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Journal articles on the topic 'Vase-painting, Greek. Vases, Greek'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Oakley, John H. "Greek Vase Painting." American Journal of Archaeology 113, no. 4 (2009): 599–627. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.113.4.599.

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2

Oakley, John H., and Dietrich von Bothmer. "Greek Vase Painting." American Journal of Archaeology 93, no. 4 (1989): 612. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505344.

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Shapiro, H. A. "Attic Comedy and the ‘Comic Angels’ Krater in New York." Journal of Hellenic Studies 115 (November 1995): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631658.

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The centerpiece of Oliver Taplin's recent monograph on Greek drama and South Italian vase-painting is an Apulian bell-krater of the early fourth century in a New York private collection (Plate IV). The vase belongs to the genre conventionally known as phlyax vases, though Taplin would reject that label, since it is the thesis of his book that many, if not most, of these vases reflect Athenian Old Comedy and not an indigenous Italic entertainment, the phlyax play.

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Honzl, Jiří. "African Motifs in Greek Vase Painting." Annals of the Náprstek Museum 38, no. 1 (2017): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/anpm-2017-0017.

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In the beginning the paper concisely summarises contacts of Greeks with Egypt, focusing on their interests on the North African coast, up until the Classical Period. The brief description of Greek literary reception of Egypt during the same timeframe is following. The main part of the paper is dedicated to various African (and supposedly African) motifs depicted in Greek vase painting. These are commented upon and put in the relevant context. In the end the individual findings are summarised and confronted with the literary image described above.

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Schaus, Gerald P. "The beginning of Greek polychrome painting." Journal of Hellenic Studies 108 (November 1988): 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632634.

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About the mid-seventh century, polychrome styles of vase painting appeared in five different Greek wares, and in a sixth ware a short time after. By polychrome here is meant the use of a light brown or reddish brown paint for male flesh in human figure scenes, to go with the normal colours found on seventh-century Greek vases, black, red and white. The use of this light brown or reddish brown paint may have begun a little earlier, e.g. for parts of animals, but it would be confusing to call this partial polychrome and to regard this as a preliminary step towards the distinctive use of brown fo

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Mitchell, Alexandre G. "Humour in greek vase-painting." Revue archéologique 37, no. 1 (2004): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/arch.041.0003.

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Miścicki, Wawrzyniec. "Both Sides Matter? Reading Greek Vases Using Pictoral Semiotics." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 19 (December 30, 2015): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.19.2015.19.06.

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This paper explores the possibilities of using methods of analysis from the field of pictorial semiotics in studying Greek vase painting, and thus resolving the problem of interpreting multiple scenes on a single vase. Its aim is to explain and clarify basic notions connected to this discipline, such as imagery, syntagmatic and paradigmatic relations, and how they relate to Greek iconography, using various examples. The main premise is that the separate scenes on the artifact are connected syntagmatically and not only paradigmatically as it is usually indicated, thus the joint interpretation a

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HERRING, EDWARD. "APULIAN VASE-PAINTING BY NUMBERS: SOME THOUGHTS ON THE PRODUCTION OF VASES DEPICTING INDIGENOUS MEN." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 57, no. 1 (2014): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2014.00067.x.

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AbstractThis paper examines the place of vases depicting indigenous men in the wider context of Apulian red-figure pottery production. Through an analysis of 13,577 vases, it is shown that those depicting indigenous men were only ever a tiny part of the overall output. The overwhelming majority of surviving Apulian vases lack a proper archaeological provenance, but although this limits certainty, the evidence suggests that the vases in question were primarily used in Central Puglia. The iconography of the vessels shows indigenous men in a positive light, as successful warriors who participated

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Heuer, Keely. "Tenacious Tendrils: Replicating Nature in South Italian Vase Painting." Arts 8, no. 2 (2019): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8020071.

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Elaborate floral tendrils are one of the most distinctive iconographic features of South Italian vase painting, the red-figure wares produced by Greek settlers in Magna Graecia and Sicily between ca. 440–300 B.C. They were a particular specialty of Apulian artisans and were later adopted by painters living in Paestum and Etruria. This lush vegetation is a stark contrast to the relatively meager interest of Archaic and Classical Athenian vase painters in mimetically depicting elements of the natural world. First appearing in the work of the Iliupersis Painter around 370 B.C., similar flowering

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Toillon. "Three Women Sharing a Mantle in 6th Century BCE Greek Vase-Painting: Plurality, Unity, Family, and Social Bond." Arts 8, no. 4 (2019): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8040144.

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The motif of three women sharing the same mantle is pictured on about a dozen vases dating from the first half of the sixth century BCE. Among these vases, the so-called “François Vase” and a dinos signed by Sophilos (now in London, British Museum) are of particular interest. The wedding of Thetis and Peleus is pictured on both vases. This theme is well-adapted to the representation of a procession of deities in which the Charites, Horai, Moirai, and Muses take part. The main feature of these deities is a shared mantle, which covers and assembles them, emphasizing that these deities are plural

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11

Smith, Tyler Jo. "Bodies in Motion." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 9, no. 1 (2021): 49–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341377.

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Abstract Drawing on the combined approaches of ancient Greek iconography, dance history, and the archaeology of ritual and religion, this paper examines dance gesture as a mechanism of ritual communication in ancient Greek vase-painting. After presenting the problems and limitations of matching art and text with regard to dance, as both Classical scholars and practitioners of modern dance have attempted, the paper expands on various ways of showing dance on vases. Special attention is given to komast dancers on black-figure vases and to other types of dance scenes and figures. A rethinking of

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Laferrière, Carolyn M. "Dancing with Greek Vases." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 9, no. 1 (2021): 85–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341378.

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Abstract As gods dance, women twirl in choruses, and men leap in kōmos revels on Athenian red-figure vases, their animate bodies must be made to conform to the rounded shape of the vessels. Occasionally, these vases are even included in the images themselves, particularly within the kōmos revel, where the participants incorporate vessels into their dance as props, markers of space, and tools to engage new dance partners. Positioning these scenes within their potential sympotic context, I analyze the vases held by the dancers according to the ancient viewer’s own possible use of these physical

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Morris, Sarah P., and John Boardman. "Early Greek Vase Painting: 11th-6th Centuries B. C." American Journal of Archaeology 103, no. 2 (1999): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506762.

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Lowenstam, Steven, and John Boardman. "Early Greek Vase Painting: 11th-6th Centuries B.C. a Handbook." Classical World 93, no. 5 (2000): 537. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352445.

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Zabudskaya, Yana. "Tragedy as a Source of Plots for Greek Vase-Painting." Vestnik drevnei istorii 80, no. 1 (2020): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910008628-3.

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Davies, Malcolm. "A convention of metamorphosis in Greek art." Journal of Hellenic Studies 106 (November 1986): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/629653.

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As part of his recent study of ‘Narration and allusion in Archaic Greek Art’, Professor A. M. Snodgrass has cause to treat of the famous Attic black-figure vase which depicts Circe handing a cup containing her sinister brew to one of Odysseus’ sailors. She is stirring it with her wand the while, and yet this sailor, and three companions besides, have already been transformed into various animals (or at least his head, and their heads and arms have been). Professor Snodgrass has no difficulty in explaining the apparent simultaneity of separate events here and elsewhere on this vase-painting as

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Demakopoulou, Katie. "A Mycenaean pictorial vase from Midea." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 13 (November 2, 2020): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-13-04.

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The Greek-Swedish excavations on the Mycenaean acropolis of Midea have brought to light a large amount of fine decorated pottery, which includes numerous fragmentary vases and sherds with pictorial decoration. This material has firmly established Midea as an important find-spot of figure-style pottery, like other great Mycenaean Argive centres, such as Mycenae, Tiryns and Berbati. This paper presents a remarkable pictorial vase recently found at Midea. It is a ring-based krater, almost completely restored from fragments, decorated with a row of six birds. The bird is a common motif in Mycenaea

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McNiven, Timothy J. "Odysseus on the Niobid Krater." Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (November 1989): 191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632051.

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The Niobid krater in Paris (Louvre G341) is not one of the masterpieces of Greek vase painting. The vase is not even one of the best works of the artist, who receives his name, the Niobid Painter, from the rare depiction of Apollo and Artemis killing the children of Niobe on the reverse. The vase is, however, one of the touchstones of the history of ancient Greek art. The Niobid krater has this distinction because it is the earliest contemporaneous witness to the new developments in mural painting in the Early Classical Period, developments best understood from the descriptions of the traveler

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Lowenstam, Steven. "The Arming of Achilleus on Early Greek Vases." Classical Antiquity 12, no. 2 (1993): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25010994.

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This article is a critique of Friis Johansen's thesis that twelve Greek vases painted between 570 and 550 B.C. depict a first arming in Phthia. Details that Friis Johansen considered representative of domestic settings are shown to appear in other contexts too. Friis Johansen, who based much of his argument on a plate by Lydos depicting Achilleus, Thetis, Peleus, and Neoptolemos, problematically assumed that all the other early vases portraying Achilleus's arming must represent the same scene in Phthia. The appearance of Neoptolemos on Lydos's plate, however, shows that it is a "heroized genre

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Hemelrijk, J. M. "Greek Vase-Painting and the Origins of Visual Humour (review)." Classical World 104, no. 2 (2011): 265–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2011.0034.

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Kozbelt, Aaron. "Psychological Implications of the History of Realistic Depiction: Ancient Greece, Renaissance Italy and CGI." Leonardo 39, no. 2 (2006): 139–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/leon.2006.39.2.139.

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Art historian Ernst Gombrich argued that learning to create convincing realistic depictions is a difficult, incremental process requiring the invention of numerous specific techniques to solve its many problems. Gombrich's argument is elaborated here in a historical review of the evolution of realistic depiction in ancient Greek vase painting, Italian Renaissance painting and contemporary computer-generated imagery (CGI) in video games. The order in which many problems of realism were solved in the three trajectories is strikingly similar, suggesting a common psychological explanation.

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22

McNally, Sheila, and T. H. Carpenter. "Dionysian Imagery in Archaic Greek Art: Its Development in Black-Figure Vase Painting." American Journal of Archaeology 92, no. 1 (1988): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505879.

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Oakley, John H., and Thomas H. Carpenter. "Dionysian Imagery in Archaic Greek Art: Its Development in Black-Figure Vase Painting." Classical World 81, no. 1 (1987): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350141.

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24

Stroulia, Anna. "MENDING FRAGMENTS: STONE VESSELS FROM FRANCHTHI AND OTHER GREEK NEOLITHIC SITES." Annual of the British School at Athens 115 (December 2020): 1–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245420000106.

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Stone vessels represent one of the rarest artifactual categories of Neolithic Greece. Only several dozen specimens (mostly fragmentary) have been recovered from 65 sites. These objects are also some of the least studied; with few exceptions, they are known only through superficial reports. Thus, their potential to shed light on social and economic aspects of Neolithic life remains unexploited. In this article, I address this problem in two ways. First, I focus on a specific stone vase assemblage: that from the well-known site of Franchthi in the north-eastern Peloponnese. This is one of the la

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25

Pevnick, Seth D. "ΣϒPIΣKOΣ EΓPΦΣEN: Loaded Names, Artistic Identity, and Reading an Athenian Vase". Classical Antiquity 29, № 2 (2010): 222–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2010.29.2.222.

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This paper examines the importance of artist names and artistic identity, especially as expressed in artist signatures, to the interpretation of ancient Greek pottery. Attention is focused on a calyx krater signed ΣϒPIΣKOΣ EΓPΦΣEN [sic], and it is argued that the non-Greek ethnikon used as artist name encourages a non-Athenian reading of the iconography. The painted labels for all six figures on this vase, together with parallels from other Athenian red-figure vases—including others from the Syriskos workshop—all suggest the presentation of an alternative, un-Athenian world view. Okeanos, Dion

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26

Gorzelany, Dorota. "An Unwelcome Aspect of Life: the depiction of Old Age in Greek Vase Painting." Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 24, no. 2 (2014): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2014.xxiv.2.10.

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Erin L. Thompson. "Distorted Ideals in Greek Vase-Painting: The World of Mythological Burlesque (review)." Classical World 103, no. 4 (2010): 560–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2010.0005.

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Boardman, J. "Pots and Plays: Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-painting of the Fourth Century B.C." Common Knowledge 14, no. 3 (2008): 503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-2008-029.

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Fischer, Marina. "Ancient Greek Prostitutes and the Textile Industry in Attic Vase-Painting ca. 550–450 b.c.e." Classical World 106, no. 2 (2013): 219–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2013.0027.

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Cerqueira, Fábio Vergara. "Iconographical Representations of Musical Instruments in Apulian Vase-Painting as Ethnical Signs: Intercultural Greek-Indigenous Relations in Magna Graecia (5th and 4th Centuries B.C.)." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 2, no. 1 (2014): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341252.

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Abstract The paper deals with the representation of musical instruments on Apulian pottery. I shall sketch a general account of the red-figured pottery produced in Apulia and its development between the late fifth and the early third centuries, discussing the iconographical trends in its different phases. Secondly, I shall offer a brief survey of the musical instruments: the instruments belonging to Greek tradition (lyra, kithara, aulos) as well as those belonging to local tradition (rectangular cithara, rectangular sistrum), and those that result from local developments of instruments receive

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Sparkes, Brian A. "IV Luxury Items." New Surveys in the Classics 40 (2010): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383510000732.

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The uneven survival of material evidence from Greek antiquity has tended to guide interest and research towards the diferent forms and functions of sculpture (Chapters II and III) and of vase-painting (Chapters V and VI). They have been preserved in such numbers that, although we have only a fraction of the total output, we can study the ways in which they developed over the centuries against the social, economic, and political background and in the diferent parts of the Greek world. This has encouraged a tendency towards positivism and has had the unfortunate outcome of considering them as th

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Giuliani, Luca. "Oliver Taplin: Pots & Plays. Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-Painting of the Fourth Century B.C." Gnomon 81, no. 5 (2009): 439–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2009_5_439.

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Stelow, Anna. "Pots and Plays: Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-Painting of the Fourth Century B.C - By Oliver Taplin." Religious Studies Review 36, no. 2 (2010): 146–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2010.01426_3.x.

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Jocelyn Penny Small. "Pots and Plays: Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-painting in the Fourth Century B.C. (review)." Classical World 102, no. 4 (2009): 506–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.0.0113.

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35

Mosz, Jakub. "Ancient Patterns of the Sporting Body." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 47, no. 1 (2009): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10141-009-0041-x.

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Ancient Patterns of the Sporting BodyIn the world of ancient culture you can find images of corporeality which may be recognised as patterns of the sporting body. They come from Greek sculpture and vase painting. Among the preserved Greek cultural artefacts there can be pointed out three examples of patterns of male corporeality and one example of female corporeality connected with the world of sport. These are Polyclitus's sculptures "Doryphorus" and "Diadoumenos", Myron's sculpture "Discus Thrower", Lysippus's sculpture of "Heracles Farnese" and painting presenting Atalanta. They constitute

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36

Petit, Thierry. "THE SPHINX ON THE ROOF: THE MEANING OF THE GREEK TEMPLE ACROTERIA." Annual of the British School at Athens 108 (July 30, 2013): 201–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245413000026.

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In the Archaic period, from the end of the seventh and above all in the sixth century bc, sphinxes are ubiquitous in the figured decoration of Greek temples. They appear not only as acroteria, but also on antefixes and simas. As acroteria, they always occur as lateral versions, flanking the central acroterion at a distance. Although these figures have recently been the subject of several exhaustive studies, their significance remains a matter of debate. In the absence of explicit texts, the only means of comprehending their meaning is by examining the combinations of figures in which the sphin

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37

Seaford, Richard. "The tragic wedding." Journal of Hellenic Studies 107 (November 1987): 106–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/630074.

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Wedding ritual in tragedy tends to be subverted. In explaining and arguing for this generalisation I hope also to shed new light on some of the passages deployed.My starting point is the actual wedding ceremony. How did the Athenians of the classical period imagine that it was celebrated? Our evidence derives largely from contemporary drama and vase-painting. The picture presented by this evidence coheres very well in certain respects with that derived from other periods and places: Sappho, Catullus' imitation of the Greek, the lexicographers, and so on. For example, one important element that

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38

Jo Smith, Tyler. "(A.G.) Mitchell Greek Vase-Painting and the Origins of Visual Humour. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Pp. xxiv + 371, illus. £55. 9780521513708." Journal of Hellenic Studies 131 (November 2011): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426911000772.

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Oakley, John H. "(J.) Boardman Early Greek Vase Painting, 11th-6th Centuries BC. A Handbook. London: Thames and Hudson, 1998. Pp. 287 + ill. £ 8.95. 0500203091." Journal of Hellenic Studies 119 (November 1999): 224–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632384.

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40

Morero, Elise. "MYCENAEAN LAPIDARY CRAFTSMANSHIP: THE MANUFACTURING PROCESS OF STONE VASES." Annual of the British School at Athens 110 (April 28, 2015): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245415000039.

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The first substantial corpus of developed and complex stone vases emerged on the Greek mainland in the shaft graves of Mycenae (Middle Helladic III – Late Helladic I) and was certainly, in large part, of Minoan origin. However, a Mycenaean industry appeared in the Late Helladic III period, which suggests a link with Minoan technology. Indeed, there is an extremely strong possibility that expatriate craftsmen had gradually transmitted their knowledge to local Mycenaean apprentices. A technological study of a corpus of 24 stone vases from Mycenae, dated to the Late Helladic I/II–III, enables the

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Cooper, C. L. "(D.) Walsh Distorted Ideals in Greek Vase-Painting: the World of Mythological Burlesque. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Pp. xxix + 420, illus. £55. 9780521896412." Journal of Hellenic Studies 130 (November 2010): 268–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426910000832.

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Carpenter, T. H. "Greek Vase-Painting and the Origins of Visual Humour. By Alexandre G. Mitchell. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Pp. [xxiv] + 371." Classical Philology 106, no. 1 (2011): 80–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/659117.

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Peirce, Sarah. "Death, Revelry, and "Thysia"." Classical Antiquity 12, no. 2 (1993): 219–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25010995.

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Much recent scholarship on "thysia" sees the meaning and function of the rite for the ancient Greeks to stem partly or largely from the beliefs and emotions surrounding the slaughter of the victim. Scholars have proposed that the Greeks experienced fear and awe when they killed animals for food, and that the source of these feelings was a perception of the slaughter of liverstock as akin to murder. This paper considers evidence for the ancient Greek experience of the rite of "thysia", with the ultimate aim of shedding light on current theories of sacrifice. My source is the extensive system of

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Harris, A. L. "Recent Acquisitions and Conservation of Antiquities at the Ure Museum, University of Reading 2004–2008." Archaeological Reports 54 (November 2008): 175–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608400001009.

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The Ure Museum of Greek Archaeology, in the Department of Classics at the University of Reading, has experienced something of a renaissance in the 3rd millennium. It acquired status as a registered museum in 2001 and accreditation in 2008. It has boasted a bespoke web-accessible database since 2002 and a professionally designed website since 2004 (www.reading.ac.uk/ure). Finally, in 2005 its physical display was completely redesigned. While the existence of the Museum and some of its collections have long been well known to scholars of Gr vases – thanks to the tireless efforts of Percy and Ann

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Kurke, Leslie. "Inventing the "Hetaira": Sex, Politics, and Discursive Conflict in Archaic Greece." Classical Antiquity 16, no. 1 (1997): 106–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011056.

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According to Xenophon, the hetaira "gratified" her patron as a philos, participating in an aristocratic network of gift exchange (Xen. Mem. 3.11), while the pornê, as her name signified, trafficked in sex as a commodity. Recent writers on Greek prostitution have acknowledged that hetaira vs. pornê may be as much a discursive opposition as a real difference in status, but still, very little attention has been paid to the period of the "invention" of this binary. Hetaira meaning "courtesan" first occurs in Herodotus (2.134-35) and does not exist in Homer: hence, the conceptual category of the he

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46

Snodgrass, Anthony. "Oliver Taplin, Pots and Plays: Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-painting of the Fourth Century B.C. (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2007), X + 309 pp." International Journal of the Classical Tradition 16, no. 1 (2009): 91–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12138-009-0094-6.

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47

Scheffer, Charlotte. "Works dealing with questions concerning ancient Greek vases (books reviewed: Approaches to the study of Attic vases, by P. Rouet; The Theseus Painter, by O. Borgers; The late mannierists in Athenian vase-painting, by T. Mannack; Non-Attic Greek vase inscriptions, by R. Wachter; Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 1, by T. Fischer-Hansen; Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Amsterdam 3, by W.D.J. van de Put; Essays in honor of Dietrich von Bothmer, by A.J. Clarc & J. Gaunt, eds.)." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 1 (November 2008): 186–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-01-18.

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48

Smith, Tyler Jo. "Tragedy and Vase-Painting - (O.) Taplin Pots & Plays. Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-Painting of the Fourth Century B.C.. Pp. x + 310, b/w & colour ills, map. Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2007. Cased, £45, US$75. ISBN: 978-0-89236-807-5." Classical Review 58, no. 2 (2008): 357–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x08000164.

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49

Barringer, Judith M. "Atalanta as Model: The Hunter and the Hunted." Classical Antiquity 15, no. 1 (1996): 48–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011031.

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Atalanta, devotee of Artemis and defiant of men and marriage, was a popular figure in ancient literature and art. Although scholars have thoroughly investigated the literary evidence concerning Atalanta, the material record has received less scrutiny. This article explores the written and visual evidence, primarily vase painting, of three Atalanta myths: the Calydonian boar hunt, her wrestling match with Peleus, and Atalanta's footrace, in the context of rites of passage in ancient Greece. The three myths can be read as male and female rites of passage: the hunt, athletics, and a combination o

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Mazurczak, Urszula. "Czas i przestrzeń w badaniach sztuki oraz twórczości literackiej ks. profesora Janusza St. Pasierba." Artifex Novus, no. 3 (October 1, 2019): 2–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/an.7058.

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SUMMARY The Author separated the visualized time and the time when the painting was created. Both are rooted in the point of history which was important for the artist, in the time of creating the work of art as well as in the internal structure of the painting which is expressed through the theme and the presented figures. The researcher who was deeply influenced by history, browsed it deeply in order to find every “now”, adding it to the timeline of the artist’s life, or to the history he was a part of. The timeline, history, constitutes a basis of the knowledge about the artist’s work

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