Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Vanuatu, politics and government

Contents

Journal articles
Dissertations / Theses
Books
Book chapters
Conference papers
Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Vanuatu, politics and government'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Vanuatu, politics and government.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Vanuatu, politics and government"

1

Siekiera, Joanna. "Kondominium brytyjsko-francuskie — fenomen kolonialny na Vanuatu." Prawo 322 (July 6, 2017): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0524-4544.322.6.

Full text

Abstract:

The British-French condominium — the colonial phenomenon on VanuatuOver the entire 20th century, there was a joint government of France and the Great Britain in what is now the Republic of Vanuatu. This specific form of governance, called condominium, is legitimatised by the virtue of international law, but it occurs indeed rarely. This political system provides the equal distribution of rights and responsibilities in the colony, and also between the partner states. Nonetheless, the dual governments in Vanuatu deny this principle. The article presents the history of the Republic’s statehood as well as the implications of the joint British-French governments on the current legal order.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Sabir, Ahmad. "Diplomasi Publik Indonesia terhadap Vanuatu Dalam Upaya Membendung Gerakan Separatisme Papua." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 11, no. 1 (November 1, 2018): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v11i1.8679.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This research explains Indonesia diplomacy to Vanuatu in the context of the Indonesian government's efforts to resolve separatism issue in Papua. The analysis conducted on this thesis uses the theory of Public Diplomacy by Leonard, Stead and Smewing (2002). The result of this research is the failure of Indonesian public diplomacy to shape Vanuatu political stance on Papua issue caused by the failure in optimizing the strategies of Indonesian public diplomacy. Vanuatu yet staunchly supports Papua separatist movement. There are at least three reasons that are closely related to the weakness of Indonesian public diplomacy towards Vanuatu: (1) the conduct of Indonesian public diplomacy has been dominated by state actor and less involve the role of non-state actors, (2) the three dimensions of Indonesian public diplomacy have not been optimazed, and (3) the existance of Melanesian Renaissance in Vanuatu domestic politics. Key words: Public Diplomacy, Indonesia, Vanuatu, United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), Papua Separatist Movement. Penelitian ini menjelaskan tentang diplomasi Indonesia kepada Vanuatu pada konteks upaya pemerintah Indonesia menyelesaikan masalah gerakan separatisme Papua. Analisis yang dilakukan pada tesis ini menggunakan teori diplomasi publik dari Leonard, Stead dan Smewing (2002). Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah gagalnya diplomasi publik Indonesia untuk mempengaruhi sikap politik Vanuatu atas isu Papua disebabkan karena belum optimalnya strategi diplomasi publik yang dijalankan Indonesia. Vanuatu tetap mendukung gerakan separatis Papua. Setidaknya ada tiga faktor yang menyebabkan lemahnya diplomasi publik Indonesia terhadap Vanuatu dalam isu Papua yaitu: (1) pelaksanaan diplomasi publik masih didominasi aktor negara dan kurang melibatkan aktor non-negara; (2) tidak optimalnya tiga dimensi diplomasi publik yang dijalankan Indonesia; dan (3) kuatnya pengaruh Melanesian Renaissance dalam perpolitikan domestik Vanuatu. Kata kunci: Diplomasi Publik, Indonesia, Vanuatu, United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), gerakan separatisme Papua.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Devere, Heather, and Courtney Wilson. "Peace and war journalism in the New Zealand media: Reporting on ‘the arc of instability’ in the Pacific." Pacific Journalism Review 19, no. 1 (May 31, 2013): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v19i1.242.

Full text

Abstract:

The Fourth Estate role of the media in a democracy is to inform its citizens and to be a forum for debate about political issues so that the citizenry is able to make informed decisions about the role its government plays. New Zealand portrays itself as a leading democracy in the Pacific, but how much do New Zealanders know about what is happening among the country’s neighbours? This article is an exploratory study on media coverage of four countries in Melanesia which have experienced conflict to assess the degree to which a peace/conflict journalism approach as opposed to a war/violence journalism approach is used. A content analysis of Radio New Zealand’s Morning Report programme was conducted between June and July 2012 to assess the reporting on the four Melanesian countries: Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. According to Pilger (2011) war journalism is reporting on what those in power say they do, whereas peace journalism is what those in power actually do. Lynch and McGoldrick (2005) state that peace journalism ‘is when editors and reporters make choices—of what stories to report and how to report them—that create opportunities for society at large to consider and value non-violent responses to conflict’ (p. 5). The framing of New Zealand media reporting as either war journalism or peace journalism will be an indication of how information about conflict in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu is presented to a New Zealand audience.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

De Deckker, Paul. "Decolonisation Processes in the South Pacific Islands: A Comparative Analysis between Metropolitan Powers." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 26, no. 2 (May 1, 1996): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v26i2.6172.

Full text

Abstract:

The South Pacific islands came late, by comparison with Asia and Africa, to undertake the decolonising process. France was the first colonial power in the region to start off this process in accordance with the decision taken in Paris to pave the way to independence for African colonies. The Loi-cadre Defferre in 1957, voted in Parliament, was applied to French Polynesia and New Caledonia as it was to French Africa. Territorial governments were elected in both these Pacific colonies in 1957. They were abolished in 1963 after the return to power of General de Gaulle who decided to use Moruroa for French atomic testing. The status quo ante was then to prevail in New Caledonia and French Polynesia up to today amidst statutory crises. The political evolution of the French Pacific, including Wallis and Futuna, is analysed in this article. Great Britain, New Zealand and Australia were to conform to the 1960 United Nations' recommendations to either decolonise, integrate or provide to Pacific colonies self-government in free association with the metropolitan power. Great Britain granted constitutional independence to all of its colonies in the Pacific except Pitcairn. The facts underlying this drastic move are analysed in the British context of the 1970's, culminating in the difficult independence of Vanuatu in July 1980. New Zealand and Australia followed the UN recommendations and granted independence or self-government to their colonial territories. In the meantime, they reinforced their potential to dominate the South Pacific in the difficult geopolitical context of the 1980s. American Micronesia undertook statutory evolution within a strategic framework. What is at stake today within the Pacific Islands is no longer of a political nature; it is financial.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Precillia, Hanna Ladrika. "INDONESIA-FIJI BILATERAL RELATIONSHIP DEVELOPMENT THROUGH SOUTH-SOUTH COOPERATION IN 1999-2016." Sociae Polites 19, no. 1 (June 20, 2018): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v19i1.1645.

Full text

Abstract:

The use of soft power in diplomacy is essential because it minimizes the use of violence and coercion to solving a problem. This strength became the primary tool in the diplomacy of Indonesia-Fiji bilateral relations. The implementation of Indonesia's soft power is Indonesia's engagement in South-South Cooperation through technical cooperation for Fiji. This training is considered essential for Indonesia’s national interest, such as to support the territorial integrity and Indonesia's position in the South Pacific. The problem in this research is how the development of bilateral relations between Indonesia-Fiji through South-South Cooperation in 1999-2016? What is the impact of South-South Cooperation that Indonesia has made with Fiji? The research method used is qualitative with collecting data and uses the concept of Soft Power, Bilateral Relations, and International Cooperation Theory. Indonesia's bilateral relations with Fiji over the period of 1999-2016 have increased. The increase can be seen from the position of the total ranking of Fiji trade with Indonesia, which always occupies the top three in the South Pacific region. The Indonesian Government's strategy to improve bilateral relations with Fiji is to use a soft power approach in the form of technical cooperation within the South-South Cooperation Framework. This strategy has a positive impact on the political and economic fields of Indonesia. In politics, Indonesia has gained political support from Fiji about Indonesia’s territorial integrity from the separatist movement. In the area of economy, Indonesia has succeeded in opening up a new market in the agriculture sector that is selling hand tractors to Fiji and Vanuatu.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Brown, Terry M. "Transcending the colonial gaze: Empathy, agency and community in the South Pacific photography of John Watt Beattie1." Journal of New Zealand & Pacific Studies 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/nzps_00035_1.

Full text

Abstract:

For three months in 1906, John Watt Beattie, the noted Australian photographer – at the invitation of the Anglican Bishop of Melanesia, Cecil Wilson – travelling on the church vessel the Southern Cross, photographed people and sites associated with the Melanesian Mission on Norfolk Island and present-day Vanuatu and Solomon Islands. Beattie reproduced many of the 1500-plus photographs from that trip, which he sold in various formats from his photographic studio in Hobart, Tasmania. The photographs constitute a priceless collection of Pacific images that began to be used very quickly in a variety of publications, with or without attribution. I shall examine some of these photographs in the context of the ethos of the Melanesian Mission, British colonialism in the Solomon Islands, and Beattie’s previous photographic experience. I shall argue that Beattie first exhibited a colonial gaze of objectifying his dehumanized exotic subjects (e.g. as ‘savages’ and ‘cannibals’) but with increased familiarity with them, became empathetic and admiring. In this change of attitude, I argue that he effectively transcended his colonial gaze to produce photographs of great empathy, beauty and longevity. At the same time, he became more critical of the colonial enterprise in the Pacific, whether government, commercial or church.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Jack, John. "E-government in Vanuatu: a whole-of-government approach." Asia Pacific Journal of Public Administration 40, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 228–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23276665.2018.1545354.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Brown, Alistair. "The milieu of government reporting in Vanuatu." Pacific Accounting Review 23, no. 2 (September 13, 2011): 165–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01140581111163980.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Miles, William F. S. "Pigs, Politics and Social Change in Vanuatu." Society & Animals 5, no. 2 (1997): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853097x00051.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractPigs have long held great symbolic import for the people of Vanuatu, a sprawling archipelago 1,000 miles northeast of Australia. In most of the indigenous, small-scale communities which comprised traditional Vanuatu society, pig ownership and pig killing conveyed status, wealth, and informal power. Such rituals were the sole measure of social standing and political rank. In this study, I show how the cultural valuation of an animal, in this case the pig, can evolve as a society undergoes socio-economic development, and also how it can be used to foster nationalistic, partisan. and other political ends. I show how competing nationalist leaders used pig symbolism in their struggle to create a unified national identit_v,for-varying island groups, and how even today, local leaders derive their legitimacy through the manipulation of traditional animal rites.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Mather, Glenda. "The politics of educational planning and development in Vanuatu." Policy, Organisation and Society 13, no. 1 (June 1997): 27–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1997.11876658.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Vanuatu, politics and government"

1

Morgan, Michael G. "Politik is poison : the politics of memory among the Churches of Christ in northern Vanuatu /." View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2003. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20060125.114315/index.html.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Morgan, Michael G., and Michael Morgan@anu edu au. "Politik is poison: the politics of memory among the Churches of Christ in northern Vanuatu." The Australian National University. Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, 2003. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20060125.114315.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis is an exploration of the ways in which past and present Churches of Christ worshippers from northern Vanuatu reflect on politik (Bislama: politics, political action but also much more). To comprehend what this term means to local people in Vanuatu, we must be aware of the contexts in which it is used, the events and relationships that are its exemplars and the local political economies of historical knowledge that inflect its meanings. To this end, this thesis explores the origins of politik as described by my interlocutors through oral histories about the interplay between their church, state institutions and Nagriamel, a traditionalist movement which emerged on Santo in 1967 and spread quickly throughout the northern New Hebrides. Through an examination of the content of these spoken histories, this thesis suggests that politik is seen to have corroded the unity of pre-existing social groups, such as the church, which is considered by its adherents to be indigenous. As a contingent state of democracy, politik describes the unwanted aspects of modernity and nationhood based on the perceived emergence of hierarchies between indigenous people in the post-colonial state of Vanuatu. Given that the rise of Nagriamel is considered to have inspired the resurgence of kastom where previously it was proscribed, kastom is often seen by conventional worshippers to be something to endure rather than celebrate. Among Churches of Christ worshippers, the conflict between kastom and church doctrine is considered to constitute part of the conflict inherent in politik.¶ Given that much of the knowledge on which this thesis was based was collected during interpersonal and group interviews, this thesis also explores the creation of political economies of historical knowledge about politik. Through a review of oral historical methodologies and appropriate anthropological theory, it examines the nature of information collected during participant-observation. As this thesis compares different genres of historical information (local, oral histories, national public histories and colonial archival records) it is also concerned with historical methodology.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Lee, Ronald Arthur. "Government and politics in Scotland, 1661-1681." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295339.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Lorman, Thomas Anselm. "The domestic politics of the Bethlen government." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269979.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

RIBEIRO, BERNARDO BARBOZA. "POLITICS OF GOVERNMENT ADVERTISING: EVIDENCE FROM BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=31792@1.

Full text

Abstract:

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Usando uma base de dados inédita com informações sobre o gasto do governo federal brasileira com propaganda, nós lançamos luz sobre o comportamento de anunciantes do setor público a relação entre propaganda governamental e voto. Em particular, nós investigamos possíveis motivações políticas por trás da alocação do orçamento dedicado à propaganda governamental e seu impacto sobre voto. No espírito da literatura de distributive politics, primeiro nós calculamos a correlação entre gasto com anúncios por entes públicos e votos no partido do governo no nível local. Em seguida, nós exploramos a variação exógena gerada pela cobertura de sinais de rádio para testar a hipótese de que o gasto com propaganda aumenta os votos recebidos pelo partido do governo. Nossos resultados sugerem que, ainda que resultados de eleições passadas prevêem onde no território o governo anuncia, os eleitores não parecem ser persuadidos pelos anúncios a votar em favor do partido no poder.
Using a unique data set of central government expenditure on advertising in Brazil, we shed light on the behavior of public advertisers and the relation between government ads and voting. In particular, we investigate political motivations behind the allocation of the advertisement budget by the federal government and its impacts on voting. Borrowing insights from the literature of distributive politics, we first correlate ad money and votes for the government s party on the local level. Next, we exploit plausible exogenous variation on radio signal coverage to test if money spent on ads turn into votes for the government s party. Our findings show that although past presidential election outcomes predict where in the territory the government places ads, voters do not seem to be persuaded by those ads to favor the party in power.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Hoyland, Bjorn Kare. "Government and opposition in EU legislative politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2902/.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis presents a model of EU legislative politics. The model sees national political parties as actors, rather than institutions, countries or trans-national party groups. The empirical focus is on the Codecision procedure after the Amsterdam reform came into effect in 1999. In essence, the thesis argues that governing parties dominate EU legislative politics. The governing parties' advantage stems from two factors. First, they are represented in the Upper House, the Council of Ministers, while opposition parties are not. Second, the shifting majority requirements in the European Parliament (EP) mean that a qualified majority in the Council can impose its preferences on the EP if the Council has the support from a blocking minority in the EP. Nevertheless, the qualified majority requirement in the Council also means that most governing parties would like to see a larger change in policy than what the Council can agree to in their common position. This has implications for the legislative strategy of both governing and opposition parties. Three hypotheses are tested. Hypothesis 1: Governing parties are more active as Codecision agenda- setters (rapporteurs) than opposition parties. Hypothesis 2: Rapporteurs from governing parties are more likely to see their initial legislative proposal being accepted by the Council of Ministers in the first reading. Hypothesis 3: The majority of governing parties and ideologically close opposition parties are more likely to support second reading amendments than other parties. The empirical evidence supports the hypotheses. Thus, there are empirical grounds for arguing that government and opposition exist in EU legislative politics. The governing coalition is the qualified majority of the governing parties and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition is the losing minority in the Council and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition also includes those parties that are neither ideologically close to the minority nor close to the majority of the governing parties. The evidence shows that behaviour differences are more evident between governing and opposition parties from adversarial member states. In non-adversarial states, which often have minority or oversized coalition government, the difference between governing and opposition parties is smaller.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Alketbi, Hamad. "An evaluation of e-government effectiveness in Dubai smart government departments." Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2018. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/3809/.

Full text

Abstract:

This PhD thesis examines the E-government implementation in Dubai and examines the critical success factors and barriers to a successful E-government implementation. The study is based on primary research conducted on the subject of E-government in the United Arab Emirates. The thesis critically reviewed extant literature on E-government implementation. The methodology used for this research is a mixed-methodological design comprising of quantitative survey of 450 employees of the Dubai Smart Government Department. A survey questionnaire was designed to assess the impact of various independent and dependent variables on the effectiveness of E-government implementation. To complement the shortcomings of the high level of abstraction often associated with quantitative methodology, a qualitative methodology was used which involved in-depth interviews with 25 middle and high ranking officials in the Dubai Smart Government Department. The results of these questionnaires and interviews helped provide a theoretical framework for the postulation of standard operating procedures, which could ensure the success of E-government implementation, in Dubai. The research analyses and discusses the primary data (questionnaire and interviews) to generate insights regarding the success of E-government implementation in Dubai. The analysis also examines the various factors which limit and hinder successful E-government implementations and offers recommendations for improvement. The study finds that some of the major barriers to E-government in Dubai include: technology, security, legal, monetary and strategic. Employees surveyed also generally expressed fear of complexity, system integration, data security, and job losses. Researchers have repeatedly shown that there is need for empirical based studies to understand contextually relevant aspects of E-government implementation in non-western contexts. This PhD thesis contributes to this debate with fresh empirical data sets from Dubai on E-government implementation including the identification of critical successes factors and barriers of a successful E-government implementation. This study also contributes theoretically by challenging the popular normative stage models with a more robust theoretical framework encompassing both human centeredness and context relevance. In so doing, the study came up with a tripartite approach comprising management support, cultural change, and system design. The study concludes that dynamic interplay between internal and external forces; socio-economic and technological factors (including maturity of ICT capabilities) are all relevant for a successful implementation of E-government in Dubai. This study’s key significance lies in its contribution to improve the implementation of a successful E-government in the UAE context, thereby leading to a development of a road map for facilitating practical implementation of strategies and reversing the declining trend of E-government participation in Dubai. In addition, the study’s emphasis on the public sector, could lead to strengthening of the role of E-government for administrative and institutional reform and inclusion in the public sector. The study could provide a useful guide both for the Dubai Smart Government Department and other E-government agencies in Arab regions and for internal stakeholders in the field who wish to gain insight into the process of E-government globally.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Durazo, Herrmann Julián. "Subnational politics and regime change in Mexico." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102799.

Full text

Abstract:

What happens to subnational states when the parent federation undergoes a regime change process? This is a crucial question in understanding political processes in federal countries. The visible political differentiation amongst subnational states belonging to the same federation underscores the fact that some processes are at work that are being ignored by the literature's current focus on national developments. To fill this lacuna, I develop an analytical model that seeks to explain regional differentiation during federal regime change by focusing directly on subnational politics and institutions in comparative fashion, while accounting for the inescapable influence of broader federal actors and processes. In constructing this model, I draw extensively from the theories of federalism, regime change and political parties. I argue that the decision to initiate a transition in an authoritarian setting belongs to the federation. However, regional political actors mediate federal processes in their territory and give them a profoundly subnational logic. Regionally specific institutions, interests and histories thus become intangible frontiers between subnational politics and external processes. The constant repetition of this mechanism throughout the transition creates distinct subnational polities. To test my hypothesis, I study three cases in central-northern Mexico: Guanajuato, San Luis Potosi and Zacatecas.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Books on the topic "Vanuatu, politics and government"

1

Michael, Morgan, and Pacific Institute of Public Policy, eds. The political parties and groupings of Vanuatu. [Kingston, A.C.T.]: International Projects Unit, 2008.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Premdas, Ralph R. Politics and government in Vanuatu: From colonial unity to post-colonial disunity. [Saskatoon, Sask: University of Saskatchewas?], 1989.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Trease, Howard Van. The politics of land in Vanuatu: From colony to independence. [Suva, Fiji]: Institute of Pacific Studies of the University of the South Pacific, 1987.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

K, Tanham George. Security trends in the South Pacific: Vanuatu and Fiji. Santa Monica, CA (P.O. Box 2138, Santa Monica 90406-2138): Rand Corp., 1988.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Parliament, Vanuatu. Report: Third national general elections 1991. Vanuatu: Republic of Vanuatu, 1997.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Burrell, Mike. Decentralisation Review Commission: Briefing paper. Port Vila: [s.n., 1999.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Tabani, Marc Kurt. Les pouvoirs de la coutume à Vanuatu: Traditionalisme et édification nationale. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2002.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Seman, Dalesa, and Vanuatu. Dept. of Women's Affairs., eds. The experiences of women political candidates in Vanuatu: A research report. Vanuatu: Dept. of Women's Affairs, Government of Vanuatu, 2003.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

1985-, Hochet Antoine, ed. Cultures, sociétés et environnements à Vanuatu et dans le Pacifique. Port Vila, Vanuatu: Pacifique Dialogues, VKS Production, 2013.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Huffer, Elise. Vanuatu, ou, Le symbole du renouveau mélanésien: La première décennie d'indépendance, 1980-1990. Nouméa: Centre de documentation pédagogique Nouvelle-Calédonie, 1998.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Vanuatu, politics and government"

1

Hartley, Cathy. "Vanuatu." In The International Directory of Government 2021, 724–25. 18th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003179931-191.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio, and Lorand B. Szalay. "Government, Politics." In Understanding Mexicans and Americans, 175–90. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0733-2_12.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Pettitt, Robin T. "Government." In Contemporary Party Politics, 162–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-41264-5_9.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Jones, Bill. "Local government." In British politics, 342–58. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-27.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Game, Chris. "Local government." In Politics UK, 528–59. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028574-32.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Forman, F. N. "Local government." In Mastering British politics, 247–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11203-6_16.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Coxall, Bill. "Quasi-government." In Contemporary British Politics, 160–78. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19867-2_8.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Coxall, Bill. "Local Government." In Contemporary British Politics, 179–202. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19867-2_9.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Forman, F. N. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 269–91. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17778-3_17.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 369–92. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02159-5_17.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Conference papers on the topic "Vanuatu, politics and government"

1

Kelmendi, Jeton. "GOVERNMENT�S POLITICS FOR HIGH EDUCATION IN KOSOVO." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.060.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Li, Boyi, and Kyung Ryul Park. "Session details: Open Government Data Policies and Politics." In dg.o '17: 18th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3247602.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Ronzhyn, Alexander. "Social Media Activism in Post-Euromaidan Ukrainian Politics and Civil Society." In 2016 Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government (CeDEM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cedem.2016.17.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Zhang, Xuefeng. "Is High Housing Price the Responsibility of the Government?" In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.6.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

"The Status Quo, Opportunities and Challenges of Local Government Financing Platform Transformation." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.02.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

"Research on the Legal System of Government and Social Capital Cooperation (PPP) Model." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.49.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Nojoumian, Mehrdad, and Thomas Tran. "Computational Politics and Economy for the Establishment of an Integrated Intelligent Government." In 2006 Canadian Conference on Electrical and Computer Engineering. IEEE, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ccece.2006.277732.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Huang, Yanxia. "Study on the Chinese Grass-roots Government on Administrative and Personnel Management." In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.57.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Chukwuere, Joshua Ebere, and Chijioke Francis Onyebukwa. "NEW MEDIA AND POLITICS: AN ASSESSMENT OF 2016 SOUTH AFRICAN LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS." In 31st International Academic Conference, London. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2017.031.018.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Sugiyatno. "Political Law Crime Money Politics in General Elections and Regional Head Elections." In The 2nd International Conference of Law, Government and Social Justice (ICOLGAS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201209.315.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Reports on the topic "Vanuatu, politics and government"

1

Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

de Figueiredo, John, and Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

McCormack, Caitilin, Steve Jennings, and Linda Kenni. Gender and LGBTQI+ Policy and Programming in Vanuatu: Opportunities, challenges, capacity, and tools for change. Oxfam, September 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2020.6508.

Full text

Abstract:

In 2016 the government of Vanuatu introduced a National Gender Equality Policy. A second phase of the policy will be implemented in 2020–2024. Insights from key informants working on gender in Vanuatu reveal that there have been some positive developments in the first policy phase. A number of challenges remain, however, including limited capacity in a number of key institutions, and resistance to progress caused by prevailing conservative and patriarchal values and beliefs in Vanuatu. In the absence of other legal instruments for LGBTQI+/SOGI equality, perspectives vary on whether this aspect of gender equality should be included in the revised policy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Asgedom, Amare, Shelby Carvalho, and Pauline Rose. Negotiating Equity: Examining Priorities, Ownership, and Politics Shaping Ethiopia’s Large-Scale Education Reforms for Equitable Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/067.

Full text

Abstract:

In 2018, the Government of Ethiopia committed to large-scale, donor-supported reforms aimed at improving equitable learning in the basic education system—the General Education Quality Improvement Program for Equity (GEQIP-E). In this paper, we examine the reform design process in the context of Ethiopia’s political environment as a strong developmental state, assessing the influence of different stakeholder priorities which have led to the focus on equity within the quality reforms. Drawing on qualitative data from 81 key informant interviews with federal and regional government officials and donors, we explore the negotiation and power dynamics which have shaped the design of the reforms. We find that a legacy of moderately successful reforms, and a shared commitment to global goals, paved the way for negotiations of more complex and ambitious reforms between government actors and donors. Within government, we identify that regional governments were only tokenistically included in the reform process. Given that regions are responsible for the implementation of these reforms, their limited involvement in the design could have implications for success.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Walsh, Alex. The Contentious Politics of Tunisia’s Natural Resource Management and the Prospects of the Renewable Energy Transition. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.048.

Full text

Abstract:

For many decades in Tunisia, there has been a robust link between natural resource management and contentious national and local politics. These disputes manifest in the form of protests, sit-ins, the disruption of production and distribution and legal suits on the one hand, and corporate and government response using coercive and concessionary measures on the other. Residents of resource-rich areas and their allies protest the inequitable distribution of their local natural wealth and the degradation of their health, land, water, soil and air. They contest a dynamic that tends to bring greater benefit to Tunisia’s coastal metropolitan areas. Natural resource exploitation is also a source of livelihoods and the contentious politics around them have, at times, led to somewhat more equitable relationships. The most important actors in these contentious politics include citizens, activists, local NGOs, local and national government, international commercial interests, international NGOs and multilateral organisations. These politics fit into wider and very longstanding patterns of wealth distribution in Tunisia and were part of the popular alienation that drove the uprising of 2011. In many ways, the dynamic of the contentious politics is fundamentally unchanged since prior to the uprising and protests have taken place within the same month of writing of this paper. Looking onto this scene, commentators use the frame of margins versus centre (‘marginalization’), and also apply the lens of labour versus capital. If this latter lens is applied, not only is there continuity from prior to 2011, there is continuity with the colonial era when natural resource extraction was first industrialised and internationalised. In these ways, the management of Tunisia’s natural wealth is a significant part of the country’s serious political and economic challenges, making it a major factor in the street politics unfolding at the time of writing.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Atela, Martin, Atela, Martin, Ojebode, Ayobami Ojebode, Ayobami, Aina, Omotade Aina, Omotade, and Agbonifo, John Agbonifo, John. Demanding Power: Struggles over Fuel Access in Nigeria. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.054.

Full text

Abstract:

Why do some fuel protests in Nigeria lead to a response from government, but others are barely noticed? What are the politics behind government response and who are the winners and losers? Using a multi-method approach, this study focuses on the period between 2007 and 2017 to investigate the dynamics of fuel protest in Nigeria to ask how, and under which conditions, struggles over energy access in Nigeria produce accountability and empowerment. The findings suggest that accountability and empowerment outcomes of the struggles over fuel access in Nigeria are severely limited by the very conditions that define the state as fragile: weak institutions, elite capture, widespread corruption, and a citizenry that is protest-fatigued and disempowered. This could be true of other fragile and conflict-affected settings. Therefore, frameworks that open up the civic space for dialogues between the government and citizens may produce better outcomes than protests.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Bolton, Laura. Attitudes to Water Usage in Jordan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.105.

Full text

Abstract:

The author undertakes a literature review of attitudes to water usage in Jordan. One survey was identified which assessed attitudes towards water conservation, sampling 2000 residents in three regions in Jordan (Irbid, Amman, and Zarqa) in 2017. According to the survey, only 61% of respondents believed there was a water shortage in Jordan. 23% believed the water shortage was due to population pressures. The survey focussed more on water conservation than water use. Most of the respondents felt the government were not doing enough on water shortage issues. They were not asked how they feel about the role of the government versus their individual responsibility. Older respondents perceived the shortages to be more critical. A lack of interest in participating in water saving activities was identified among the youth. Water quality was perceived as poor in the USAID survey and noted in other sources. The survey found that most residents had management strategies in place for the day that the water was delivered. Views about politics of regional cooperation and refugee pressure on water use potentially affect attitudes to water but this was not identified specifically within the scope of this report.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Melnyk, Andriy. «INTELLECTUAL DARK WEB» AND PECULIARITIES OF PUBLIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11113.

Full text

Abstract:

The article focuses on the «Intellectual Dark Web», an informal group of scholars, publicists, and activists who openly opposed the identity politics, political correctness, and the dominance of leftist ideas in American intellectual life. The author examines the reasons for the emergence of this group, names the main representatives and finds that the existence of «dark intellectuals» is the evidence of important problems in US public discourse. The term «Intellectual Dark Web» was coined by businessman Eric Weinstein to describe those who openly opposed restrictions on freedom of speech by the state or certain groups on the grounds of avoiding discrimination and hate speech. Extensive discussion of the phenomenon of «dark intellectuals» began after the publication of Barry Weiss’s article «Meet the renegades from the «Intellectual Dark Web» in The New York Times in 2018. The author writes of «dark intellectuals» as an informal group of «rebellious thinkers, academic apostates, and media personalities» who felt isolated from traditional channels of communication and therefore built their own alternative platforms to discuss awkward topics that were often taboo in the mainstream media. One of the most prominent members of this group, Canadian clinical psychologist Jordan Peterson, publicly opposed the C-16 Act in September 2016, which the Canadian government aimed to implement initiatives that would prevent discrimination against transgender people. Peterson called it a direct interference with the right to freedom of speech and the introduction of state censorship. Other members of the group had a similar experience that their views were not accepted in the scientific or media sphere. The existence of the «Intellectual Dark Web» indicates the problem of political polarization and the reduction of the ability to find a compromise in the American intellectual sphere and in American society as a whole.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!