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Journal articles on the topic 'Vanuatu, politics and government'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Siekiera, Joanna. "Kondominium brytyjsko-francuskie — fenomen kolonialny na Vanuatu." Prawo 322 (July 6, 2017): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0524-4544.322.6.

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The British-French condominium — the colonial phenomenon on VanuatuOver the entire 20th century, there was a joint government of France and the Great Britain in what is now the Republic of Vanuatu. This specific form of governance, called condominium, is legitimatised by the virtue of international law, but it occurs indeed rarely. This political system provides the equal distribution of rights and responsibilities in the colony, and also between the partner states. Nonetheless, the dual governments in Vanuatu deny this principle. The article presents the history of the Republic’s statehood as well as the implications of the joint British-French governments on the current legal order.

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2

Sabir, Ahmad. "Diplomasi Publik Indonesia terhadap Vanuatu Dalam Upaya Membendung Gerakan Separatisme Papua." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 11, no. 1 (November 1, 2018): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v11i1.8679.

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Abstract This research explains Indonesia diplomacy to Vanuatu in the context of the Indonesian government's efforts to resolve separatism issue in Papua. The analysis conducted on this thesis uses the theory of Public Diplomacy by Leonard, Stead and Smewing (2002). The result of this research is the failure of Indonesian public diplomacy to shape Vanuatu political stance on Papua issue caused by the failure in optimizing the strategies of Indonesian public diplomacy. Vanuatu yet staunchly supports Papua separatist movement. There are at least three reasons that are closely related to the weakness of Indonesian public diplomacy towards Vanuatu: (1) the conduct of Indonesian public diplomacy has been dominated by state actor and less involve the role of non-state actors, (2) the three dimensions of Indonesian public diplomacy have not been optimazed, and (3) the existance of Melanesian Renaissance in Vanuatu domestic politics. Key words: Public Diplomacy, Indonesia, Vanuatu, United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), Papua Separatist Movement. Penelitian ini menjelaskan tentang diplomasi Indonesia kepada Vanuatu pada konteks upaya pemerintah Indonesia menyelesaikan masalah gerakan separatisme Papua. Analisis yang dilakukan pada tesis ini menggunakan teori diplomasi publik dari Leonard, Stead dan Smewing (2002). Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah gagalnya diplomasi publik Indonesia untuk mempengaruhi sikap politik Vanuatu atas isu Papua disebabkan karena belum optimalnya strategi diplomasi publik yang dijalankan Indonesia. Vanuatu tetap mendukung gerakan separatis Papua. Setidaknya ada tiga faktor yang menyebabkan lemahnya diplomasi publik Indonesia terhadap Vanuatu dalam isu Papua yaitu: (1) pelaksanaan diplomasi publik masih didominasi aktor negara dan kurang melibatkan aktor non-negara; (2) tidak optimalnya tiga dimensi diplomasi publik yang dijalankan Indonesia; dan (3) kuatnya pengaruh Melanesian Renaissance dalam perpolitikan domestik Vanuatu. Kata kunci: Diplomasi Publik, Indonesia, Vanuatu, United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), gerakan separatisme Papua.

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3

Devere, Heather, and Courtney Wilson. "Peace and war journalism in the New Zealand media: Reporting on ‘the arc of instability’ in the Pacific." Pacific Journalism Review 19, no. 1 (May 31, 2013): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v19i1.242.

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The Fourth Estate role of the media in a democracy is to inform its citizens and to be a forum for debate about political issues so that the citizenry is able to make informed decisions about the role its government plays. New Zealand portrays itself as a leading democracy in the Pacific, but how much do New Zealanders know about what is happening among the country’s neighbours? This article is an exploratory study on media coverage of four countries in Melanesia which have experienced conflict to assess the degree to which a peace/conflict journalism approach as opposed to a war/violence journalism approach is used. A content analysis of Radio New Zealand’s Morning Report programme was conducted between June and July 2012 to assess the reporting on the four Melanesian countries: Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. According to Pilger (2011) war journalism is reporting on what those in power say they do, whereas peace journalism is what those in power actually do. Lynch and McGoldrick (2005) state that peace journalism ‘is when editors and reporters make choices—of what stories to report and how to report them—that create opportunities for society at large to consider and value non-violent responses to conflict’ (p. 5). The framing of New Zealand media reporting as either war journalism or peace journalism will be an indication of how information about conflict in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu is presented to a New Zealand audience.

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4

De Deckker, Paul. "Decolonisation Processes in the South Pacific Islands: A Comparative Analysis between Metropolitan Powers." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 26, no. 2 (May 1, 1996): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v26i2.6172.

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The South Pacific islands came late, by comparison with Asia and Africa, to undertake the decolonising process. France was the first colonial power in the region to start off this process in accordance with the decision taken in Paris to pave the way to independence for African colonies. The Loi-cadre Defferre in 1957, voted in Parliament, was applied to French Polynesia and New Caledonia as it was to French Africa. Territorial governments were elected in both these Pacific colonies in 1957. They were abolished in 1963 after the return to power of General de Gaulle who decided to use Moruroa for French atomic testing. The status quo ante was then to prevail in New Caledonia and French Polynesia up to today amidst statutory crises. The political evolution of the French Pacific, including Wallis and Futuna, is analysed in this article. Great Britain, New Zealand and Australia were to conform to the 1960 United Nations' recommendations to either decolonise, integrate or provide to Pacific colonies self-government in free association with the metropolitan power. Great Britain granted constitutional independence to all of its colonies in the Pacific except Pitcairn. The facts underlying this drastic move are analysed in the British context of the 1970's, culminating in the difficult independence of Vanuatu in July 1980. New Zealand and Australia followed the UN recommendations and granted independence or self-government to their colonial territories. In the meantime, they reinforced their potential to dominate the South Pacific in the difficult geopolitical context of the 1980s. American Micronesia undertook statutory evolution within a strategic framework. What is at stake today within the Pacific Islands is no longer of a political nature; it is financial.

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5

Precillia, Hanna Ladrika. "INDONESIA-FIJI BILATERAL RELATIONSHIP DEVELOPMENT THROUGH SOUTH-SOUTH COOPERATION IN 1999-2016." Sociae Polites 19, no. 1 (June 20, 2018): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v19i1.1645.

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The use of soft power in diplomacy is essential because it minimizes the use of violence and coercion to solving a problem. This strength became the primary tool in the diplomacy of Indonesia-Fiji bilateral relations. The implementation of Indonesia's soft power is Indonesia's engagement in South-South Cooperation through technical cooperation for Fiji. This training is considered essential for Indonesia’s national interest, such as to support the territorial integrity and Indonesia's position in the South Pacific. The problem in this research is how the development of bilateral relations between Indonesia-Fiji through South-South Cooperation in 1999-2016? What is the impact of South-South Cooperation that Indonesia has made with Fiji? The research method used is qualitative with collecting data and uses the concept of Soft Power, Bilateral Relations, and International Cooperation Theory. Indonesia's bilateral relations with Fiji over the period of 1999-2016 have increased. The increase can be seen from the position of the total ranking of Fiji trade with Indonesia, which always occupies the top three in the South Pacific region. The Indonesian Government's strategy to improve bilateral relations with Fiji is to use a soft power approach in the form of technical cooperation within the South-South Cooperation Framework. This strategy has a positive impact on the political and economic fields of Indonesia. In politics, Indonesia has gained political support from Fiji about Indonesia’s territorial integrity from the separatist movement. In the area of economy, Indonesia has succeeded in opening up a new market in the agriculture sector that is selling hand tractors to Fiji and Vanuatu.

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6

Brown, Terry M. "Transcending the colonial gaze: Empathy, agency and community in the South Pacific photography of John Watt Beattie1." Journal of New Zealand & Pacific Studies 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/nzps_00035_1.

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For three months in 1906, John Watt Beattie, the noted Australian photographer – at the invitation of the Anglican Bishop of Melanesia, Cecil Wilson – travelling on the church vessel the Southern Cross, photographed people and sites associated with the Melanesian Mission on Norfolk Island and present-day Vanuatu and Solomon Islands. Beattie reproduced many of the 1500-plus photographs from that trip, which he sold in various formats from his photographic studio in Hobart, Tasmania. The photographs constitute a priceless collection of Pacific images that began to be used very quickly in a variety of publications, with or without attribution. I shall examine some of these photographs in the context of the ethos of the Melanesian Mission, British colonialism in the Solomon Islands, and Beattie’s previous photographic experience. I shall argue that Beattie first exhibited a colonial gaze of objectifying his dehumanized exotic subjects (e.g. as ‘savages’ and ‘cannibals’) but with increased familiarity with them, became empathetic and admiring. In this change of attitude, I argue that he effectively transcended his colonial gaze to produce photographs of great empathy, beauty and longevity. At the same time, he became more critical of the colonial enterprise in the Pacific, whether government, commercial or church.

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7

Jack, John. "E-government in Vanuatu: a whole-of-government approach." Asia Pacific Journal of Public Administration 40, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 228–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23276665.2018.1545354.

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8

Brown, Alistair. "The milieu of government reporting in Vanuatu." Pacific Accounting Review 23, no. 2 (September 13, 2011): 165–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01140581111163980.

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9

Miles, William F. S. "Pigs, Politics and Social Change in Vanuatu." Society & Animals 5, no. 2 (1997): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853097x00051.

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AbstractPigs have long held great symbolic import for the people of Vanuatu, a sprawling archipelago 1,000 miles northeast of Australia. In most of the indigenous, small-scale communities which comprised traditional Vanuatu society, pig ownership and pig killing conveyed status, wealth, and informal power. Such rituals were the sole measure of social standing and political rank. In this study, I show how the cultural valuation of an animal, in this case the pig, can evolve as a society undergoes socio-economic development, and also how it can be used to foster nationalistic, partisan. and other political ends. I show how competing nationalist leaders used pig symbolism in their struggle to create a unified national identit_v,for-varying island groups, and how even today, local leaders derive their legitimacy through the manipulation of traditional animal rites.

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10

Mather, Glenda. "The politics of educational planning and development in Vanuatu." Policy, Organisation and Society 13, no. 1 (June 1997): 27–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1997.11876658.

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11

Johannes, R. E. "Government-supported, village-based management of marine resources in Vanuatu." Ocean & Coastal Management 40, no. 2-3 (August 1998): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0964-5691(98)00046-5.

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12

Nachman, Steven R. "Vanuatu: Politics, Economics and Ritual in Island Melanesia. Michael Allen." Journal of Anthropological Research 43, no. 1 (April 1987): 89–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.43.1.3630470.

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13

PHILIBERT, JEAN-MARC. "The Politics of Tradition: Toward a Generic Culture in Vanuatu." Mankind 16, no. 1 (May 10, 2010): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1835-9310.1986.tb01274.x.

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14

Rodman, William L., and Margaret Rodman. "Rethinking Kastom: On the Politics of Place Naming in Vanuatu." Oceania 55, no. 4 (June 1985): 242–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1834-4461.1985.tb02091.x.

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15

Gregory, Robert J., and Janet E. Gregory. "Conflict Resolution On Tanna, Vanuatu." South Pacific Journal of Psychology 14 (2003): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0257543400000249.

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AbstractBoth locally and globally, human populations appear to be engaged in almost constant conflict in this new 21st century, offering ample opportunities for those who would help solve problems. In one remote part of the planet, Tanna in Vanuatu, conflict resolution is a near constant activity raised to an elegant art form. Big men and village orators deal with complex issues in a public forum frequently. Understanding the principles and the methods of resolving differences in another culture depends upon an in-depth knowledge of their historical and contextual background. In addition, observation of the spatial and temporal dimensions of actual meetings to resolve disputes provided the authors with a fascinating insight into the structure and dynamics of the inter-village systems. This paper initially examines selected aspects and themes of Tannese culture, including such concepts or bodies of knowledge as balance, reciprocity, politics, ethics, resource availability, kinship, genealogy and the practicalities of everyday living. Then, through presentation of several instances of conflict resolution, some of the non-western, alternative styles of conflict resolution noted, including for example, rapid resolution of differences, maintenance of balance and reciprocity, collective involvement, no imprisonment, and use of healing and ceremony, are discussed. These methods may have application to other cultures and peoples who are trying to resolve disputes within their own frameworks for living.

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16

Callum, Jack, Duin McDiarmid, Yu Gao, Mark Armstrong, Edna Iavro, and Andrew Steer. "Prevalence of scabies in Sanma Province, Vanuatu." Transactions of The Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 113, no. 8 (June 11, 2019): 500–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/trstmh/trz045.

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Abstract Background Scabies is a common, under-reported condition in the Pacific with acute and chronic complications. In this study we explored the prevalence of scabies in Sanma Province, Vanuatu. Methods We randomly selected 30 villages from nine government zones across three islands and examined residents present within these villages for scabies. Bivariate analysis and multilevel models were conducted to investigate associated demographic and household factors. Results Of 1879 participants examined, 563 had scabies (30%, 95% CI 27.9 to 32.1) with the highest prevalence in children aged 6–10 y (38.8%, 95% CI 33.9 to 44). Conclusions Scabies is a significant issue in Sanma with very high prevalence in children.

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17

Jolly, Margaret. "Women's Rights, Human Rights and Domestic Violence in Vanuatu." Feminist Review 52, no. 1 (March 1996): 169–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1996.14.

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There has been much recent debate about women's rights and their relation to human rights. Debates about domestic violence in Vanuatu are situated in this global frame but also in a regional and historical context dominated by the relation between kastom (tradition) and Christianity. This article depicts the dynamics of a conference on Violence and the Family in Vanuatu held in Port Vila in 1994, in terms of the competing claims of universal human rights and cultural relativism. The allegedly western character of human rights which focus on the individual and civil and political rights is often contrasted with the non-western stress on collectivities and the rights to economic development and self-determination. These sorts of ideological oppositions in international politics reverberate in domestic politics as well, and especially in those which situate women and men as subjects in conflict, as they are in many domestic disputes.

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18

Billings, Charles E., James D. Thomas, and William H. Stewart. "Alabama Government and Politics." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 4 (1989): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330427.

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19

Patton, Janet W., and Penny M. Miller. "Kentucky Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330747.

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Thomas, Clive S., Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330749.

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21

Barringer, Richard, Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, no. 2 (1993): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330863.

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Shrewsbury, Carolyn M., Daniel J. Elazar, Virginia Gray, and Wyman Spano. "Minnesota Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 30, no. 3 (2000): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3331101.

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23

Brown, William H., Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." New England Quarterly 66, no. 2 (June 1993): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365854.

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24

Haycox, Stephen, Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." Western Historical Quarterly 26, no. 2 (1995): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970241.

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25

Kirmanj, Sherko. "Islam, Politics and Government." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 9, no. 1 (March 2008): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760701856382.

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26

Dempsey, D. J. "Distinguishing "Government" and "Politics"." Social Work 56, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/56.2.191-a.

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27

Dougan, Michael B., Diane D. Blair, and Jay Barth. "Arkansas Politics and Government." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2006): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40028075.

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28

Dollinger, Marc J. "Politics, government, and business." Business Horizons 55, no. 5 (September 2012): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bushor.2012.03.005.

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29

Wati, Vrameswari Omega, Deffi Ayu Puspito Sari, and Sobar Sutisna. "Disaster Relief as Indonesia Soft Power Diplomacy Case of Cyclone Pam in Vanuatu." International Journal of Multi Discipline Science (IJ-MDS) 1, no. 1 (February 27, 2018): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.26737/ij-mds.v1i1.421.

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<em><span>Natural disasters are part of non-traditional threats that must be faced by the countries in the world. To handle this issue, the international community should improve their relations through cooperation. On March 14, 2015, Vanuatu, suffered Cyclone Pam which resulted in casualties and damage in the region. On behalf of humanity, Indonesia, as a country with great attention to disaster and who has the same of Melanesia brotherhood provide disaster relief to Vanuatu. The method used is qualitative. This paper attempts to answer how the process of providing disaster relief by Indonesia to Vanuatu and how disaster relief can be seen as a form of Indonesia’s soft power diplomacy to Vanuatu. Data was obtained through in-depth interviews and literature study. The results showed the process of disaster relief is carried out in accordance with the three stages in the Emergency Decision Making Process <span class="hps">which are</span> <span class="hps">assessing</span> <span class="hps">the situation</span> <span class="hps">and</span> <span class="hps">needs</span>; <span class="hps">determining goal</span> <span class="hps">and</span> <span class="hps">assistance</span>; <span class="hps">and implementing of</span> <span class="hps">response plans</span>. Disaster relief is also a kind of Indonesia soft power diplomacy to Vanuatu to show a sense of humanity, to enhance friendship, and to maintain the integrity of the Republic of Indonesia sovereignty. After the disaster relief given by Indonesia government, relations between Indonesia and Vanuatu are starting to show shades of improvement. Cyclone Pam that happened in Vanuatu can be seen as a catalyst to improve the chances of good relations between Indonesia and Vanuatu and building cooperation in disaster management.</span></em>

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30

Premdas, Ralph R., and Jeffrey S. Steeves. "Politics in Vanuatu : the 1991 Elections [Ethno-Linguistic Accomodation and Party Competition]." Journal de la Société des océanistes 100, no. 1 (1995): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/jso.1995.1965.

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31

Premdas, Ralph R., and Jeffrey S. Steeves. "Vanuatu: The politics of Anglo‐French cooperation in the post‐Lini era." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 32, no. 1 (March 1994): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662049408447674.

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32

Rianda, Bimbi, Yuswari Octonain Djemat, and Angga Nurdin Rahmat. "Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia Terhadap Dukungan Republik Vanuatu Atas Kemerdekaan Papua Barat Tahun 2015-2016." Jurnal Dinamika Global 2, no. 01 (April 10, 2018): 82–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v2i01.33.

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Foreign policy stated by Indonesia related to the Republic ofVanuatu support for the Indenpendence of West Papua does not happennaturally. It is influenced by the facts and values that are had by theIndonesia that led to the perception and influences the decision ofmaking process. Indonesia stated that West Papua is a part of therepublic of Indonesia. Therefore, Indonesia states a foreign policy ofRepublic of Vanuatu regarding the support for the independence ofWest Papua. The result of this research indicates that there are someforeign policies of Indonesia against the Republic Vanuatu support forthe Independence of West Papua based on set of orientation, set ofcommitments and a group of behavior action. This research usesrealism approach, the concept of international politics, the concept offoreign policy, the concept of power, the concept of national interest, andthe concept of sovereignty that can explain the foreign policy ofIndonesia against the Republic Vanuatu support for the independenceof West Papua 2015-2016

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33

Arrington, Theodore S., and Jack D. Fleer. "North Carolina Government and Politics." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 25, no. 1 (1995): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330664.

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Stewart, Troy M., Richard A. Brisbin, Robert Jay Dilger, Allan S. Hammock, and Christopher Z. Mooney. "West Virginia Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 27, no. 1 (1997): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330792.

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Broach, Glen T., Cole Blease Graham, and William V. Moore. "South Carolina Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 25, no. 2 (1995): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330833.

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Denny, L. M. "Government and politics in Africa." International Affairs 61, no. 3 (1985): 546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618749.

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37

McTernan, Lucy. "Review: Scottish Government and Politics." Scottish Affairs 38 (First Serie, no. 1 (February 2002): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2002.0014.

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38

Smith, Mark F. "Government Relations: Money and Politics." Academe 90, no. 2 (2004): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40252618.

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39

Wiebe, Todd J. "Sources: Battleground: Government and Politics." Reference & User Services Quarterly 51, no. 4 (June 1, 2012): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.51n4.367.

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40

Chen, Hong, Baljeet Singh, and Wesley Steve Aru. "Relationship between government expenditure and economic growth: evidence from Vanuatu." Journal of the Asia Pacific Economy, November 9, 2020, 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13547860.2020.1844610.

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41

"Accession of the Republic of Vanuatu to the Protocols." International Review of the Red Cross 25, no. 245 (April 1985): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400022373.

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The Republic of Vanuatu deposited with the Swiss Government, on 28 February 1985, an instrument of accession to the Protocols Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, relating to the protection of victims of international armed conflicts (Protocol I) and non-international armed conflicts (Protocol II), adopted in Geneva on 8 June 1977.Pursuant to their provisions, the Protocols will enter into force for the Republic of Vanuatu on 28 August 1985.This is the 50th State to become party to Protocol I and the 43rd to Protocol II.

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42

Roedyati, Joevi, Hafied Changara, and Michael Dua. "Communication between Nations inside Indonesian Softpower Diplomacy in the South Pacific Region." Journal of Geography, Environment and Earth Science International, August 23, 2019, 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/jgeesi/2019/v23i130159.

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Political, financial and operational supports given to these small states to the separatist freedom movement (OPM) has been done in a spirit of togetherness among the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG). This international organization based on identity of Melanesian brotherhood which formed in 1986 by 4 small states in the Pacific Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon and Vanuatu, also by Kanak National Liberation Front from New Caledonia. This organization was keen enough to promote the freedom movement of OPM to achieve independence Papua, that was why Indonesia tried to achieve the membership of Melanesian Spearhead Groups (MSG), because Indonesia has a strong argument that as an island country, it has 11 million Melanesian decendants on its scattered island as Papua, Mallocca, Buton, Southeast Nusa) characterized by their hair type, skin color, body figures and have similarities to the Melanesian in the south pacific. The emergence of political maneuver that continue to attack sovereignty of the Indonesian government against Papua, raising a view of a need to have a grand strategy to enhance more understanding and gaining supports from the small island states regarding the free movement for Papua, especially in the UN forum through public diplomacy in the perspective of communication among nations.

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43

"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693595.

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44

"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 2 (June 1996): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693564.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 32, no. 4 (December 2003): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-003-1114-y.

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46

"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 30, no. 3 (September 2001): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-004-1013-x.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 30, no. 4 (December 2004): 32–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-004-1042-5.

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48

"Politics and Government." Women Studies Abstracts 33, no. 1 (March 2004): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-004-1070-1.

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"Politics and Government." Women Studies Abstracts 33, no. 2 (June 2004): 42–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-004-1098-2.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 1 (March 1996): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693626.

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