. Office of the Prime Minister"

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GOMBITOVÁ, Dagmar. "Integrating Delphi and AHP methods in long-term policy decisions." In Current Trends in Public Sector Research. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9646-2020-2.

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This paper presents the application of expert decision methods for the formulation and prioritisation of the long-term economic, social and environmental policies in the Slovak Republic. The Partnership Agreement for the Slovak Republic is an underlying strategy for investments from the European Structural and Investment Funds in the period 2021-2027. Policies implemented under the Partnership Agreement will allocate €13.4b on four policy objectives. This paper concentrates on the policy objective 4 ‘Social development’. The authors co-operated with the Deputy Prime Minister Office and assembled panels of top Slovak experts on social and economic issues. The Delphi and Analytical hierarchy process methods were combined for analysing major development challenges and eliciting policy priorities. The methods combined the bottom-up and top-down approaches to policy making. Consecutive rounds of the ‘classical Delphi’ generated consensus by experts on major development challenges of the Slovak Republic in period 2021-2027. The ‘policy Delphi’ encouraged structured public dialogue in order to generate policy alternatives for solving development challenges. The Analytical Hierarchy Process enabled the structuring of complex policy decision problems. A hierarchy of decision goals, decision alternatives and decision criteria was constructed. Some nine policy measures were drafted and prioritised.

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Reports on the topic "Vanuatu. Office of the Prime Minister"

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Premises - Commonwealth Bank - Melbourne - Bicycle Club Chambers (original Head Office) - Governor Denison Miller and Prime Minister, Andrew Fisher in the Governor's office - 1912. Reserve Bank of Australia, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47688/rba_archives_pn-001216.

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Commonwealth Bank - Head Office cnr Pitt Street & Martin Place - Opening of new premises - Prime Minister Hughes addresses the public - 22 August 1916 (plate 647). Reserve Bank of Australia, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47688/rba_archives_pn-000853.

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