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1

Oakley, John H. "Greek Vase Painting." American Journal of Archaeology 113, no. 4 (October 2009): 599–627. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.113.4.599.

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2

Oakley, John H., and Dietrich von Bothmer. "Greek Vase Painting." American Journal of Archaeology 93, no. 4 (October 1989): 612. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505344.

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3

Arafat, K. W. "Corinthian Vase Painting." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 204–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.204.

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4

SHPAK, L. YU. "COMPARATIVE ANTHROPOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF ATTIC WHITE-GROUND VASE PAINTING." Moscow University Anthropology Bulletin (Vestnik Moskovskogo Universiteta Seria XXIII Antropologia), no. 1/2024 (April 12, 2024): 134–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu2074-8132-24-1-12.

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Introduction. Of the numerous ceramic production centers of ancient Greece, the Attica region is notable for its continuous development of vase painting styles. Compared to the black-figure and red-figure painting techniques, the polychrome painting of Attic vases on a white-ground may indicate polymorphism in the pigmentation of the ancient Greeks. Materials and methods. The material was collected in digitized museum collections and thematic literature. The color and nature of the characters' hair were studied from vase painting and funerary painting. Anthroposcopic method and simple statistics were used. The significance of differences between groups was assessed using the chi-square test. Results and discussion. In all samples of Attic vase painting, the wavy nature of the hair is predominant, and this frequency does not change significantly over time. The highest frequency of straight nature of the hair (13.3%) is observed in white-ground vase painting. In comparison with the characters in vase paintings, modern Greeks have predominantly straight, lightly wavy hair, especially in women, and then wavy hair. For all style groups of Attic vase painting, no gender differences in nature of the hair were identified. The depiction of hair color on white-ground vase paintings of the early classical and classical times is significantly different: in the earlier vase painting, black and dark brown predominate, and in the later ones, brown/light brown and red-brown. The minimum frequency of dark shades of the hair is noted in Hellenistic funerary painting; it shows, like the white-ground vase painting of the classics, a lighter-pigmented population. The hair color of the modern Greek population is predominantly dark. Based on the hypothesis that the artist depicts familiar forms as traditional ones and reflects the anthropological characteristics of his group, the polymorphism of pigmentation and nature of the hair of the ancient and modern Greek populations is different. Conclusion. Groups of art sources that differ in chronology and style do not represent the hair pigmentation of the population of ancient Greece in the same way. To further study polymorphism of pigmentation of the ancient population, it is necessary to correct the methodology to correlate the actual colors used in vase/mural painting with the hair color classes of the traditional color scale, as well as the use of additional comparative materials.
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5

Mitchell, Alexandre G. "Humour in greek vase-painting." Revue archéologique 37, no. 1 (2004): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/arch.041.0003.

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6

Hughes, Alan. "Comedy in Paestan vase painting." Oxford Journal of Archaeology 22, no. 3 (August 2003): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0092.00188.

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7

Rotroff, Susan I. "Attic West Slope Vase Painting." Hesperia 60, no. 1 (January 1991): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148228.

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8

Crouwel, J. H., and C. E. Morris. "Pictorial pottery of Late Minoan II–III A2 Early from Knossos." Annual of the British School at Athens 90 (November 1995): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016130.

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This paper looks at the period of the first regular use of pictorial vase painting in Crete: LM II–III A2 early. The focus is on Knossos, the major findspot for Minoan pictorial pottery of this distinct pre-destruction period. The shapes, motifs and overall character of Minoan pictorial pottery are discussed, as well as the extent of its influence on the earliest Mycenaean figure-style vase-painting.
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9

Herrmann, Hans-Volkmar. "Studies in Mythology and Vase Painting." Philosophy and History 21, no. 1 (1988): 60–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist198821132.

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10

Mackay, E. Anne. "A New Response to Vase-Painting." Classical Review 55, no. 2 (October 2005): 664–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni361.

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11

Honzl, Jiří. "African Motifs in Greek Vase Painting." Annals of the Náprstek Museum 38, no. 1 (2017): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/anpm-2017-0017.

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In the beginning the paper concisely summarises contacts of Greeks with Egypt, focusing on their interests on the North African coast, up until the Classical Period. The brief description of Greek literary reception of Egypt during the same timeframe is following. The main part of the paper is dedicated to various African (and supposedly African) motifs depicted in Greek vase painting. These are commented upon and put in the relevant context. In the end the individual findings are summarised and confronted with the literary image described above.
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12

Письмак, Юрий. "Viennese vase painted in Dresden (architectural, artistic, stylistic, morphological and structural features)." Arta 30, no. 1 (August 2021): 54–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/arta.2021.30-1.08.

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The article examines the architectural, artistic, stylistic, morphological and structural features of an old porcelain vase from a private Odessa collection. The unpainted vase was made in 1860s at Vienna Porcelain Manufactory. This vase was painted in Helena Wolfsohn’s studio in Dresden between 1864 and 1878 (?). Helena Wolfsohn lived and worked in a significant center of European civilization, culture and arts of her time. The images are painted on the vase using the technique of manual overglaze painting. Amazingly arranged bouquets of flowers are painted on the turquoise background of the oval-shaped body of the vase, and gallant scenes in the Watteau style are depicted on the white parts of the body. On the bottom of the vase base an underglaze blue mark is applied: a shield. The painting of the vase is notable for a vivid pictorial effect, a successful composition, harmony and restraint of color shades. Similar vases painted at Helena Wolfsohn’s studio were exhibited at the International Exhibition in Sydney (1879) and at the World Exhibition in Melbourne (1880). Decorative porcelain vases play an important role in creating the architectural and artistic ensemble of the interior, whose main compositional principle is architectonics.
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13

Frontisi-Ducroux, Françoise, and François Lissarague. "Signe, objet, support : regard privé, regard public." Ktèma : civilisations de l'Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome antiques 23, no. 1 (1998): 137–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ktema.1998.2723.

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Can images represent any opposition between public and private ? This paper adopts two different approaches. Vase-painting deals with spatial topics, but nothing in fact shows a clear interest in differentiating public space from private space : the example of the representations of the louterion is a very obvious case. On the other hand, the specific function of the medium — vase-painting, relief, terracota — can strongly determine the kind of space in which any picture is perceived.
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14

Neils, Jenifer, and Susan B. Matheson. "Polygnotos and Vase Painting in Classical Athens." American Journal of Archaeology 101, no. 2 (April 1997): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506524.

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15

Brendle, Ross. "The Pederastic Gaze in Attic Vase-Painting." Arts 8, no. 2 (April 2, 2019): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8020047.

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An image on an Attic red-figure kylix attributed to the Antiphon Painter, showing a single youth wrapped tightly in a mantle, represents a type of figure often found in pederastic courting scenes and scenes set in the gymnasium, where male bodies were on display. Subject to the gaze of older men, these youths hide their bodies in their cloaks and exhibit the modesty expected of a boy being courted. While many courting scenes show an erastês approaching a tightly-wrapped erômenos, in this scene, the boy stands alone with no source of modesty-inducing gaze within the image. Combined with the intimate manner in which the user of this cup would experience the image as he held it close to his face to drink, it would appear to the drinker that it is his own gaze that provokes the boy’s modesty. This vase is one of several in which we may see figures within an image reacting to the eroticizing gaze of the user of the vessel. As the drinker drains his cup and sees the boy, the image responds with resistance to the drinker’s gaze. Though seemingly unassuming, these pictures look deliberately outward and declare themselves to an anticipated viewer. The viewer’s interaction with the image is as important to its function as any element within the picture.
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16

Moore, Mary B., and D. A. Amyx. "Corinthian Vase-Painting of the Archaic Period." American Journal of Archaeology 94, no. 4 (October 1990): 691. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505137.

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17

Steiner, Ann, and D. A. Amyx. "Corinthian Vase-Painting of the Archaic Period." Classical World 84, no. 3 (1991): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350782.

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18

Akimova, Liudmila. "Apulian Vase-Painting of the Fourth Century BC: Graeco-Italic “Translations”." Centre of Linguocultural Research Balcanica. Proceedings of Round Tables 7 (2022): 48–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0842.2022.7.04.

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The author deals with the problem of “translation” in Apulian vase-painting of the Late Classical period. Attic patterns of ceramic forms and compositions being produced at the beginning of South Italiote vase-painting (at Tarent, in particular), should have been “translated” into Italic “language” (the Ilioupersis painter) of the rich indigenous clientele. In their turn, the Italic artisans tended to approach their production to Hellenic models; they taught its complicated thesaurus and created a new Helleno-Italic language of art (the Arpi painter) which became later the main bearer of the Classical tradition in the Mediterranean and Europe of the Middle Ages and Renaissance times.
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19

Moore, Mary B., and Martin Robertson. "The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical Athens." American Journal of Archaeology 98, no. 1 (January 1994): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506232.

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20

Ginge, Birgitte, and Martin Robertson. "The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical Athens." Classical World 88, no. 2 (1994): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351653.

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21

Grethlein, Jonas. "Vision and reflexivity in theOdysseyand early vase-painting." Word & Image 31, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02666286.2015.1013273.

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22

Shapiro, H. A., and Martin Robertson. "The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical Athens." Art Bulletin 76, no. 1 (March 1994): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3046008.

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23

Nagy, Katalin. "A négy alapelem a képzőművészetben." Kaleidoscope history 11, no. 23 (2021): 297–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.17107/kh.2021.23.297-302.

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The four basic elements: Earth, Water, Fire, Air. Ancient classical element theories. Ancient elements in prehistoric cultures, mythologies, Egypt, and Greek vase painting. Ideas of philosophers and artists.
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24

Ivantchik, Askold. "'Scythian' Archers on Archaic Attic Vases: Problems of Interpretation." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 12, no. 3-4 (2006): 197–271. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005706779851408.

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AbstractThe article analyses the depictions of archers in so-called 'Scythian' clothes (a high sharp cap or a rounded hood, a caftan and trousers) in Attic archaic vase-painting. The author concludes that these figures were neither conceived as real ethnical Scythians, nor associated by vase painters or their customers with this or any other people. The clothes were rather an iconographic conventionality symbolising a second rank character accompanying a hero. The latter was depicted as a hoplite. The 'Scythian' clothes corresponded to the character's function, not to his ethnical identity. This scheme in vase-painting existed between c. 530 and 490 BC, and then went out of use, because after the Greco-Persian wars these clothes began to be associated with ethnical identity, though not Scythian, but Persian. The real prototype of the 'Scythian' archers were the archers of different ethnical groups first of Median, and later of Persian army. The 'Scythian' attire of the archers on the vases, therefore, has nothing to do with the real Scythians of the North Pontic area.
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25

Mikhailin, V. Y. "Cognitive Frames of Archaic and Classical Greek Vase-Painting Perception: Spatial and Contextual Aspects." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Philosophy. Psychology. Pedagogy 12, no. 3 (2012): 78–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-7671-2012-12-3-78-82.

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26

Hedreen, G. "““I Let Go My Force Just Touching Her Hair””: Male Sexuality in Athenian Vase-Paintings of Silens and Iambic Poetry." Classical Antiquity 25, no. 2 (October 1, 2006): 277–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2006.25.2.277.

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Abstract In Archaic Athenian vase-painting, silens (satyrs) are often sexually aroused, but only sporadically satisfy their desires in a manner acceptable to most Athenian men. Franççois Lissarrague persuasively argued that the sexuality of silens in vase-painting was probably laughable rather than awe-inspiring. What sort of laughter did the vase-paintings elicit? Was it the scornful laughter of a person who felt nothing in common with silens, or the laughter of one made to see something of himself in their behavior? For three reasons, I argue for the latter interpretation. First, some vase-paintings are constructed so as to invite the viewer to adopt imaginatively the persona of a silen. Second, parallels for the less-than-triumphant sexuality of silens occur in Archaic iambic poetry. Like the vase-paintings, the poetry was often constructed so that performers of the poems are incorporated into the narratives as all-too-human protagonists. Third, certain formal features of classical satyr-play encouraged the audience to identify with the point of view of the satyr-chorus, while others reminded it that there were better role models than silens. In all three media, a negative characterization of male characters or silens is combined with a manner of presentation that invites the viewer or performer to see himself among those characters despite their negative traits. That form of humor may have been common in Archaic symposia, but its presence in satyr-play suggests that it may also be a fundamental characteristic of silens.
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27

Shapiro, H. A. "Attic Comedy and the ‘Comic Angels’ Krater in New York." Journal of Hellenic Studies 115 (November 1995): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631658.

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The centerpiece of Oliver Taplin's recent monograph on Greek drama and South Italian vase-painting is an Apulian bell-krater of the early fourth century in a New York private collection (Plate IV). The vase belongs to the genre conventionally known as phlyax vases, though Taplin would reject that label, since it is the thesis of his book that many, if not most, of these vases reflect Athenian Old Comedy and not an indigenous Italic entertainment, the phlyax play.
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28

McNiven, Timothy J. "Odysseus on the Niobid Krater." Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (November 1989): 191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632051.

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The Niobid krater in Paris (Louvre G341) is not one of the masterpieces of Greek vase painting. The vase is not even one of the best works of the artist, who receives his name, the Niobid Painter, from the rare depiction of Apollo and Artemis killing the children of Niobe on the reverse. The vase is, however, one of the touchstones of the history of ancient Greek art. The Niobid krater has this distinction because it is the earliest contemporaneous witness to the new developments in mural painting in the Early Classical Period, developments best understood from the descriptions of the traveler Pausanias six centuries later. The actual quality of the Niobid krater is therefore secondary to its documentary value.Since the krater's discovery in 1881, most discussion has focused on the iconography of the scene on the obverse, showing a group of warriors with Athena (PLATE IIa). The ambiguity of the scene comes from the large number of figures and the lack of action or iconographical evidence to help in their identification. Of the 11 figures, only Herakles (figure 6 on PLATE IIb), with his club and lionskin and Athena (4) in her aegis and helmet are clearly identifiable.
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29

Morris, Sarah P., and John Boardman. "Early Greek Vase Painting: 11th-6th Centuries B. C." American Journal of Archaeology 103, no. 2 (April 1999): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506762.

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30

Heuer, Keely. "Tenacious Tendrils: Replicating Nature in South Italian Vase Painting." Arts 8, no. 2 (June 6, 2019): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8020071.

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Elaborate floral tendrils are one of the most distinctive iconographic features of South Italian vase painting, the red-figure wares produced by Greek settlers in Magna Graecia and Sicily between ca. 440–300 B.C. They were a particular specialty of Apulian artisans and were later adopted by painters living in Paestum and Etruria. This lush vegetation is a stark contrast to the relatively meager interest of Archaic and Classical Athenian vase painters in mimetically depicting elements of the natural world. First appearing in the work of the Iliupersis Painter around 370 B.C., similar flowering vines appear in other contemporary media ranging from gold jewelry to pebble mosaics, perhaps influenced by the career of Pausias of Sicyon, who is credited in ancient sources with developing the art of flower painting. Through analysis of the types of flora depicted and the figures that inhabit these lush vegetal designs, this paper explores the blossoming tendrils on South Italian vases as an evocation of nature’s regenerative powers in the eschatological beliefs of peoples, Greek and Italic alike, occupying southern Italy.
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31

Glazebrook, Allison. "Vase Painting, Gender, and Social Identity in Archaic Athens." Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 8, no. 2 (2008): 315–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mou.0.0066.

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32

Benson, J. L. "Human Figures and Narrative in Later Protocorinthian Vase Painting." Hesperia 64, no. 2 (April 1995): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148052.

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33

KARAMANOU, IOANNA. "AN APULIAN VOLUTE-CRATER INSPIRED BY EURIPIDES' DICTYS." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 46, no. 1 (December 1, 2003): 167–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2003.tb00738.x.

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Abstract This paper aims to substantiate the relation of an Apulian vase-painting to a fourth-century revival of Euripides' Dictys. The obverse shows Perseus returning to Seriphos with the Gorgon's head, with Danae and Dictys as suppliants at Poseidon's altar, and king Polydectes. Its dramatic inspiration is suggested by the depiction of characters in stage-costumes, the ‘speaking’ gesture used by Dictys, the conventional aedicula-pattern, and the Dionysiac scene on the reverse. The lack of evidence for Aeschylus' Polydectes implies its reduced popularity, and makes it unlikely to have inspired this vase-painting, as against the reasonable number of quotations from the Dictys and the wide popularity of Euripidean drama in South-Italian pottery. This altar scene confirms that the accounts of Ps. Apollodorus and Theon reflect the plot of the Dictys, and offers evidence for the basic reconstruction of the play.
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34

Kozbelt, Aaron. "Psychological Implications of the History of Realistic Depiction: Ancient Greece, Renaissance Italy and CGI." Leonardo 39, no. 2 (April 2006): 139–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/leon.2006.39.2.139.

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Art historian Ernst Gombrich argued that learning to create convincing realistic depictions is a difficult, incremental process requiring the invention of numerous specific techniques to solve its many problems. Gombrich's argument is elaborated here in a historical review of the evolution of realistic depiction in ancient Greek vase painting, Italian Renaissance painting and contemporary computer-generated imagery (CGI) in video games. The order in which many problems of realism were solved in the three trajectories is strikingly similar, suggesting a common psychological explanation.
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35

Zabudskaya, Yana. "Tragedy as a Source of Plots for Greek Vase-Painting." Vestnik drevnei istorii 80, no. 1 (2020): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910008628-3.

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36

Kifishina, Oxana. "Floral Motifs in South Italian Vase Painting: Problems of Studying." Actual Problems of Theory and History of Art 6 (2016): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18688/aa166-1-5.

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37

Fineberg, Stephen, and Guy Michael Hedreen. "Silens in Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painting: Myth and Performance." Classical World 87, no. 3 (1994): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351474.

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38

Lowenstam, Steven, and John Boardman. "Early Greek Vase Painting: 11th-6th Centuries B.C. a Handbook." Classical World 93, no. 5 (2000): 537. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352445.

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39

Bazant, Jan. "The case for a complex approach to athenian vase painting." Mètis. Anthropologie des mondes grecs anciens 5, no. 1 (1990): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/metis.1990.949.

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40

Heuer, Keely Elizabeth. "Vases with Faces: Isolated Heads in South Italian Vase Painting." Metropolitan Museum Journal 50 (January 2015): 62–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/685673.

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41

Arafat, K. "Review. Polygnotos and Vase Painting in Classical Athens. SB Matheson." Classical Review 47, no. 2 (February 1, 1997): 391–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/47.2.391.

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42

Saunders, David. "Vase Painting, Gender, and Social Identity in Archaic Athens (review)." Classical World 101, no. 2 (2008): 265–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2008.0021.

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43

Mangieri, Anthony F. "Heroics of Dress: Exekias and Ornament in Greek Vase Painting." American Journal of Archaeology 128, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 59–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/727314.

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44

Miścicki, Wawrzyniec. "Both Sides Matter? Reading Greek Vases Using Pictoral Semiotics." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 19 (December 30, 2015): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.19.2015.19.06.

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This paper explores the possibilities of using methods of analysis from the field of pictorial semiotics in studying Greek vase painting, and thus resolving the problem of interpreting multiple scenes on a single vase. Its aim is to explain and clarify basic notions connected to this discipline, such as imagery, syntagmatic and paradigmatic relations, and how they relate to Greek iconography, using various examples. The main premise is that the separate scenes on the artifact are connected syntagmatically and not only paradigmatically as it is usually indicated, thus the joint interpretation always precedes the analysis of detached scenes, the latter being dependent upon the syntagmatic reducibility of the image.
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Ozerkova, Elizaveta Agniia. "The possibility and necessity of reconstructing ancient Greek buildings to study the depicted architecture in Greek vase painting of the Archaic era." Digital Orientalia 3, no. 1-2 (2023): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/s278240120027521-6.

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This paper examines the problem of depicting and interpreting architectural structures on the two-dimensional surface of vases in the archaic era. And accordingly, during the period of formation of the necessary iconographies and methods of interaction between the depicted space and plane. The purpose of this study is to study the architecture depicted in vase paintings during the Archaic period. As part of such research, there is a need to analyze the remaining relief or structural parts of ancient architecture, scan them and create at least approximate virtual models. What becomes possible with the development of the latest information technologies. This will help a deeper study of the origins of the architectural fantasies of ancient Greek vase painters. In the meantime, within the framework of the initial stages of such a study, examples have been selected for comparisons of individual elements of architectural buildings and types in general. Some origins and share of the vase painter’s fantasies are determined. This study proves that the depicted architecture can play many functions, solve a large number of problems in vase painting scenes; often, masters use it as a kind of language to convey important non-verbal, semantic points.
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46

Crouwel, J. H., and C. E. Morris. "An Early Mycenaean Fish Krater from Maroni, Cyprus." Annual of the British School at Athens 82 (November 1987): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400020293.

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The fragments of an early Mycenaean pictorial krater decorated with fish from Maroni in Cyprus are discussed and illustrated. The piece is considered within the broader context of contemporary representations, and it is suggested that Minoan representations of bird and fish motifs provided the inspiration for the use of these two themes in the early stages of Mycenaean vase-painting.
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47

Hedreen, Guy. "Silens, nymphs, and maenads." Journal of Hellenic Studies 114 (November 1994): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632733.

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One of the most familiar traits of the part-horse, part-man creatures known as silens is their keen interest in women. In Athenian vase-painting, the female companions of the silens are characterized by a variety of attributes and items of dress, and exhibit mixed feelings toward the attentions of silens. The complexities of the imagery have resulted in disagreement in modern scholarship on several points, including the identity of these females, the significance of their attributes, and the explanation of a change in their receptivity to the advances of the silens. One of the reasons for the lack of consensus in the scholarship is the fact that the imagery raises not one question but many: questions concerning iconographical method, mythology, ritual, and poetry. In what follows I have attempted to separate some of these entangled issues. I hope to show that the companions of the silens are nymphs and not maenads, and that a major change in the iconography of silens and nymphs, occurring in late sixth-century red-figure Attic vase-painting, reflects in some way developments in the Athenian dramatic genre of satyr-play.
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48

Kostetckii, Victor V. "Nobility and art: the philosophy of ancient painting." Vestnik of Samara State Technical University. Series Philosophy 4, no. 4 (January 8, 2023): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17673/vsgtu-phil.2022.4.3.

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The article presents the cultural genesis of the nobility society through the synthesis of the military adventure of men and the playing leisure of women into a common courtly culture In the courtly culture of court society, a system of regulation of relations arises with an orientation to an excellent act and, accordingly, with the requirement to see yourself from the outside, show yourself from the best side. As a result, a phenomenon arises that can be called pictorial Pictorial communication precedes the emergence of the visual arts, which sometimes arise on a random occasion. Ancient painting was no exception. The turn to luxury after the Greco-Persian wars initiated the mural by analogy with the trellis art of the Persians. The content of ancient painting in the form of wall painting and vase painting was the culture of communication that Hegel in his lectures on aesthetics called the color of man and which by the 19th century began to disappear.
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49

Steiner, Ann. "The Alkmene Hydrias and Vase Painting in late-Sixth-century Athens." Hesperia 73, no. 3 (January 2004): 427–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesp.2004.73.3.427.

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50

Moore, Mary B., Gudrun Ahlberg-Cornell, and Carina Weiss. "Herakles and the Sea-Monster in Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painting." American Journal of Archaeology 90, no. 1 (January 1986): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505998.

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