Journal articles: 'Vase-painting, Greek. Vases, Greek'

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Oakley, John H. "Greek Vase Painting." American Journal of Archaeology 113, no. 4 (October 2009): 599–627. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.113.4.599.

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Oakley, John H., and Dietrich von Bothmer. "Greek Vase Painting." American Journal of Archaeology 93, no. 4 (October 1989): 612. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505344.

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Shapiro, H. A. "Attic Comedy and the ‘Comic Angels’ Krater in New York." Journal of Hellenic Studies 115 (November 1995): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631658.

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The centerpiece of Oliver Taplin's recent monograph on Greek drama and South Italian vase-painting is an Apulian bell-krater of the early fourth century in a New York private collection (Plate IV). The vase belongs to the genre conventionally known as phlyax vases, though Taplin would reject that label, since it is the thesis of his book that many, if not most, of these vases reflect Athenian Old Comedy and not an indigenous Italic entertainment, the phlyax play.

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Honzl, Jiří. "African Motifs in Greek Vase Painting." Annals of the Náprstek Museum 38, no. 1 (2017): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/anpm-2017-0017.

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In the beginning the paper concisely summarises contacts of Greeks with Egypt, focusing on their interests on the North African coast, up until the Classical Period. The brief description of Greek literary reception of Egypt during the same timeframe is following. The main part of the paper is dedicated to various African (and supposedly African) motifs depicted in Greek vase painting. These are commented upon and put in the relevant context. In the end the individual findings are summarised and confronted with the literary image described above.

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Schaus, Gerald P. "The beginning of Greek polychrome painting." Journal of Hellenic Studies 108 (November 1988): 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632634.

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About the mid-seventh century, polychrome styles of vase painting appeared in five different Greek wares, and in a sixth ware a short time after. By polychrome here is meant the use of a light brown or reddish brown paint for male flesh in human figure scenes, to go with the normal colours found on seventh-century Greek vases, black, red and white. The use of this light brown or reddish brown paint may have begun a little earlier, e.g. for parts of animals, but it would be confusing to call this partial polychrome and to regard this as a preliminary step towards the distinctive use of brown for male human flesh. The six wares in which polychrome vases appear are Protocorinthian, Protoattic, Argive, Naxian, ‘Melian’ (likely from Paros), and a ware found at Megara Hyblaea. Except for ‘Melian’ polychrome which continues to the end of the seventh or early sixth century, each of these polychrome styles flourishes for a brief time and then disappears.

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Mitchell, Alexandre G. "Humour in greek vase-painting." Revue archéologique 37, no. 1 (2004): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/arch.041.0003.

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Miścicki, Wawrzyniec. "Both Sides Matter? Reading Greek Vases Using Pictoral Semiotics." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 19 (December 30, 2015): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.19.2015.19.06.

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This paper explores the possibilities of using methods of analysis from the field of pictorial semiotics in studying Greek vase painting, and thus resolving the problem of interpreting multiple scenes on a single vase. Its aim is to explain and clarify basic notions connected to this discipline, such as imagery, syntagmatic and paradigmatic relations, and how they relate to Greek iconography, using various examples. The main premise is that the separate scenes on the artifact are connected syntagmatically and not only paradigmatically as it is usually indicated, thus the joint interpretation always precedes the analysis of detached scenes, the latter being dependent upon the syntagmatic reducibility of the image.

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HERRING, EDWARD. "APULIAN VASE-PAINTING BY NUMBERS: SOME THOUGHTS ON THE PRODUCTION OF VASES DEPICTING INDIGENOUS MEN." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 57, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2014.00067.x.

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AbstractThis paper examines the place of vases depicting indigenous men in the wider context of Apulian red-figure pottery production. Through an analysis of 13,577 vases, it is shown that those depicting indigenous men were only ever a tiny part of the overall output. The overwhelming majority of surviving Apulian vases lack a proper archaeological provenance, but although this limits certainty, the evidence suggests that the vases in question were primarily used in Central Puglia. The iconography of the vessels shows indigenous men in a positive light, as successful warriors who participated in banqueting and religious rituals. The scenes all have direct parallels in the wider iconography of Apulian red-figure, where Greek men are shown engaged in a similar range of activities. The paper considers why this idealized representation of indigenous male lifestyles is so indebted to Greek culture and argues for the continued importance of local identities.

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Heuer, Keely. "Tenacious Tendrils: Replicating Nature in South Italian Vase Painting." Arts 8, no. 2 (June 6, 2019): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8020071.

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Elaborate floral tendrils are one of the most distinctive iconographic features of South Italian vase painting, the red-figure wares produced by Greek settlers in Magna Graecia and Sicily between ca. 440–300 B.C. They were a particular specialty of Apulian artisans and were later adopted by painters living in Paestum and Etruria. This lush vegetation is a stark contrast to the relatively meager interest of Archaic and Classical Athenian vase painters in mimetically depicting elements of the natural world. First appearing in the work of the Iliupersis Painter around 370 B.C., similar flowering vines appear in other contemporary media ranging from gold jewelry to pebble mosaics, perhaps influenced by the career of Pausias of Sicyon, who is credited in ancient sources with developing the art of flower painting. Through analysis of the types of flora depicted and the figures that inhabit these lush vegetal designs, this paper explores the blossoming tendrils on South Italian vases as an evocation of nature’s regenerative powers in the eschatological beliefs of peoples, Greek and Italic alike, occupying southern Italy.

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Toillon. "Three Women Sharing a Mantle in 6th Century BCE Greek Vase-Painting: Plurality, Unity, Family, and Social Bond." Arts 8, no. 4 (October 26, 2019): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8040144.

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The motif of three women sharing the same mantle is pictured on about a dozen vases dating from the first half of the sixth century BCE. Among these vases, the so-called “François Vase” and a dinos signed by Sophilos (now in London, British Museum) are of particular interest. The wedding of Thetis and Peleus is pictured on both vases. This theme is well-adapted to the representation of a procession of deities in which the Charites, Horai, Moirai, and Muses take part. The main feature of these deities is a shared mantle, which covers and assembles them, emphasizing that these deities are plural by definition. The main study on this iconographical theme remains that by Buchholz, who documented most of the depictions of the “shared-mantle” in ancient Greek vase-painting and small terracottas. The shared-mantle motif has been interpreted successively as a reference to the sacred peplos (in relation to the wedding), a simplification from the painter to avoid painting all the mantles, a sign of emotional/sexual union, a religious gesture, and a depiction of choruses. The present study aims to consider in more detail the “shared-mantle” as an iconographic sign that involves the idea of community, shared identity, and emotional bond.

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Smith, Tyler Jo. "Bodies in Motion." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 9, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 49–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341377.

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Abstract Drawing on the combined approaches of ancient Greek iconography, dance history, and the archaeology of ritual and religion, this paper examines dance gesture as a mechanism of ritual communication in ancient Greek vase-painting. After presenting the problems and limitations of matching art and text with regard to dance, as both Classical scholars and practitioners of modern dance have attempted, the paper expands on various ways of showing dance on vases. Special attention is given to komast dancers on black-figure vases and to other types of dance scenes and figures. A rethinking of the evidence for dance as ritual on Greek vases is proposed under the two categories of non-repetitive and repetitive gesture. It is posited that such a distinction anticipates the mood, participants, and occasions, and might indicate discrete areas of ritual activity. Dance, gesture, and ritual are also considered according to the gender and sexuality of performers, the presence of the divine, and the relationship between the shape, composition, and function of some vessels.

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Laferrière, Carolyn M. "Dancing with Greek Vases." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 9, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 85–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341378.

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Abstract As gods dance, women twirl in choruses, and men leap in kōmos revels on Athenian red-figure vases, their animate bodies must be made to conform to the rounded shape of the vessels. Occasionally, these vases are even included in the images themselves, particularly within the kōmos revel, where the participants incorporate vessels into their dance as props, markers of space, and tools to engage new dance partners. Positioning these scenes within their potential sympotic context, I analyze the vases held by the dancers according to the ancient viewer’s own possible use of these physical vessels. The symposiasts’ own dextrous interaction with the objects echoes the dancers’ behaviors, so that human and ceramic bodies come together in shared movement. The handling of vases thus suggests a tactile, embodied experience shared between dancers and viewers; by evoking viewers’ familiarity with handling similar vessels, the vase-paintings invite viewers to join in the dance.

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Morris, Sarah P., and John Boardman. "Early Greek Vase Painting: 11th-6th Centuries B. C." American Journal of Archaeology 103, no. 2 (April 1999): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506762.

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Lowenstam, Steven, and John Boardman. "Early Greek Vase Painting: 11th-6th Centuries B.C. a Handbook." Classical World 93, no. 5 (2000): 537. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352445.

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Zabudskaya, Yana. "Tragedy as a Source of Plots for Greek Vase-Painting." Vestnik drevnei istorii 80, no. 1 (2020): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910008628-3.

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Davies, Malcolm. "A convention of metamorphosis in Greek art." Journal of Hellenic Studies 106 (November 1986): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/629653.

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As part of his recent study of ‘Narration and allusion in Archaic Greek Art’, Professor A. M. Snodgrass has cause to treat of the famous Attic black-figure vase which depicts Circe handing a cup containing her sinister brew to one of Odysseus’ sailors. She is stirring it with her wand the while, and yet this sailor, and three companions besides, have already been transformed into various animals (or at least his head, and their heads and arms have been). Professor Snodgrass has no difficulty in explaining the apparent simultaneity of separate events here and elsewhere on this vase-painting as relating to what he calls the ‘synoptic’ technique of early Greek Art, that familiar device whereby several successive episodes in a narrative are presented together within the same picture. And he is inclined towards a similar line of explanation as regards the partial transformation of Odysseus’ ἑταῖροι: the artist ‘wished to express the passage of time by indicating a half-way stage in the transformation’.

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Demakopoulou, Katie. "A Mycenaean pictorial vase from Midea." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 13 (November 2, 2020): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-13-04.

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The Greek-Swedish excavations on the Mycenaean acropolis of Midea have brought to light a large amount of fine decorated pottery, which includes numerous fragmentary vases and sherds with pictorial decoration. This material has firmly established Midea as an important find-spot of figure-style pottery, like other great Mycenaean Argive centres, such as Mycenae, Tiryns and Berbati. This paper presents a remarkable pictorial vase recently found at Midea. It is a ring-based krater, almost completely restored from fragments, decorated with a row of six birds. The bird is a common motif in Mycenaean pictorial vase painting and also well attested on many other ceramic pieces at Midea, particularly the type of the folded-wing marsh bird. This type of bird is also popular at Tiryns, providing evidence that this category of pictorial pottery from the two citadels, dated to the LH IIIB2 period, was produced in the same workshop, which must have been situated at or near Tiryns. The abundant pictorial pottery from Midea and other significant discoveries at the site, such as monumental architectural remains and important finds, confirm the position of Midea as a great centre, alongside the other two Argive major citadels, Mycenae and Tiryns.

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McNiven, Timothy J. "Odysseus on the Niobid Krater." Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (November 1989): 191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632051.

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The Niobid krater in Paris (Louvre G341) is not one of the masterpieces of Greek vase painting. The vase is not even one of the best works of the artist, who receives his name, the Niobid Painter, from the rare depiction of Apollo and Artemis killing the children of Niobe on the reverse. The vase is, however, one of the touchstones of the history of ancient Greek art. The Niobid krater has this distinction because it is the earliest contemporaneous witness to the new developments in mural painting in the Early Classical Period, developments best understood from the descriptions of the traveler Pausanias six centuries later. The actual quality of the Niobid krater is therefore secondary to its documentary value.Since the krater's discovery in 1881, most discussion has focused on the iconography of the scene on the obverse, showing a group of warriors with Athena (PLATE IIa). The ambiguity of the scene comes from the large number of figures and the lack of action or iconographical evidence to help in their identification. Of the 11 figures, only Herakles (figure 6 on PLATE IIb), with his club and lionskin and Athena (4) in her aegis and helmet are clearly identifiable.

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Lowenstam, Steven. "The Arming of Achilleus on Early Greek Vases." Classical Antiquity 12, no. 2 (October 1, 1993): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25010994.

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This article is a critique of Friis Johansen's thesis that twelve Greek vases painted between 570 and 550 B.C. depict a first arming in Phthia. Details that Friis Johansen considered representative of domestic settings are shown to appear in other contexts too. Friis Johansen, who based much of his argument on a plate by Lydos depicting Achilleus, Thetis, Peleus, and Neoptolemos, problematically assumed that all the other early vases portraying Achilleus's arming must represent the same scene in Phthia. The appearance of Neoptolemos on Lydos's plate, however, shows that it is a "heroized genre-picture" and depicts no particular moment in myth. It is also questionable for Friis Johansen to contend that the first presentation of armor is depicted if all the details of a picture do not correspond with Homer's description of the second arming. Friis Johansen's final argument, that two Euripidean choruses describing Achilleus's first armor offer no "reasonable grounds for free mythological invention," runs counter to recent Euripidean scholarship. The conclusion of this critique is that it is very unlikely that any of the early vases showing the presentation of armor to Achilleus depict a first arming in Phthia. Instead, an episode loosely connected with Achilleus's arming in Troy is pictured. The examination of these arming scenes and others in which the material of the Homeric poems and vase-paintings overlaps is helpful in reassessing the question of how closely related the epic stories shown on Archaic Greek vases are to those related in the Iliad and Odyssey.

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Hemelrijk, J. M. "Greek Vase-Painting and the Origins of Visual Humour (review)." Classical World 104, no. 2 (2011): 265–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2011.0034.

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Kozbelt, Aaron. "Psychological Implications of the History of Realistic Depiction: Ancient Greece, Renaissance Italy and CGI." Leonardo 39, no. 2 (April 2006): 139–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/leon.2006.39.2.139.

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Art historian Ernst Gombrich argued that learning to create convincing realistic depictions is a difficult, incremental process requiring the invention of numerous specific techniques to solve its many problems. Gombrich's argument is elaborated here in a historical review of the evolution of realistic depiction in ancient Greek vase painting, Italian Renaissance painting and contemporary computer-generated imagery (CGI) in video games. The order in which many problems of realism were solved in the three trajectories is strikingly similar, suggesting a common psychological explanation.

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McNally, Sheila, and T. H. Carpenter. "Dionysian Imagery in Archaic Greek Art: Its Development in Black-Figure Vase Painting." American Journal of Archaeology 92, no. 1 (January 1988): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505879.

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Oakley, John H., and Thomas H. Carpenter. "Dionysian Imagery in Archaic Greek Art: Its Development in Black-Figure Vase Painting." Classical World 81, no. 1 (1987): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350141.

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Stroulia, Anna. "MENDING FRAGMENTS: STONE VESSELS FROM FRANCHTHI AND OTHER GREEK NEOLITHIC SITES." Annual of the British School at Athens 115 (December 2020): 1–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245420000106.

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Stone vessels represent one of the rarest artifactual categories of Neolithic Greece. Only several dozen specimens (mostly fragmentary) have been recovered from 65 sites. These objects are also some of the least studied; with few exceptions, they are known only through superficial reports. Thus, their potential to shed light on social and economic aspects of Neolithic life remains unexploited. In this article, I address this problem in two ways. First, I focus on a specific stone vase assemblage: that from the well-known site of Franchthi in the north-eastern Peloponnese. This is one of the largest assemblages and is presented here in detail. Secondly, I use the Franchthi assemblage as a point of departure to attempt a synthesis of the available information on Greek Neolithic stone vases.

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Pevnick, Seth D. "ΣϒPIΣKOΣ EΓPΦΣEN: Loaded Names, Artistic Identity, and Reading an Athenian Vase." Classical Antiquity 29, no. 2 (October 1, 2010): 222–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2010.29.2.222.

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This paper examines the importance of artist names and artistic identity, especially as expressed in artist signatures, to the interpretation of ancient Greek pottery. Attention is focused on a calyx krater signed ΣϒPIΣKOΣ EΓPΦΣEN [sic], and it is argued that the non-Greek ethnikon used as artist name encourages a non-Athenian reading of the iconography. The painted labels for all six figures on this vase, together with parallels from other Athenian red-figure vases—including others from the Syriskos workshop—all suggest the presentation of an alternative, un-Athenian world view. Okeanos, Dionysos, and Epaphos are read as representing faraway lands at the edges of the Ge Panteleia, or “entire earth,” while the central figure of Themis, Greek personification of divine right, is depicted pouring a libation to Balos, the Hellenized form of the Syrian supreme god Baal, thereby recognizing his status as a supreme deity. Other overtly political messages have been read elsewhere in the oeuvre of the Syriskos Workshop, where it seems that at least two distinct artistic identities were at play—the explicitly foreign “little Syrian,” and the more conventional Pistoxenos, or “trustworthy foreigner.” When explicitly signed on vessels, these artistic identities necessarily sway interpretation, whereas on the many unsigned pieces, the viewer is left to consider which identity is at play.

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Gorzelany, Dorota. "An Unwelcome Aspect of Life: the depiction of Old Age in Greek Vase Painting." Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 24, no. 2 (January 1, 2014): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2014.xxiv.2.10.

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Erin L. Thompson. "Distorted Ideals in Greek Vase-Painting: The World of Mythological Burlesque (review)." Classical World 103, no. 4 (2010): 560–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2010.0005.

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Boardman, J. "Pots and Plays: Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-painting of the Fourth Century B.C." Common Knowledge 14, no. 3 (October 1, 2008): 503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-2008-029.

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Fischer, Marina. "Ancient Greek Prostitutes and the Textile Industry in Attic Vase-Painting ca. 550–450 b.c.e." Classical World 106, no. 2 (2013): 219–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2013.0027.

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Cerqueira, Fábio Vergara. "Iconographical Representations of Musical Instruments in Apulian Vase-Painting as Ethnical Signs: Intercultural Greek-Indigenous Relations in Magna Graecia (5th and 4th Centuries B.C.)." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 2, no. 1 (January 28, 2014): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341252.

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Abstract The paper deals with the representation of musical instruments on Apulian pottery. I shall sketch a general account of the red-figured pottery produced in Apulia and its development between the late fifth and the early third centuries, discussing the iconographical trends in its different phases. Secondly, I shall offer a brief survey of the musical instruments: the instruments belonging to Greek tradition (lyra, kithara, aulos) as well as those belonging to local tradition (rectangular cithara, rectangular sistrum), and those that result from local developments of instruments received from the Greek continental tradition (tympanon, pektis). Morphological and contextual analysis of the representation of such instruments will allow us to sustain our inferences about the intercultural processes of hybridization between local, Greek and oriental organological traditions, pointing to a scenario of multiple and negotiated identities in the colonial world of Magna Graecia.

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Sparkes, Brian A. "IV Luxury Items." New Surveys in the Classics 40 (2010): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383510000732.

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The uneven survival of material evidence from Greek antiquity has tended to guide interest and research towards the diferent forms and functions of sculpture (Chapters II and III) and of vase-painting (Chapters V and VI). They have been preserved in such numbers that, although we have only a fraction of the total output, we can study the ways in which they developed over the centuries against the social, economic, and political background and in the diferent parts of the Greek world. This has encouraged a tendency towards positivism and has had the unfortunate outcome of considering them as the exclusive elements of Greek art, with a concomitant emphasis on the aspects of restraint, simplicity, and so forth that were highlighted by the Neoclassical attitudes to Greek art that emerged in the eighteenth century. This approach has led scholars to demean the more lavish products that, by the very nature of their intrinsic value, have failed to survive in any numbers – gold, silver, ivory, and the like. Recent excavations, particularly those in cemeteries situated in the outlying areas of the Greek world and in the regions bordering on ancient Greece, have brought to light some of those expensive objects that are now missing from the Greek heartlands. Meanwhile, investigations into the more flamboyant aspects of Greek art have shown that buildings and architectural and freestanding sculpture were lavishly coloured. A nineteenth-century drawing by Donaldson shows coloured glass beads set into a column capital of the Erechtheion (Figure 21).

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Giuliani, Luca. "Oliver Taplin: Pots & Plays. Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-Painting of the Fourth Century B.C." Gnomon 81, no. 5 (2009): 439–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2009_5_439.

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Stelow, Anna. "Pots and Plays: Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-Painting of the Fourth Century B.C - By Oliver Taplin." Religious Studies Review 36, no. 2 (June 2010): 146–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2010.01426_3.x.

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Jocelyn Penny Small. "Pots and Plays: Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-painting in the Fourth Century B.C. (review)." Classical World 102, no. 4 (2009): 506–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.0.0113.

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Mosz, Jakub. "Ancient Patterns of the Sporting Body." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 47, no. 1 (December 1, 2009): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10141-009-0041-x.

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Ancient Patterns of the Sporting BodyIn the world of ancient culture you can find images of corporeality which may be recognised as patterns of the sporting body. They come from Greek sculpture and vase painting. Among the preserved Greek cultural artefacts there can be pointed out three examples of patterns of male corporeality and one example of female corporeality connected with the world of sport. These are Polyclitus's sculptures "Doryphorus" and "Diadoumenos", Myron's sculpture "Discus Thrower", Lysippus's sculpture of "Heracles Farnese" and painting presenting Atalanta. They constitute ancient patterns of the sporting body, which are recognisable in the world of the European culture from the age of Renaissance to the 20th century. Each of those cultural artefacts points out to separate aspects of the world of sport: Polyclitus's sculptures are pictures of beauty of the body, Myron's sculpture expresses sporting movement, Lysippus's sculpture symbolises power and the figure of Atalanta is the first gender pattern in the world of sport. Ancient patterns of the sporting body perform functions of cultural archetypes in the contemporary world of sport. The contemporary sporting body is a corporeal form which is perceived and interpreted through the prism of the symbolic layer of ancient images of corporeal forms. A part of those corporeal patters has lost in European culture their sporting references, which were visible for Greek civilization. It refers to Polyclitus's sculptures and the figure of Atalanta, which was provided by Renaissance and Baroque art with a different semantic context. Research into cultural aspects of sport requires reconstruction of their sporting genealogy making it possible to construct wider interpretative contexts of contemporary corporeality. The notion of the "archetype of the sporting body" in European culture is enriched with a differentiated objective layer, which is composed of ancient patters of the sporting body encountered in social consciousness of the world of European art.

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Petit, Thierry. "THE SPHINX ON THE ROOF: THE MEANING OF THE GREEK TEMPLE ACROTERIA." Annual of the British School at Athens 108 (July 30, 2013): 201–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245413000026.

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In the Archaic period, from the end of the seventh and above all in the sixth century bc, sphinxes are ubiquitous in the figured decoration of Greek temples. They appear not only as acroteria, but also on antefixes and simas. As acroteria, they always occur as lateral versions, flanking the central acroterion at a distance. Although these figures have recently been the subject of several exhaustive studies, their significance remains a matter of debate. In the absence of explicit texts, the only means of comprehending their meaning is by examining the combinations of figures in which the sphinx makes an appearance. It is their association in three-part or heraldic compositions with a central vegetal or floral motif which provides the key to the explanation. This group is similar to that known in the Levant in which two sphinxes flank a ‘Tree of Life’, a group which the Old Testament texts allow us to identify as the cherubim guarding the Tree of Life of Genesis 3.24. This group was transmitted to Cyprus and to the Aegean world without losing its meaning. A series of documents allows us to verify that the ‘extended’ group of acroteria that we are concerned with has not lost its symbolic value by comparison with the ‘compact’ group known particularly from Archaic Greek vase-painting. An explanation in terms of eschatological ends and aspirations also permits us to interpret the other associations of the sphinx – with gorgons, with horsemen and with ‘Nike' figures.

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Seaford, Richard. "The tragic wedding." Journal of Hellenic Studies 107 (November 1987): 106–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/630074.

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Wedding ritual in tragedy tends to be subverted. In explaining and arguing for this generalisation I hope also to shed new light on some of the passages deployed.My starting point is the actual wedding ceremony. How did the Athenians of the classical period imagine that it was celebrated? Our evidence derives largely from contemporary drama and vase-painting. The picture presented by this evidence coheres very well in certain respects with that derived from other periods and places: Sappho, Catullus' imitation of the Greek, the lexicographers, and so on. For example, one important element that is found in the Attic and the non-Attic evidence alike is the ambiguity, for the bride, of the transition. The abrupt passage to her new life contains both negative and positive elements. On the one hand it is like the yoking of an animal or the plucking of a flower. It means isolation, separation from her friends and parents. It is an occasion of resentment and anxiety, comparable to death.

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Jo Smith, Tyler. "(A.G.) Mitchell Greek Vase-Painting and the Origins of Visual Humour. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Pp. xxiv + 371, illus. £55. 9780521513708." Journal of Hellenic Studies 131 (November 2011): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426911000772.

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Oakley, John H. "(J.) Boardman Early Greek Vase Painting, 11th-6th Centuries BC. A Handbook. London: Thames and Hudson, 1998. Pp. 287 + ill. £ 8.95. 0500203091." Journal of Hellenic Studies 119 (November 1999): 224–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632384.

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Morero, Elise. "MYCENAEAN LAPIDARY CRAFTSMANSHIP: THE MANUFACTURING PROCESS OF STONE VASES." Annual of the British School at Athens 110 (April 28, 2015): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245415000039.

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The first substantial corpus of developed and complex stone vases emerged on the Greek mainland in the shaft graves of Mycenae (Middle Helladic III – Late Helladic I) and was certainly, in large part, of Minoan origin. However, a Mycenaean industry appeared in the Late Helladic III period, which suggests a link with Minoan technology. Indeed, there is an extremely strong possibility that expatriate craftsmen had gradually transmitted their knowledge to local Mycenaean apprentices. A technological study of a corpus of 24 stone vases from Mycenae, dated to the Late Helladic I/II–III, enables the identification and reconstruction of the manufacturing processes and techniques involved in mainland production. It appears to be the case that a great part of the Mycenaean know-how derives from contact with Minoan craftsmanship. However, if a large number of technical elements (use of tubular drilling for the hollowing process, production of the vessels in several parts) may come from a Minoan heritage, the Mycenaeans seem to have quickly developed their own approach – with their own technological emphases, serving purely Mycenaean forms. The vase, based on separately made elements, was a Minoan approach but became properly a mainland concept, which appeared far less commonly in other regions of the eastern Mediterranean. Similarly, the single-tool approach developed for the drilling process (for hollowing the interior of the vessels and for cutting the inlay decoration of the exterior), entirely based on the use of the tubular drill, is purely a native one and is uncommon among eastern Mediterranean vessel traditions. A technological study indicates also the possible coexistence of different types of organisation in the Mycenaean workshops. Thus, the manufacturing processes used, as well as the organisation of the production, are distinct from those of other eastern Mediterranean centres, including Crete.

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Cooper, C. L. "(D.) Walsh Distorted Ideals in Greek Vase-Painting: the World of Mythological Burlesque. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Pp. xxix + 420, illus. £55. 9780521896412." Journal of Hellenic Studies 130 (November 2010): 268–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426910000832.

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Carpenter, T. H. "Greek Vase-Painting and the Origins of Visual Humour. By Alexandre G. Mitchell. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Pp. [xxiv] + 371." Classical Philology 106, no. 1 (January 2011): 80–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/659117.

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Peirce, Sarah. "Death, Revelry, and "Thysia"." Classical Antiquity 12, no. 2 (October 1, 1993): 219–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25010995.

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Much recent scholarship on "thysia" sees the meaning and function of the rite for the ancient Greeks to stem partly or largely from the beliefs and emotions surrounding the slaughter of the victim. Scholars have proposed that the Greeks experienced fear and awe when they killed animals for food, and that the source of these feelings was a perception of the slaughter of liverstock as akin to murder. This paper considers evidence for the ancient Greek experience of the rite of "thysia", with the ultimate aim of shedding light on current theories of sacrifice. My source is the extensive system of imagery of "thysia" in Attic vase-painting. I view this imagery not as a series of illustrations of the way "thysia" was performed but rather as a map of the way it was conceptualized. Analyzed in this way, the iconography of "thysia" yields information on the degree to which "thysia" was identified with slaughter, and on the emotions inspired by the rite. The visual terms of definition of "thysia" in this repertory are not slaughter and burnt offerings but rather edible animals and the preparation of meat in the context of feasts and festivals. The semantic range of this imagery is the basis for conclusions about the emotional connotations of "thysia". The depiction of slaughter and of unwilling victims may be associated with the iconography of revelry and appears in some scenes to be the focus of humor. Most significant are the employment of "thysia" in the depiction of victory and the development of several important scene types of "thysia" as subsets of the iconography of Dionysian symposion and kōmos. In these contexts, the imagery of "thysia" appears as a visual metaphor denoting joy and celebration.

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Harris, A. L. "Recent Acquisitions and Conservation of Antiquities at the Ure Museum, University of Reading 2004–2008." Archaeological Reports 54 (November 2008): 175–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608400001009.

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The Ure Museum of Greek Archaeology, in the Department of Classics at the University of Reading, has experienced something of a renaissance in the 3rd millennium. It acquired status as a registered museum in 2001 and accreditation in 2008. It has boasted a bespoke web-accessible database since 2002 and a professionally designed website since 2004 (www.reading.ac.uk/ure). Finally, in 2005 its physical display was completely redesigned. While the existence of the Museum and some of its collections have long been well known to scholars of Gr vases – thanks to the tireless efforts of Percy and Annie Ure in the first half of the 20th Ct, including their 1954 publication of Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Great Britain 12. University of Reading (London, Oxford University Press, 1954), AR 9 (1962–1963) and some listings in Beazley and Trendall's volumes (see J.D. Beazley, Attic Red-figure Vase-painters, 2nd ed. [Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1963], A.D. Trendall and A. Cambitoglou, The Red-figured Vases of Apulia [Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1978–1982], A.D. Trendall, The Red-figured Vases of Lucania, Campania and Sicily (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1967) – much of the collection remains unknown. Even in the 1960s, after all, the publication of fragments, lamps and Cypriote ceramics remained unfashionable. And the Ures, experts in Gr pottery, were little interested in publishing the Egyptian artefacts (approximately a 5th of the displayed collection) and other non-ceramic artefacts. As part of the Ure Museum's renaissance, University of Reading staff and students are researching and gradually publishing its hidden treasures: A.C. Smith, Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Great Britain 23. Reading Museum Service (Reading Borough Council) (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007) documents more than 150 vases, most in the Ure Museum, from the Reading Museum Service (Reading Borough Council); a forthcoming fascicule of the Corpus of Cypriote Antiquities will catalogue the Cypriote holdings in the Ure Museum; and another volume of Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum will detail approximately 200 holdings of the Ure Museum that are hitherto unpublished. The items discussed below, however, are those that have been acquired by the Ure Museum since 2004, as well a sample of the 19 Coptic textile fragments, which have been brought out of storage, conserved by the Textile Conservation Centre in Winchester and are now displayed in the Ure Museum (since 2005).

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Kurke, Leslie. "Inventing the "Hetaira": Sex, Politics, and Discursive Conflict in Archaic Greece." Classical Antiquity 16, no. 1 (April 1, 1997): 106–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011056.

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According to Xenophon, the hetaira "gratified" her patron as a philos, participating in an aristocratic network of gift exchange (Xen. Mem. 3.11), while the pornê, as her name signified, trafficked in sex as a commodity. Recent writers on Greek prostitution have acknowledged that hetaira vs. pornê may be as much a discursive opposition as a real difference in status, but still, very little attention has been paid to the period of the "invention" of this binary. Hetaira meaning "courtesan" first occurs in Herodotus (2.134-35) and does not exist in Homer: hence, the conceptual category of the hetaira is an invention of the archaic period. What needs generated the constitution of this category? And what conceptual "work" was the opposition hetaira-pornê doing in Greek culture in the period of its inception? This paper addresses these questions through a reading of fragments of archaic lyric-predominantly those of Anakreon-as well as consideration of Attic vase painting. I suggest that the hetaira-pornê opposition participates in the overarching tension between the aristocratic symposium and the public sphere in archaic Greece. Oswyn Murray has suggested that the symposium constitutes itself as a kind of anti-city with its own rules and conventions. Part of the discursive exclusion of the public sphere is the complete suppression of the city's monetarized economy from the domain of the aristocratic symposium, and it is this impulse to mystify economic relations for sex that generates the category of the hetaira within a framework of gift exchange. But if the motives for this discursive invention are economic, they are also (inextricably) political: the hetaira affirms and embodies the circulation of charis within a privileged elite, while the pornê figures the debased and promiscuous exchanges of the agora.

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Snodgrass, Anthony. "Oliver Taplin, Pots and Plays: Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-painting of the Fourth Century B.C. (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2007), X + 309 pp." International Journal of the Classical Tradition 16, no. 1 (March 2009): 91–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12138-009-0094-6.

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Scheffer, Charlotte. "Works dealing with questions concerning ancient Greek vases (books reviewed: Approaches to the study of Attic vases, by P. Rouet; The Theseus Painter, by O. Borgers; The late mannierists in Athenian vase-painting, by T. Mannack; Non-Attic Greek vase inscriptions, by R. Wachter; Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 1, by T. Fischer-Hansen; Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Amsterdam 3, by W.D.J. van de Put; Essays in honor of Dietrich von Bothmer, by A.J. Clarc & J. Gaunt, eds.)." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 1 (November 2008): 186–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-01-18.

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Smith, Tyler Jo. "Tragedy and Vase-Painting - (O.) Taplin Pots & Plays. Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-Painting of the Fourth Century B.C.. Pp. x + 310, b/w & colour ills, map. Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2007. Cased, £45, US$75. ISBN: 978-0-89236-807-5." Classical Review 58, no. 2 (October 2008): 357–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x08000164.

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Barringer, Judith M. "Atalanta as Model: The Hunter and the Hunted." Classical Antiquity 15, no. 1 (April 1, 1996): 48–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011031.

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Atalanta, devotee of Artemis and defiant of men and marriage, was a popular figure in ancient literature and art. Although scholars have thoroughly investigated the literary evidence concerning Atalanta, the material record has received less scrutiny. This article explores the written and visual evidence, primarily vase painting, of three Atalanta myths: the Calydonian boar hunt, her wrestling match with Peleus, and Atalanta's footrace, in the context of rites of passage in ancient Greece. The three myths can be read as male and female rites of passage: the hunt, athletics, and a combination of prenuptial footrace and initiatory hunt. Atalanta plays both male and female initiatory roles in each myth: Atalanta is not only a girl facing marriage, but she is also a female hunter and female ephebe. She is the embodiment of ambiguity and liminality. Atalanta's status as outsider and as paradoxical female is sometimes expressed visually by her appearance as Amazon or maenad or a combination of the two. Her blending of gender roles in myth offers insight into Greek ideas of social roles, gender constructs, and male perceptions of femininity. Erotic aspects of the myths of the Calydonian boar hunt and the footrace, and possibly also her wrestling match with Peleus, emphasize Atalanta as the object of male desire. Atalanta challenges men in a man's world and therefore presents a threat, but she is erotically charged and subject to male influence and dominance.

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Mazurczak, Urszula. "Czas i przestrzeń w badaniach sztuki oraz twórczości literackiej ks. profesora Janusza St. Pasierba." Artifex Novus, no. 3 (October 1, 2019): 2–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/an.7058.

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SUMMARY The Author separated the visualized time and the time when the painting was created. Both are rooted in the point of history which was important for the artist, in the time of creating the work of art as well as in the internal structure of the painting which is expressed through the theme and the presented figures. The researcher who was deeply influenced by history, browsed it deeply in order to find every “now”, adding it to the timeline of the artist’s life, or to the history he was a part of. The timeline, history, constitutes a basis of the knowledge about the artist’s workshop and it is the basis for the historical-comparative method. The Priest Professor Pasierb knew hermeneutics with the hermeneutic circle of Hans Gadamer and Paul Ricoeur. In his exploration of the temporal structure of his works of art he indicates to the reader the circular structure of the composition, which is typical for the scenes of the greatest masters of the Baroque, e.g. The Coronation of Mary, The Adoration of the Shepherds. The structure of time is particularly important in the portraits of Herman Han in the painting of 17th century. The analysis of the paintings of the master of Gdańsk Herman Han, especially of his painting The Coronation of the Virgin Mary in the main altar in Pelplin is an introduction for discovering the circular structures of time and space. It shows the Author’s concepts as close to the traditional Antique concepts of time: as the two opposites: Chronos – the inevitable time which consumes everything on its way and Kairos, the fugacious moment which can, however, be stopped by wisdom, beauty, the ability of predicting. The sensitivity to time, the Kairos, was expressed by the priest Professor Pasierb who was impressed by a Greek vase painted by Makron (Paris, Louvre) “long-haired boy with a hoop and with a dog, quickly running round an attic goblet, looking back where they are calling you, come back, you didn’t listen, today it is too late, twenty-five centuries passed. The painter Makron whom you passed by so quickly, managed to write kalos – Beautiful”. The basic method used for the analysis of time and space in the painting is the hermeneutic method of Paul Ricoeur and Hans Georg Gadamer.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Vase-painting, Greek. Vases, Greek'

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