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1
Jha, Rajani Ranjan. "Prime Minister’s Office: The Fulcrum of Indian Administration." Indian Journal of Public Administration 65, no. 1 (February 6, 2019): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556118822029.
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Prime minister occupies a pivotal position in any parliamentary system of government. At the time of India’s Independence, the prime minister’s office (PMO) started working as a low profile non-constitutional and non-statutory body. But within less than two decades, the PMO emerged as an institution with a formidable influence in policymaking. It was sometimes labelled as the parallel government. This article is a modest attempt to discuss the origin and development of the PMO in India right from Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to PM Narendra Modi. In the process, it deals briefly with the organisational structure of PMO and the role of the principal secretary to the PMO. Additionally, the article examines how with every prime minister importance of the PMO changes. This nerve centre of power basks in the reflected glory of its incumbent, the Prime Minister of India.
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Ryoichi, Osamu. "POLITICAL CHANGING FOR PRIME MINISTER OF JAPAN." International Journal of Law Reconstruction 5, no. 1 (May 6, 2021): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/ijlr.v5i1.15540.
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The prime minister of Japan (日本国内閣総理大臣, Nihon-koku naikaku sōridaijin, or shushō (首相)) (informally referred to as the PMOJ) is head of the government of Japan, the chief executive of the National Cabinet and the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of Japan; he is appointed by the emperor of Japan after being designated by the National Diet and must enjoy the confidence of the House of Representatives to remain in office. He is the head of the Cabinet and appoints and dismisses the other ministers of state. The literal translation of the Japanese name for the office is Minister for the Comprehensive Administration of (or the Presidency over) the Cabinet. The current prime minister of Japan is Yoshihide Suga. On 14 September 2020, he was elected to the presidency of the governing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). After being confirmed in the Diet, he received an invitation from Emperor Naruhito to form a government as the new prime minister, and took office on 16 September 2020. Japan's parliament has elected Yoshihide Suga as the country's new prime minister, following the surprise resignation of Shinzo Abe. After winning the leadership of the governing party earlier this week, Wednesday's vote confirms the former chief cabinet secretary's new position. It happened because the needed of political interest for Japan.
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Burrett, Tina. "Explaining Japan’s Revolving Door Premiership: Applying the Leadership Capital Index." Politics and Governance 4, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i2.575.
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The tenure of Japanese prime ministers is famously short. Between 2006 and 2012 Japan changed prime minister once a year. What factors can explain Japan’s revolving-door premiership? To explore this puzzle, this article applies the <em>Leadership Capital Index</em> (LCI) developed by Bennister, ’t Hart and Worthy (2015) to case studies of the nine Japanese prime ministers holding office between 2000 and 2015. Leadership capital is the aggregate of leaders’ political resources: skills, relations and reputation. The LCI thus allows analysis of the interplay between individual capacities and contextual conditions in determining leaders’ ability to gain, maintain and deploy power. The LCI is applied to answer two questions. Firstly, what accounts for the short tenure of many Japanese premiers? In which of the LCI’s three leadership dimensions do Japanese leaders lack capital? Secondly, what forms of capital allow some prime ministers to retain office for longer than average (>2 years)? In particular, the article analyses the leadership of Junichiro Koizumi (2001–2006) Japan’s longest serving prime minister since the 1970s, and incumbent Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who has held office for three years since December 2012. As well as utilising the LCI to comparatively analyse the tenure of Japan’s prime ministers, this article tests the applicability of the Index beyond Western parliamentary democracies.
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O'Malley, Eoin. "Investigating the Effects of Directly Electing the Prime Minister." Government and Opposition 41, no. 2 (2006): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00174.x.
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AbstractThere are good prima facie reasons to believe that directly electing a prime minister may provide the holder of that office with a tremendous power resource. Indeed some countries with weak prime ministers have debated this possible change, and one, Israel, carried it through. Using a theoretical argument based on the number of veto points in a political system, this article proposes that a directly elected prime minister will not increase the power of a prime minister. It studies what actually happened in Israel, and offers alternative explanations for the weakness of and lack of cohesion in its executive. Similarly, other factors are identified as causes of prime ministerial weakness in Italy and Japan.
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Feldman, Ofer. "Political Reality and Editorial Cartoons in Japan: How the National Dailies Illustrate the Japanese Prime Minister." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 72, no. 3 (September 1995): 571–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909507200308.
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This report of a content analysis details how editorial cartoons in two Japanese national dailies illustrated six recent Japanese prime ministers during their first three months in office. The findings reveal the growing importance the media allocate to the national political leader as a source of political information and coverage. Nevertheless, the prime minister appears as a passive man who lacks leadership qualities, reflecting to a certain extent the weak position the prime minister has in Japanese politics.
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Brookshire, Jerry H., and Peter Hennessy. "The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders since 1945." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 35, no. 1 (2003): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054573.
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Rossi, John. "The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders since 1945." History: Reviews of New Books 30, no. 1 (January 2001): 16–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2001.10525933.
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Anere, Ray. "Papua New Guinea in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.227.
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Abstract The current power struggle has taken on historical proportions, interrupting the four-year-old Somare government in Papua New Guinea one year short of its full five-year term. In August 2011, Speaker of Parliament Jeffrey Nape declared the Office of Prime Minister vacant, resulting in Parliament electing Peter O'Neill as the new prime minister. Late in the year, the Supreme Court ruled otherwise.
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Burki, Shahid Javed. "Pakistan: Growth Set Back by Structural Rigidities (The Quaid-i-Azam Memorial Lecture)." Pakistan Development Review 35, no. 4I (December 1, 1996): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v35i4ipp.315-342.
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This article has five parts. The first provides an overview of major structural weaknesses in the Pakistani economy—I call them faultlines. The following three parts describe the programme of stabilisation and structural reform introduced by the caretaker administration of Prime Minister Meraj Khalid. This government was in office for 104 days, from November 5, 1996 to February 17, 1997. On February 17, the government headed by Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif took office. The fifth part provides a brief assessment of what lies in Pakistan’s future if the problems created by delayed structural reforms are not addressed adequately and on time.
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Ganesan, N. "Malaysia in 2002: Political Consolidation amid Change?" Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.147.
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In 2002, the Malaysian government underwent significant political consolidation. Despite Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's sudden announcement in June of his resignation, he will remain in office until October 2003, after which Deputy Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi will replace him as prime minister. The government's political consolidation derived partly from its war on terrorism, which allowed it to marginalize the mainstream opposition. Additionally, opposition parties themselves are in disarray. Economically, the country performed well, and unorthodox measures introduced after the Asian financial crisis have begun to pay off. In foreign affairs, Malaysia achieved good accommodation with the U.S. but suffered from hiccups in its bilateral relations with regional neighbors.
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Downs, William M., and Satu Riutta. "Out with ‘Rainbow Government’ and in with ‘Iraqgate’: The Finnish General Election of 2003." Government and Opposition 40, no. 3 (2005): 424–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2005.00158.x.
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AbstractFinland's March 2003 general election saw Anneli Jäätteenmäki lead her opposition Centre Party to a narrow victory over Prime Minister Paavo Lipponen's Social Democrat-led ‘rainbow government’. A generally lacklustre campaign, highlighted by concerns over unemployment, Finland's place in Europe and uncomfortable foreign policy decisions, is notable for making Jäätteenmäki Finland's first female prime minister and for making the country the first in the EU to have women as both prime minister and president. These distinctions proved fleeting, as scandal –‘Iraqgate’– drove Jäätteenmäki from office after only two months. Scandal aside, the election demonstrates the difficulties for still-new EU members of juggling domestic economic concerns with European and broader international commitments.
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Kurnia, Fikri Ali, Shulfi Ana Helmi, and Sunnah Dwi Rochmana. "Konstruksi Media Online Detik.com dan Kompas.com terhadap Vanuatu." Jurnal Ilmiah Komunikasi Makna 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jikm.v9i1.13312.
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Vanuatu is one of the Pacific Island countries that consistently raises the issue of alleged human rights violations in Papua at every opportunity at the UN session. On September 27, 2020, Vanuatu, represented by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Vanuatu, Bob Loughman, returned to address the issue related to human rights violations of the Papuan at the 75th UN session. Vanuatu's statement and its reply from the Indonesian diplomat, Sylvany Austin Pasaribu, at the 75th UN session became the spotlight of various media. Detik.com and Kompas.com as online media pioneers and one of the most frequently accessed news sites, were also reported that occurrence. This research aims to find out the differences between those media on packaging its report of Vanuatu after the issue of Papuan human rights violations was raised at the 75th UN General Assembly. The news period under research is from 27 September to 2 October 2020. This research uses qualitative research method with the Zhongdang Pan and Gerald M Kosicki framing analysis model. In this research, Detik.com was more likely to corner Vanuatu. This matter can be seen in terms of quantity and packaging of news. Meanwhile, Kompas.com, didn't put Vanuatu in an advantageous position, but was trying to show balance in its report.
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Novak, Andrew. "Averting an African Boycott: British Prime Minister Edward Heath and Rhodesian Participation in the Munich Olympics." Britain and the World 6, no. 1 (March 2013): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0076.
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In 1968, the British government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson lobbied behind the scenes for Rhodesia's exclusion from the Mexico City Olympics. Three years earlier, the former British colony of Southern Rhodesia had seceded from the British Empire under white minority rule and faced isolation from international sporting events. With the election of Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath in 1970, British foreign policy shifted more heavily to Europe rather than the former British colonies of the Commonwealth, and Heath sought to allow Rhodesia to compete in the 1972 Munich Games lest it isolate West Germany and create a controversy similar to South Africa's expulsion from the Olympics. With the help of Foreign Minister Alec Douglas-Home, Heath manoeuvred Conservative Party factionalism on the issue of Rhodesian sanctions and the Party's traditionally ambiguous relationship with Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith. The merger between the Foreign Office and the Commonwealth Relations Office coincided with this increased emphasis on European foreign policy matters, the Foreign Office's traditional expertise. Ultimately, Rhodesia was excluded from the Olympics despite Heath's hesitation, and the threatened African boycott movement proved to be a critical episode toward the development of the Gleneagles Agreement, which ultimately led to the sporting isolation of South Africa in 1978. Relying on documents in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office Archives, the International Olympic Committee Archives, the Avery Brundage papers at the University of Illinois, and microfilm of African newspapers, this paper reconstructs the pressures on Heath and the International Olympic Committee to expel Rhodesia.
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Benoit, William, and Jennifer M. Benoit-Bryan. "A functional analysis of the 2010 Australian Prime Minister debate." Journal of Argumentation in Context 3, no. 2 (September 22, 2014): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.3.2.03ben.
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This study applied the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to the July 25, 2010 Australian Prime Minister debate. Attacks were more common than acclaims, both of which occurred more frequently than defenses. Incumbent Prime Minister Gillard acclaimed more, and attacked less, than challenger Abbott. This contrast was particularly acute when the candidates discussed past deeds (record in office). The two candidates discussed policy more than character. When discussing general goals and ideals, they acclaimed more than they attacked. These results are compared with studies of political leaders debates in other countries and elections.
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Kamosiński, Sławomir. "Entrepreneurs and Entrepreneurship in the Exposé of the Prime Ministers: From Tadeusz Mazowiecki to Mateusz Morawiecki." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 38, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 130–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sho-2020-0006.
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Abstract The Prime Minister’s program speech, called the exposé, attracts particular attention. Its essence comes down to presenting the government’s program. In a few key words, the Prime Minister often summarizes the framework proposals of his government in terms of economic policy, social policy, education, health care, the army as well as individual social and professional groups. The words spoken by the Prime Minister, asking for confidence in the government that has just been formed set the direction for the entire Council of Ministers for subsequent years. In this regard, there is a need to examine the economic policy of every Prime Minister in office since 1989 considering entrepreneurs. What offer did the heads of government make to entrepreneurs, what kind of support could this group count on, how were the institutions supporting the economy and political institutions evaluated? The aim of this article is to find answers to the presented problems.
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Grzybowski, Marian. "Prime Minister’s Constitutional Position in Hungary, Romania and Poland (a Comparative Analysis)." Gubernaculum et Administratio 1(21) (2020): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/gea.2020.01.01.
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The institution of the prime-minister, formed in monarchical states, has gained a new political environment in the republic affecting the position and nature of the p[rime-minister’s office. This position depended ,to a large extent, on the systemic location and the shape of the function and competences of the elected president of the republic. The systemic solution adopted in this respect were, as a rule, between two border models; the prime-minister’s full dependence on the political (party) and majority forces in the parliament and the political connection of the castoff the prime-minister’s position to the political profile and personal preferences of the president. Among the solutions indicated here were a number of intermediary solutions used in the systemic practice of individual countries. The political changes at the turn of the Year 1989/1990 in Central and South-Eastern Europe favoured shaping the position of the prime-minister in connections of the model of parliamentary government (i.e. depending on the party structure and majority confidence in parliament) ,but with influence of the president (especially in case of the cast of this office in general and direct election).
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Brown, Archie. "The Change to Engagement in Britain's Cold War Policy: The Origins of the Thatcher-Gorbachev Relationship." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 3 (July 2008): 3–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.3.3.
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Using previously unseen British Cabinet Office and Foreign Office papers obtained through the UK Freedom of Information Act, this article shows how a change in Britain's stance in the Cold War was initiated in 1983. As a result of this process, the British government of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher decided to move to greater engagement with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Distrusting the Foreign Office as an institution, Thatcher asked for papers from eight outside academic specialists, on whose analyses she placed considerable weight. The desire for East-West dialogue was strongly favored by Foreign Office ministers and officials, whose advice, paradoxically, was more readily accepted by Thatcher when similar policy recommendations (though with some differences in analysis) were made by the academics. The invitation to Mikhail Gorbachev to visit Britain in 1984, prior to his becoming leader of the Soviet Union, had its origins in a Chequers seminar involving both academics and officials on 8–9 September 1983. This was the beginning of an important, and surprising, political relationship that transformed Britain's militantly anti-socialist prime minister into the strongest supporter—certainly among conservative politicians worldwide—of the new leader of the Soviet Communist Party.
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Rahayu, Risma Ratri, and Ula Nisa El Fauziah. "SPEECH ACTS OF U.K. PRIME MINISTER BORISH JOHNSON’S SPEECH." PROJECT (Professional Journal of English Education) 4, no. 4 (July 12, 2021): 609. http://dx.doi.org/10.22460/project.v4i4.p609-616.
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Abstract This research was to investigate speech acts of Borish Jonshon’s speech concern in the illocutionary act and the use of speech act analysis by Hymes (2014). The speech was held in Prime Minister’s office and Borish Johnson has used a national TV address at 8.30 p.m. The data of this research taken from the script and speech video of the U.K. Prime Minister named Borish Johnson on 23 March 2020 which talked about Covid-19. The research applied descriptive qualitative as a method and hold in Yule’s speech act theory. Based on the analysis, the researcher was found and analyze 222 utterances. Those are consist of, 36% representative, 33% declarative, 16% directive, 9% expressive, and 6% commissive. As the result was representative is the highest use of the illocutionary aspect found in this research. It can be seen that Borish Johnson hoped that his audiences would follow what he said to reduce the coronavirus disease - 19. Keywords: Pragmatics, Speech Act, Covid-19
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Berz, Jan. "The effect of voters’ economic perception, Brexit and campaigns on the evaluation of party leaders over time." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 2 (February 13, 2020): 202–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119886220.
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When and why do voters change their evaluation of party leaders? Voters’ evaluations of party leaders are an increasingly important determinant of electoral behaviour. Which factors influence these evaluations of party leaders? Do voters evaluate party leaders who hold the office of prime minister differently from other party leaders, and do electoral campaigns and issues change these evaluations? I use a multilevel growth model with panel data from the United Kingdom to analyse effects over time. I find that campaigns play a significant role and that voters’ stance on Brexit has a considerable time-varying effect. In addition, voters use economic performance as a valence signal for party leaders holding the office of prime minister and therefore hold them accountable for bad economic performance, especially during election campaigns. These findings show that the personalization of politics may endanger the democratic function of elections to a lesser extent than is commonly feared.
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Tudoroiu, Theodor. "No, Prime Minister: PhD Plagiarism of High Level Public Officials." European Review 25, no. 4 (September 6, 2017): 623–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798717000229.
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Based on a public office definition of corruption, this article uses the case studies of doctoral plagiarism of German Minister of Defence Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg, Hungarian President Pàl Schmitt, Romanian Prime Minister Victor Ponta, and Russian President Vladimir Putin in order to show that, by shattering citizens’ confidence in and respect for political class, political parties, state institutions and rule of law, academic plagiarism of high-ranking politicians intertwines with and enforces the most serious democratic failures in their respective countries: degeneration of political culture in Germany, nationalist authoritarian trends in Hungary, a culture of corruption in Romania, and outright dictatorship in Russia. As such, this specific type of plagiarism goes far beyond academia. It represents a direct, aggressive, and effective threat against democracy itself.
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Mulgan, Aurelia George. "Japan's ‘Un-Westminster’ System: Impediments to Reform in a Crisis Economy." Government and Opposition 38, no. 1 (2003): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.t01-1-00005.
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AbstractJapan's Prime Minister Koizumi is attempting a bold program of ‘structural reform’ in order to revive a moribund economy. However, his actual achievements after more than a year in office have fallen far short of his original goals. Such lack of progress for a prime minister bent on reform can only be understood in the context of Japan's ‘Un-Westminster’ system in which the cabinet is not an authoritative decisionmaking body for government policy. Although modelled along Westminster lines, Japan does not have strong cabinet government; it has party-bureaucratic government. In practice this means that Koizumi's push for reform faces the de facto veto power of bureaucrats and his own ruling party.
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Kamimura, Susumu. "Policy-Making Powers of the Japanese Prime Minister after the 2001 Reforms." Developments in Administration 2, no. 2 (July 2, 2017): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.46996/dina.v2i2.5189.
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Japan’s central government reforms in 2001 introduced a new approach to policy decision making, by implementing institutional measures that gave the Prime Minister a genuine center of power. These measures included legal clarification of the Prime Minister’s power to make proposals at Cabinet meetings, reinforced the Cabinet Secretariat’s planning function, and created the Cabinet Office (in particular, the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy). This paper examines the context behind this drastic transformation, and how these changes were implemented. It also documents the consequences of this power shift, by providing numerical evidence of increases in the Prime Minister’s staff complement, the augmentation of administrative bodies that report to him, and the extent of the legislative power now under his direct authority. Based on these analyses, this paper concludes that this strengthening of the Prime Minister’s power represents a Japanese version of the well-known “presidentialization” framework described by Poguntke and Webb.
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Perera, Binendri. "The unresolved constitutional dilemma: Persisting Imbalance of power exposed by the Constitutional Coup 2018." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 54, no. 1 (2021): 116–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2021-1-116.
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On 26th October 2018, Sri Lankan President surprised the nation with his abrupt removal of the Prime Minister in office and the appointment of another Prime Minister on ambivalent constitutional grounds. Through his actions, President Sirisena was attempting to bring to the power the former strongman Rajapaksa from his own party to entrench himself as well as their party, while undercutting Wickremasinghe and his party. Constitutional Coup 2018 was executed meticulously to ensure that the President and his old enemy, now his new-found ally could capture governmental power. The result was that Sri Lanka had two Prime Ministers claiming to be appointed to office. The paper discusses the dramatic and complicated actions and reactions that occurred during the Constitutional Coup 2018. This paper analyzes how the Constitutional Coup exposed the persisting imbalance of power as a weakness of the Sri Lankan Constitution of 1978 that undermines constitutionalism and how this weakness persisted despite the 2015 constitutional reforms. Even though the constitutional coup 2018 was resolved affirming the supremacy of the constitution the paper analyzes how the weakness exposed during then paved the way towards the deterioration ofthe system of checks and balances.
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De Klerk, F. W. "On leadership." Verbum et Ecclesia 23, no. 3 (August 7, 2002): 608–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v23i3.1227.
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To paraphrase Shakespeare: Some men are born to leadership. Others achieve leadership. And others have leadership thrust upon them. In my case, it could be said that, in part, I was born into a long tradition of political service and leadership. My father was a senior cabinet minister and President of the Senate. My uncle, J. G. Strydom, was Prime Minister. In other respects, I achieved leadership. I served long apprenticeships as a student leader; as a leader in various Afrikaans cultural organisations; as a back-bencher; as a cabinet minister and as a senior office-bearer in my party.
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Bryden, Penny. "Foreign policy advice in the Prime Minister’s Office: Mackenzie King to Brian Mulroney." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 4 (December 2020): 516–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020976614.
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The Department of External Affairs (DEA) has always been anomalous—more closely associated with the prime minister than any other department, yet also more independent from cabinet in its necessarily far-flung structure than any other department. The unique position of the DEA has meant that its influence has been closely tied to changes in the structure of the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). This article examines the ways that the advisory capacity of the DEA has gradually been eroded, while the foreign policy advice from the PMO has concomitantly increased, in the period between the 1930s and the 1990s.
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Jäckle, Sebastian. "Voluntary Withdrawals, Forced Resignations, Collective Retirements or Just Bad Fortune? A Competing Risks Analysis of Ministerial Turnover in the German Länder (1990-2010)." German Politics and Society 34, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 54–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340103.
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This paper explores the determinants of ministerial duration within the German Länder between 1990 and 2010. In arguing that different terminal events ceasing ministerial tenures should be analyzed separately, it distinguishes four exit types: voluntary, forced, collective (ministers leaving office because their whole party does so) and exits that are neither volitional acts of the minister nor politically induced. Depending on the exit type, competing-risks Cox-models show different effects for one and the same variable on the hazard for ministerial turnover. Seniority in high-level politics for example helps not to be forced out of office while it has no effect on voluntary or collective exits. Heading an important ministry on the other hand increases the chances to rise to other positions in high politics or private business, but does not impact the other two hazards. The analysis furthermore shows that the principal-agent-logic known from Westminster systems with the prime minister being largely sovereign in hiring and firing cabinet members must be adapted to the German context of frequent coalition governments. In coalition governments, only ministers from the same party as the prime minister exhibit higher hazards for forced exits, while ministers from other coalition partners are much safer in that regard.
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Moskalev, Petr E. "On the Chinese Origins of the Former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2(51) (2021): 309–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-2-2-51-309-318.
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The article is dedicated the certain aspects of the biography of Thaksin Shinawatra – a former Prime-Minister of Thailand (2001–2006) and one of the wealthiest businessmen in the history of Thailand are described. The history of his family is told from the moment of the arrival of his great-grandfather from China to Thailand, up to the moment when Thaksin was forced to step down from office as a result of the coup d’etat in 2006.
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Raunio, Tapio, and Thomas Sedelius. "Shifting Power-Centres of Semi-Presidentialism: Exploring Executive Coordination in Lithuania." Government and Opposition 54, no. 4 (December 4, 2017): 637–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.31.
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Despite more than two decades of research on semi-presidential regimes, we still know very little about the actual coordination between the president and the prime minister. Through an in-depth analysis of Lithuanian semi-presidentialism, this article underscores the importance of institutional design on intra-executive balance of power. Drawing primarily on interviews with top-level civil servants and office-holders, it argues that in the absence of written rules or other strong norms guiding intra-executive coordination, presidents enjoy more discretion in designing their own modes of operation. Coordination depends on the initiative of the president, with ad hoc practices further weakening the position of the prime minister. While Lithuanian semi-presidentialism has functioned smoothly, the personality-centred politics commonly found in Central and East European countries create favourable conditions for presidential activism.
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Ştefan, Laurenţiu. "Party Leaders vs. Technocrats." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.47.
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This article takes a close look at the selection and survival of prime ministers in Romania. While many factors are deemed important in understanding why prime ministers are “weak” or “strong,” have short or long tenures in office (including the relationship with the president and with the governing parties), this article focuses on the level of party credentials as a critical factor in both the selection and the survival of the prime ministers. Following Grotz and Weber (2017), I argue that a better understanding of how impactful this factor is comes only after a full assessment of the political circumstances in which the selection of the prime minister takes place. “Post-electoral” context may be defined by different goals, tactics, and ambitions than the “replacement” context. I found that party leaders survive longer in prime ministerial office, that they are the first choice in post-electoral contexts, but not necessarily in both contexts taken together, and that technocrats are preferred in replacement contexts, especially when the next legislative elections are getting near.
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Kirby, Michael. "The Removal of Justice Staples and the Silent Forces of Industrial Relations." Journal of Industrial Relations 31, no. 3 (September 1989): 334–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568903100303.
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On 1 March 1989 the Australian Conciliation and Arbitration Commission was abolished and replaced by the Australian Industrial Relations Commission. All of the members of the old commission were appointed to the same office in the new except one, Justice Staples, a deputy president since 1975. Despite requests, no reasons were given to Justice Staples for his non-appointment in 1989 to the new commission. In Parliament, Prime Minister R. J. Hawke eventually explained it as based on the failure of successive presidents to assign Justice Staples duties. This paper places the events of Justice Staples's career in the Arbitration Commission in the context of the history of the commission and its predecessors. It outlines the controversy involving Justice Staples and how it first arose, and then traces the steps leading to his purported removal from office. The responses of the Australian legal profession, the judiciary, the media, the industrial relations community and parliamentarians are traced. Although the prime minister has declared that the concerns expressed in the legal profession are 'contrived nonsense', the author suggests that important conventions have been breached and that significant principles of universal application are involved in what happened to Justice Staples.
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Annesley, Claire, and Susan Franceschet. "Gender and the Executive Branch." Politics & Gender 11, no. 04 (December 2015): 613–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000446.
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The executive branch of government constitutes the pinnacle of political power. In principle, presidents and prime ministers, along with their cabinets, set the policy agenda, debate, and deliberate policy initiatives; introduce legislation; and oversee the implementation of public policies. Executives are the most visible political actors, representing the public “face” of government. Until very recently, executives were also the most masculinized of political institutions, with women absent entirely from the position of prime minister or president until the 1960s, and, at least until the last decade, holding only a small number of posts in cabinet. Yet one of the most striking global trends in recent years is the growing number of women elected to the post of prime minister or president: at the time of writing there are 12 countries where a woman occupies the top political office. A growing number of women are also being appointed cabinet ministers and, in some cases, to some of the most traditionally masculine posts. It is common today to define “parity” cabinets as those where women hold between 40% and 60% of ministerial portfolios. With that definition, countries as different as Spain, Bolivia, Sweden, and South Africa have had gender parity in cabinet. What is more, women's presence in cabinet is now a firmly established norm. Among the first questions raised by commentators after a newly elected president or prime minister announces her cabinet are, how many women were appointed? To which portfolios were they assigned?
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Jørgensen, Jesper Düring. "Gustav Meissners rolle i den såkaldte nytårskrise 1940-41." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 55 (March 3, 2016): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v55i0.118923.
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Jesper Düring Jørgensen: The role of Gustav Meissner in the so-called New Year crisis
The article looks at the role of the German press attaché Gustav Meissner (1910–1995) during the so-called New Year crisis, which unfolded between the German occupying administration and the Danish government from December 1940 to the end of January 1941. The crisis started in autumn 1940 as a reaction to the unsuccessful monetary and customs union negotiations between Germany and Denmark, and as a result of the Danish Nazi party’s failed propaganda offensive. Another factor that contributed to exacerbating the crisis around Christmas 1940 was a protracted attack on Prime Minister Thorvald Stauning, with the intention of removing him from his post as prime minister of Denmark. In addition, conflicts of interest and expectations regarding the occupation of Denmark existed both at the German Federal Foreign Office (Auswärtiges Amt) and at the German Embassy in Copenhagen. In Copenhagen, the German ambassador Cecil von Renth-Fink tried to implement a pragmatic policy towards the Danish Government to ensure the greatest possible peace and order in the country for the safety of the German troops, and to safeguard the Danish agricultural and industrial exports to Germany, but in Berlin this policy was subtly opposed by the powerful Under Secretary Martin Luther and by his henchman at the embassy in Copenhagen, Gustav Meissner, who, partly behind Renthe-Fink’s back but with the assistance of Louis von Kohl, initiated several intrigues to topple the prime minister in Copenhagen. However, the demands to replace Stauning met with widespread opposition from the Danish government and the trade unions, and the crisis petered out. Stauning remained at his post, but party leader Hans Hedtoft and H. C. Hansen were forced out of office by the Germans.
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Feinstein, Charles, and Robin Matthews. "The Growth of Output and Productivity in the UK: the 1980s as a Phase of the Post-War Period." National Institute Economic Review 133 (August 1990): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795019013300106.
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The completion of Mrs Thatcher's first ten years as Prime Minister stimulated many surveys of the economic policy of the government during that time in office (for instance Layard and Nickell 1989; Bean and Symons 1989). Authors writing at that time were concerned particularly to make comparisons with the performance of the predominantly Labour governments that had been in power during the previous economic cycle, running from 1973 to 1979.
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Mickel, John, and John Wanna. "The Longman by-election of 2018: An ordinary result with extraordinary consequences." Queensland Review 27, no. 1 (June 2020): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2020.6.
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AbstractThis article sets out to explain how the relatively unremarkable 2018 by-election result in which a sitting Labor candidate held her seat with a mediocre swing towards her resulted in the panicked removal of Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull from office and his immediate resignation from the parliament. The combined Queensland state Coalition party, the Liberal National Party, convinced itself that it could win the marginal outer-metropolitan seat of Longman in Queensland but when its expectations were dashed, it became spooked and set in train a chain of events that ousted Turnbull and installed Scott Morrison as prime minister. Turnbull was widely seen by the Coalition party room as having run a lack-lustre campaign in the 2016 federal election, and not having performed well in the 2018 by-election campaigns. Perhaps unwisely, Turnbull made the Longman by-election a direct leadership contest between himself and opposition leader Bill Shorten. However, Labor’s tactics in the by-election ‘outmanned, outspent and out-campaigned’ the Coalition’s faltering campaign in the seat, causing the relatively unremarkable outcome in Longman to become a catalyst for a challenge to Turnbull’s leadership. When parliament reconvened, Peter Dutton became the ‘stalking horse’ who resulted in the rise of Scott Morrison to the top office.
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Soustal, Peter. "Überlegungen zu Toponymen der Region Kastoria aus dem Osmanischen defter von 1440." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 50-2 (2013): 863–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1350863s.
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Defter number 237 of the Ba?bakanl?k ar?ivi (Archives of the office of the Prime Minister) in ?stanbul dated approximately to the year 1440 is a valuable source for about 70 villages situated in the Region of Kastoria (Northern Greece). On the basis of recently published studies of Charalampos P. Syme?nid?s, Ge?rgios Tsotsos and Angelik? Delikar? the identification, localization and etymology of 47 selected toponyms are discussed.
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Ali, Azham Md. "1MDB: The Auditor General Office’s Questions." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 6, no. 1 (February 19, 2016): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v6i1.9056.
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Following the prime minister’s instruction on March 4, 2015, the Auditor-General Office (AGO) began its audit 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) on March 10, 2015. But there are some very important questions left unanswered with the conduct of the audit including: What are the objectives of the audit by the auditor-general? Why the prime minister declaring no wrongdoing at the 1MDB while at the same time wanting AGO audit? Why the failure to specify the necessary such as the probe’s terms of reference and timeframe? And last but certainly not the least is: Should the auditor-general be the one to audit the IMDB?
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Kumar, Shashi Bhushan. "P.V. Narasimha Rao: The Precursor of the Era of Economic Reforms in India." Indian Journal of Public Administration 63, no. 4 (November 22, 2017): 616–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117726824.
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Pamulaparti Venkata (P.V.) Narasimha Rao ascended to the office of the Prime Minister (PM) of India at a time when India was stuck at its worst phase of economic turmoil. His keen foresight had initiated India to a path of economic liberalisation, the ripples of which are felt by the country to date. This is a narrative of the policy of a master planner of economic reforms in India, who along with his economist Foreign Minister Manmohan Singh, lifted it out of the economic morass consequent upon the Nehruvian policy of mixed economy of about four decades by initiating the economic reforms in 1991. What India has achieved as an economic power, P.V. Narasimha Rao as PM deserves credit for, along with his team of ministers, especially Manmohan Singh and P. Chidambaram.
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Isaac, Jeffrey C. "Elections, Contestation, and Democracy." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 3 (September 2013): 711–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713002120.
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As I write this Introduction on June 1, 2013, Turkey is experiencing a fourth day of street demonstrations against the government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his Islamist-based Justice and Development Party. What began as a protest of government plans to construct a shopping mall on the site of an Istanbul green space has escalated into a broader protest of Erdogan's decade-long tenure in office. The government has thus far responded violently, and the protests have intensified. A Reuters news report summarizes the crisis:
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Park, Gene, and Steven Vogel. "Japan in 2006: A Political Transition." Asian Survey 47, no. 1 (January 2007): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.1.22.
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Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro stepped down in September 2006 after a five-year term in which he reshaped Japanese politics by undermining his own party's political machine, stretched the constraints on Japan's military role, and promoted a program of ““structural”” economic reform. In his final year in office, he confronted a backlash against his economic reform program and presided over a chill in relations with China and South Korea. Abe Shinzo replaced Koizumi, pledging to repair relations with Japan's neighbors and to promote a pro-growth economic strategy.
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Kabashima, Ikuo. "Support for Koizumi Administration." Japanese Journal of Political Science 3, no. 2 (November 2002): 285–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109902002104.
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One year ago the Japanese people pinned their hopes on Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. The figure shows public support ratings for the Koizumi cabinet as measured by periodic JiJi opinion surveys: He enjoyed a stellar 72.8% support rate immediately after taking office, and this climbed even higher to break the 78.4% mark the following month. Compared with the dismal 9.6% support for the cabinet of his predecessor, Mori Yoshirô (April 2000–April 2001), right before he bowed out, these sky-high numbers make it clear just how much faith the people were placing in the new administration.
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FUJIMURA, NAOFUMI. "Executive Leadership and Fiscal Discipline: Explaining Political Entrepreneurship in Cases of Japan." Japanese Journal of Political Science 10, no. 2 (August 2009): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109909003521.
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AbstractThis article discusses the effects of executive leadership on fiscal policies and performance. I propose that executive leadership, as a political entrepreneur who provides collective goods for organization, has incentives to maintain fiscal discipline so that he or she can stay in office by developing his or her party's reputation and leading party legislators to electoral success. This article argues that executive leadership with stronger public support is more likely to restrain fiscal expenditure and maintain fiscal discipline. I demonstrate this argument by showing that the prime minister who receives higher public support is more likely to restrain fiscal expenditure in Japan.
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PEDEN, G. C. "SIR HORACE WILSON AND APPEASEMENT." Historical Journal 53, no. 4 (November 3, 2010): 983–1014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000270.
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ABSTRACTSir Horace Wilson was Neville Chamberlain's confidential adviser while the latter was prime minister. The article addresses three questions. First, what was Wilson's role in Whitehall in connection with rearmament and foreign policy? Second, did he diminish the influence of the Foreign Office? Third, what contribution does his defence of appeasement make to understanding of a subject that continues to divide historians? The article concludes that Wilson played an important role in enabling Chamberlain to pursue his foreign policy goals. However, when there was outright disagreement between Wilson and the Foreign Office, it was the Foreign Office view that prevailed. Finally, the evidence of Wilson's words and actions, both in 1937–9 and later, broadly supports R. A. C. Parker's post-revisionist interpretation of appeasement, particularly as regards Munich, but Wilson was a good deal firmer in 1939 about Britain's will to fight, if necessary, than his critics then or later allowed.
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Anuar, Nadia, and Nurizah Md Ngadiran. "An Appeal to the People: Politeness Strategies in the Malaysian Prime Minister’s Maiden Speech." International Journal of Modern Languages And Applied Linguistics 5, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/ijmal.v5i2.13206.
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The use of politeness strategies has received increasing attention in the political discourse as a powerful persuasion tool. These strategies became critical for the newly appointed prime minister of Malaysia, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, to convince Malaysians that he is qualified to lead the country during a political upheaval and global pandemic. Thus, the objectives of this paper are to identify the types and frequency of the politeness strategies used by Muhyiddin Yassin in his maiden speech as the eighth prime minister of Malaysia. Two categories of politeness strategies based on Brown and Levinson’s (1987) were examined, which are negative strategies and positive strategies. The speech text was obtained from the official website of Prime Minister’s Office and was translated to English for analysis. The translated speech was subsequently checked for validity. Document analysis was used to analyse the translated speech text to determine the types and frequency of the politeness strategies. The analysis revealed that positive politeness strategies were significantly used (88%) compared to negative politeness strategies (12%). The most dominantly used positive politeness strategy was “notice and attend to the receiver’s need, interest, or want” while “use of exaggeration”, “seek agreement”, and “avoid disagreement” were the least used strategy. In contrast, “question” and “giving deference” were identified to be the most frequently used negative politeness strategy. The present study extends our knowledge on the use of politeness strategies in a political speech in an Asian setting, which is notably lacking in the literature.
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Braithwaite, Julian. "Commentary: A European Perspective on Services Negotiations." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850061. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1148.
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A commentary on J. Robert Vastine's article "Services Negotiations in the Doha Round: Promise and Reality." Julian Braithwaite has been the Head of the Global Issues Group in the British Embassy in Washington, DC, since September 2004. The Global Issues Group focuses on transatlantic economic relations relating in particular to trade and agriculture policy, energy, and the environment. Braithwaite joined the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office in 1994. He worked on British and EU policy in the former Yugoslavia from 1994 to 1998, serving for two years in the British Embassy in Belgrade. From 1998 to 2002, he was seconded to 10 Downing Street, where he worked on communication issues, including speechwriting for the Prime Minister and EU affairs. From 2002 to 2004 he was seconded to the executive office of High Representative to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Lord Paddy Ashdown. He has also been seconded to the UN (Office of the UNSRSG to the former Yugoslavia) in 1995 and NATO (SACEUR’s Executive Office) in 1999. He was educated at Cambridge and Harvard Universities.
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Sinha, Subir. "Lineages of the Developmentalist State: Transnationality and Village India, 1900–1965." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 1 (January 2008): 57–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000054.
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On 2 October 1952, marking Gandhi's fourth birth anniversary after his assassination in 1948, Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minister of postcolonial India, launched the Community Development (CD) Programs. Dedicating the programs to Gandhi's memory allowed Nehru to claim symbolic legitimacy for them. At the same time, this centerpiece of Nehruvian policy in the Indian countryside was heavily interventionist, billed as “the method ... through which the [state] seeks to bring about social and economic transformation in India's villages” (Government of India 1952). In its heyday, CD preoccupied the Planning Commission, was linked to the office of the Prime Minister, had a ministry dedicated to it, and formed part of the domain of action of the rapidly proliferating state and other development agencies. Fifteen pilot projects, each covering 300 villages, were launched in all the major states. Planning documents of the day register high enthusiasm and optimism for these programs. However, by the mid-1960s, barely a decade after the fanfare of its launch, the tone of planners toward CD turned first despairing and then oppositional. They called for abandonment of its ambitious aim of the total development of Indian villages in favor of more focused interventions to achieve a rapid increase in food-grain production.
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Gooberman, Leon. "'A Very Modern Kind of English Loneliness': John Redwood, the Welsh Office and Devolution." Welsh History Review / Cylchgrawn Hanes Cymru 29, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 624–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/whr.29.4.5.
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John Redwood was appointed Secretary of State for Wales in 1993. He pursued a radical right- wing agenda for two turbulent years before resigning to unsuccessfully challenge John Major for the premiership. This article examines this period to make two arguments. One is that Redwood's imposition of a morally-charged Thatcherite agenda challenged and inadvertently discredited the Conservatives and the institutions through which they governed. This loss of credibility then enabled his opponents to magnify pre-existing discontent and secure a narrow victory in the 1997 devolution referendum. The other argument is that Redwood's period in Wales demonstrates the counterproductive potential of ideological dedication. His plan to overthrow the prime minister failed, he damaged his party and he helped facilitate devolution, outcomes that were the opposite of his intentions.
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Kaupa, Stewart, and Ken Chisa. "Adoption of the Electronic Document Records Management System within the Public Sector in Namibia: Exploring the Challenges and Opportunities." International Journal of Operations Management 1, no. 1 (2020): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijom.2757-0509.2020.11.4001.
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The concept of records management aided by information and communication technologies (ICTs) has recently been embraced by many institutions across the globe. For example, organisations that have implemented the Electronic Document and Records Management System (EDRMS are deemed to be better equipped to handle both internally and externally generated records. These organisations are said to operate at higher level in terms of efficiency and effectiveness than those that still rely on manual filing. However, despite the well documented benefits that come With the adoption of ICTs for records management, some departments within the public sector in Namibia, such as the Ministry of Home Affairs, Homeland and Security as well as the Office of the Prime Minister are still heavily reliant on manual filing of documents. It is against this background that this study explored factors hindering the adoption of EDRMS in the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM). The study adopted a qualitative research approach to collect, analyse, and interpret data. The data collecting instruments included open-ended questionnaires, face-to-face interviews and observation of the study respondents. Data was analysed using the Atlas.ti tool. The study found that insufficient training of staff on electronic records management, lack of user needs analysis and lack of user involvement before the introduction of the system all contributed to resistance of the EDRMS adoption in the OPM. The study recommends that the OPM must provide adequate training to its employees on electronic records management and on the EDRMS in particular. The OPM should also make provision for the adoption of a change management strategy plan in order to get user buy-in for the new electronic system to be embraced.
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Strayer, Hon Barry L. "The Constitution Act, 1982: the Foreseen and Unforeseen." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 16, no. 1, 2 & 3 (July 11, 2011): 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9c09s.
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I started preparations for my first constitu- tional conference in an office overlooking Was- cana Lake nearly forty-seven years ago. I was a young lawyer in the Department of the Attor- ney General of Saskatchewan. Prime Minister Diefenbaker had announced that there would be a Conference of Attorneys-General in early October 1960, chaired by Justice Minister Ful- ton, to seek agreement on “Repatriation of the Constitution.” As I expressed interest in the conference to the Attorney General, and had recently taught constitutional law for a year at the University of Saskatchewan, I was made the secretary of the Saskatchewan delegation. This involved most of the work of research and writ- ing position papers and speeches. But it also in- volved making hotel and travel reservations for which I claimed no particular skill! Of course, after four such meetings in 1960 and 1961 we reached no agreement on repatriation, but it gave me on the job training in constitutional reform.
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Jaconelli, Joseph. "DO CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS BIND?" Cambridge Law Journal 64, no. 1 (March 24, 2005): 149–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197305006823.
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CONSTITUTIONAL conventions are to be found in political and legal systems of very different types. Not surprisingly, they exist in considerable abundance in those systems—the prime example is the United Kingdom—the affairs of which are ordered by an unwritten constitution. Familiar instances of constitutional conventions in British government include the following: that the Monarch is required to appoint as Prime Minister the person best placed to command a majority in the House of Commons; that governments are to resign when defeated on a vote of no confidence; that the judicial members of the House of Lords refrain from indulging in party political debate in the chamber; and that ministers are to resign from office after displaying an (admittedly indeterminate) degree of mismanagement of their departments. The preconditions of the existence of any particular constitutional convention are set out in a well-known passage by Sir Ivor Jennings.
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Fry, Michael. "Political Change in Britain, August 1914 to December 1916: Lloyd George Replaces Asquith: the Issues Underlying the Drama." Historical Journal 31, no. 3 (September 1988): 609–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00023517.
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On 7 December 1916 David Lloyd George became prime minister, leading the second coalition government of the war. No archival sources of significance remain to be consulted to help explain how and why the particular composition of the new government emerged. A great deal has been written on the first years of the war, from many perspectives, but a satisfactory political history of Asquith's two administrations remains to be crafted. A sustained narrative, set in the appropriate context, which relates the political significance of the issues to the drama of politics, to the way individuals lose office and governments fall, which establishes trends, and measures cumulative effects is still unwritten.