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Journal articles on the topic 'Vatopediu'
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1
Rodionov, Oleg. "Codex Vatopedinus gr. 610 and Its Place in the Manuscript Tradition of Kallistos Angelikoudes’ Works." ISTORIYA 12, no. 5 (103) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015968-3.
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The article deals with one of the oldest manuscripts containing a significant part of the theological chapters of Kallistos Angelikoudes, one of the most important hesychast authors of the late Byzantine period. Codex Vatopedinus gr. 610 was written in the late 14th c. It contains a great amount of quotations excerpted from Patristic literature. In the second part of the codex, one can find the chapters of Kallistos Angelikoudes; these 92 chapters were retrieved from a greater collection containing now about 200 chapters. The article discusses the content of the Vatopedi manuscript, pointing out to the use of many Patristic fragments included there in different works by Kallistos Angelikoudes. This may shed light on the origin and purpose of the manuscript. A further study of the history of the text of these chapters allows us to assess the place of the Vatopedi codex in the manuscript tradition of Kallistos Angelikoudes’ literary legacy. The Church Slavonic translation of this collection of Angelikoudes’ chapters made by Paisius Velichkovsky in the 1770—1790s reproduces many peculiarities of the Greek text contained in the Vatopedi manuscript and was presumably based on a copy of that codex.
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Masnic, Mirjana. "The icon of the Holy Virgin Vatopedini with a portrait of Voevoda Ioan Radul." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 40 (2003): 313–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0340313m.
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In this article, the author discusses iconography and stylistic characteristic of the icon featuring the Virgin Vatopedini with the Hungarian-Wallachian Voevoda loan Radul. The icon is treasured in the cathedral church of the Holy martyr Demetrios in Bitola. In more recent times, a new layer was painted over the icon, but not so long ago the icon was restored to its original condition. The inscriptions on the icon reveal that the Voevoda was a "new ktetor" of Vatopedi and also testify the painting was completed on November 28, 1502. The representation of the enthroned Virgin with the infant Christ sitting in her lap, flanked by St John Prodromes and the founder, belongs to the iconography of Deesis. Its stylistic features indicate that in most probability it was the work by a Cretan painter from the Ritzos family.
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Miljkovic, Bojan. "The Serbian panagiarion from Vatopedi." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 49 (2012): 355–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1249355m.
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The panagiarion made out of rhinoceros horn from Vatopedi is one of the few vessels of that kind which originate from the Middle Ages. Its creation can be dated to the end of the 14th, or first half of the 15th century, at the time of very lively relations between this Athonite monastery and the Serbian despotate.
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Loverdou-Tsigarida, Katia. "Okov Vatopedske ikone Bogorodice Vimatarise iz epohe Paleologa." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 44 (2007): 423–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0744423l.
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(francuski) Lobe de cet article est de pr?senter de mani?re d?taill?e le deuxi?me rev?tement de l'icone de la Vierge Vimatarissa de Vatopedi et d'examiner l'?ventualit? qu'il s'agisse d'une donation d'un personnage c?l?br?, Stefan Du{an (Etienne Douchant).
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PAVLIKIANOV, Cyril. "A Short Catalogue of the Slavic Manuscripts in Vatopedi." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 10 (September 29, 1996): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.818.
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<p>C. Pavlikianov</p><p> Συνοπτικὸς κατάλογος τῶν σλαβικῶν χειρογράφων τοῦ Βατοπεδίου </p><p>Ὁ παρατιθέμενος σύντομος κατάλογος τῶν σλαβικῶν χειρογράφων ποὺ σώζονται στὴν Μονὴ Βατοπεδίου περιλαμβάνει ἐννέα κώδικες, οἱ όποῖοι χρονολογοῦνται μὲ βάση τὰ ὑδατόσημα καὶ ἀνάγονται στὴν περίοδο 1340-1700. Οἱ δύο πρωϊμότεροι κώδικες (ἀρ. 5 τοῦ 1340-1350 καὶ ἀρ. 1 τοῦ 1390-1400) ἀκολουθοῦν τὸν βουλγαρικὸ ὀρθογραφικὸ κανόνα, ἐνῶ οἱ ὑπόλοιποι ἀνήκουν στὸ σερβικὸ ὀρθογραφικό ἰδίωμα, μὲ μοναδικὴ ἐξαίρεση τὸν κώδικα 9 τοῦ 1550-1560, ὁ ὁποῖος εἶναι ρωσικῆς προελεύσεως καὶ περιέχει τὴν ρωσικὴ μετάφραση τῶν Ὁμιλιῶν τοῦ Ἰωάννη Χρυσοστόμου εἰς τὸ κατὰ Ματθαῖον εὐαγγέλιον, ἡ ὁποία ἀποτελεῖ πόνημα τοῦ Μαξίμου τοῦ Γραικοῦ. Τὰ χειρόγραφα ποὺ περιγράφονται εἶναι ὅλα λειτουργικά: δύο εὐαγγέλια, δύο ψαλτήρια, δύο τριώδια, μία ὀκτώηχος καὶ ἕνα λειτουργικό. Παρὰ τὸ ὅτι στὴν πλειονότητά τους ἀκολουθοῦν τὸ σερβικὸ ὀρθογραφικὸ ἰδίωμα τῆς Ρεσάβας, περιέχουν ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πλεῖστον βουλγαρικῆς συντάξεως σημειώματα. Τὸ γεγονὸς αὐτὸ εἶναι ἐνδεικτικὸ γιὰ τὶς πνευματικὲς διασυνδέσεις τῆς μονῆς Βατοπεδίου μὲ τὶς βουλγαρόφωνες περιοχὲς τῶν Βαλκανίων.</p>
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Miljkovic, Bojan. "Once again on the fragment of a fresco in Vatopedi." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 46 (2009): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0946107m.
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As an iconographic theme, the representation of the embraced apostles Peter and Paul appears even in Early Byzantine art and symbolizes the universal Christian ideas of communion, concord and love. Based on its stylistic features, the fragment from Vatopedi can be dated to the very end of the 12th century and most probably belonged to the earliest preserved fresco paintings in the main church.
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Malavasi, Giulio. "Diodore of Tarsus’ Treatise Against the Manichaeans: A New Fragment." Vigiliae Christianae 69, no. 3 (May 8, 2015): 296–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341222.
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Diodore of Tarsus’ treatise Against the Manichaeans is well attested in ancient sources. However, modern scholars believe that it is completely lost. This assumption is only partially correct, for there exists a short unpublished fragment, which will be edited hereinafter for the first time. The fragment, reported in the Clavis Patrum Graecorum, is quoted in an anonymous florilegium of codex Vatopedi 236, entitled ‘Against those who say that human souls pre-exist bodies’. Following the research undertaken by Pedersen and DelCogliano, I will contextualize Diodore’s writing within the Antiochene tradition of anti-Manichaean writings.
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Guignard, Christophe. "The Content of Vatopedinus 853 (= Minuscule 1720 Gregory-Aland)." Novum Testamentum 53, no. 4 (January 1, 2011): 388–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853611x578284.
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Bouroutis, Andreas. "Monks, laity and the prospect of self-sufficiency: Souflar Metochi of Vatopedi Monastery." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 45, no. 1 (February 24, 2021): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2020.23.
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Over time, the monasteries of Mount Athos became owners of great estates in the Balkan Peninsula. These metochia contributed significantly to the monasteries’ resilience. Vatopedi acquired the Souflar çiftlik in 1907 in order to pursue its goals of self-sufficiency and sustainability. The article reveals important details about the operation of Souflar Metochi and its impact on the local and the monastic economy. The detailed procedures followed by the monks appointed to manage it are a valuable source of information concerning the agricultural methods employed, the weights and measures used and the forms of labour relations of the local population.
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Vryzidis, Nikolaos. "The “Arabic” Stole of Vatopediou Monastery: Traces of Islamic Material Culture in Late Byzantium." Muqarnas Online 36, no. 1 (October 2, 2019): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-00361p05.
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Abstract In the collection of Vatopediou Monastery (Mount Athos) there is a Late Byzantine vestment called by the monks the “Arabic stole” (arabikon ōmophorion). This quite unique vestment probably owes its name to two bands of embroidered Arabic inscriptions on the lower part of each end. It is one of the very few known Byzantine religious objects to feature legible Arabic inscriptions, a visible symbol of Islamic otherness juxtaposed with the standard Christian iconography. Apart from bringing into the spotlight a medieval vestment that has been overlooked by scholars, this article traces possible sources of artistic transfer through a discussion of texts and extant objects. Finally, it aims at expanding our understanding of the reception of Islamic art in Late Byzantium, a time of both political decline and cultural renewal.
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Stavrakos, Christos, and Dimitrios Liakos. "New evidence regarding the early history of the Monastery of Vatopedi (Mt Athos): unpublished sigillographical material." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 113, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2020-0008.
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Abstract This paper deals with an unpublished lead seal was found during the excavation works within the chandler’s workshop of Vatopedi, a later structure which was added to the eastern face of the bell tower (1427). The seal names a Constantine, chartoularios and epi tou patriarchikou sekretou and dates back to 10th till early 11th century. It is one of the rare direct sources regarding the very early period of the monastery, from which we have no other information, and serves to highlight the attention which the central ecclesiastical administration placed upon it already from the first years after its founding. It also shows the vibrant activities of its monks and their notable network of contacts with high-ranking political and ecclesiastical officials in the capital.
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Bibikov, Mikhail. "The Reconstruction of Russian Prototype of Greek Life of Saint Metrophanes of Voronezh." ISTORIYA 12, no. 5 (103) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015638-0.
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The article presents a reconstruction of the Russian Life of Saint Metrophanes of Voronezh which became the basis for a Greek translation made at Athos. Saint Metrophanes, a famous fellow-champion of Emperor Peter the Great, died in 1703 and was canonized in 1832. The manuscript of the Life was has been recently discovered in the archives of the Russian Saint Panteleimon monastery on Athos and introduced into academic use. The author and copyist of the text was the Athos monk Iakobos Neasketiotes. “The Athonias” has survived in four manuscript copies, all of them autographs of Iakobos Neasketiotes, which are preserved in the archives of Athonite monasteries, namely the Skete of Saint Anna and the Saint Panteleemon and Vatopedi monasteries. They are dated to the years 1848, 1855, 1860 and 1865.
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Liakos, Dimitrios. "The Byzantine bell-tower in Vatopedi Monastery on Mount Athos (1427). The Sculpted decoration and its significance (with 24 figures)." Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 1 (2016): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/joeb65s153.
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Zajc, Neža. "St Maxim the Greek: Some notes on his understanding of the sacred time." Slavia Meridionalis 16 (October 21, 2016): 329–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2016.017.
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St Maxim the Greek: Some notes on his understanding of the sacred timeBased on a manuscript by St Maxim the Greek, this article explores his specific understanding of the relationship between language and biblical tradition. It gives some answers to questions concerning his theology, which are posed by his liturgical experience of the sacred time, which is based not on repeating the excerptions from the patristic authors, but is primarily founded on his accurate reading and in-depth perception of the Holy Bible. Maxim the Greek, who in his personal writings showed a detailed knowledge of both the Old Testament and Slavonic biblical texts, was thus not only able to separate the canonical from the non-canonical sacred texts, but also successfully classified the Christian teachings according to ethical value, from the Old Testament prophets to the apostles and the Church Fathers. With his hierarchy he also gave meaning to the ontological-eschatological dimension (three levels – appropriate to the Holy Trinity) of their spiritual efforts. His knowledge, which also reflects the precise understanding of dogmatic theological decisions of the first ecumenical church councils, ranks highest the learning that comes directly from the Son of God, which Maxim the Greek experienced through his theological-liturgical prayer practice.Maxim found theologically unambiguous formulations which most profoundly determined the specific nature of his personal theology in the Byzantine hymnography dedicated to the Mother of God. All the mentioned facts lead the author to the further explore his specific Old Church Slavonic language, in which he managed to preserve not only the early Christian mentality but also the theological-liturgical characteristics of the ascetic and later monastic discipline that he learned in the monastery of Vatopedi at the Holy Mount Athos. The article concludes with the proposition that only through detailed study of the personal language of St Maxim the Greek can we arrive at a definition of his Theology. Św. Maksym Grek. Kilka uwag o jego rozumieniu czasu świętegoArtykuł poświęcony jest specyficznemu rozumieniu związku języka i tradycji biblijnej w manuskrypcie św. Maksyma Greka. Proponuje odpowiedzi na pytania dotyczącego jego teologii, jakie zostały zawarte w jego liturgicznym doświadczeniu świętego czasu, które nie polega na odtwarzaniu ekscerpcji z autorów patrystycznych, lecz jest przede wszystkim oparte na właściwym odczytaniu i dogłębnym rozumieniu Biblii. Maksym Grek, który w swoich pismach osobistych wykazuje szczegółową wiedzę na temat zarówno Starego Testamentu, jak i słowiańskich tekstów biblijnych, posiada umiejętność oddzielenia nie tylko tekstów kanonicznych od niekanonicznych, ale także z powodzeniem klasyfikuje nauki chrześcijańskie zgodnie z ich wartością etyczną, od proroków Starego Testamentu do apostołów i Ojców Kościoła. Hierarchią tą nadaje także znaczenie wymiarowi ontologiczno-eschatologicznemu (trzy poziomy – właściwe Świętej Trójcy) ich wysiłków duchowym. Wiedza, która ujawnia się również w precyzyjnym rozumieniu decyzji dogmatycznych pierwszych ekumenicznych soborów Kościoła, sytuuje najwyżej bezpośrednią naukę płynącą od Syna Bożego, której Maksym Grek doświadczył dzięki teologiczno-liturgicznej praktyce modlitewnej.W bizantyńskiej hymnografii odnajduje on jednoznaczne sformułowania teologicznie, poświęcone Matce Boskiej, które najdobitniej określają specyfikę jego osobistej teologii. Wszystkie wspomniane fakty wiodą do dalszych badań jego charakterystycznego języka staro-cerkiewno-słowiańskiego, w którym stara się zachować nie tylko wczesną mentalność chrześcijańską, lecz także teologiczno-liturgiczne cechy ascetycznej, a później monastycznej, dyscypliny, której nauczył się w monastyrze Vatopedi na Świętej Górze Atos. Artykuł stawia tezę, że tylko szczegółowe badania języka św. Maksyma Greka pozwalają na zdefiniowanie jego teologii.
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Zajc, Neža. "Sveti Maksim Grek (cca. 1470–1556): med rokopisi, knjigami in knjižnicami v zgodnjerenesančnem obdobju." Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 19, no. 1 (December 30, 2017): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.19.1.41-56.
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Usoda sv. Maksima Greka (Mihail Trivolis, ok. 1470, Arta – Maksim Grek, 1556, Moskva) predstavlja značilno ljubezen do znanja, ki je usmerjala zgodnjerenesančnega individuuma. Čeprav je Mihaela Trivolisa, ki je v severni Italiji doživel mnogo bogatih intelektualnih izkušenj, pozneje v moskovski Rusiji doletela krivična obsodba na cerkvenih zborih (1525, 1531), njegova dejavnost priča o njegovem duhovnem vzpenjanju. Kot učenec filologa in prevajalca iz grščine v latinščino Joannisa Laskarisa ter sodelavec Alda Manuzia v njegovi tiskarni v Benetkah, je Mihael Trivolis pridobil znanje o rokopisih, inkunabulah ter o tehniki spreminjanja človeške pisave v tiskano obliko. A mislec, ki je na gradu Mirandola učil grščino nečaka slavnega Pica, je našel duševni mir šele na sveti gori Atos, v samostanu Vatopedion, kjer je z imenom Maksim sprejel meništvo. Tam je nadaljeval z rokopisnim in knjižnim delom ter ustvarjal svoj molitveni opus. Na povabilo ruskega velikega kneza Vasilija III, da naj z Atosa pošljejo prevajalca, je leta 1518 odpotoval v Moskvo, kjer je bil kmalu po krivem obtožen heretičnih napak pri prevajanju in obsojen skoraj na dosmrtno kazen. Vendar je v času priprtja v samostanskih ječah napisal veliko število osebnih spisov, ki so hranjeni v rokopisih. Njegova ustvarjalnost je posebej nazorna v njegovi literarni dejavnosti. Umrl je leta 1556, cenjen in spoštovan. Še za časa svojega življenja je bil prepoznan za svetnika, uradno pa ga je ruska pravoslavna cerkev za svetega proglasila šele leta 1988.
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Levrie, Katrien. "La Syllogè contre les Latins de Théodore Agallianos. Édition critique Dimitrios Liakos, The Byzantine bell-tower in Vatopedi Monastery on Mount Athos (1427). The sculpted decoration and its significance (with 24 figures)." Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 1 (2016): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/joeb65s129.
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Starodubcev, Tatjana. "Physician and miracle worker. The cult of Saint Sampson the Xenodochos and his images in eastern Orthodox medieval painting." Zograf, no. 39 (2015): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1539025s.
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Saint Sampson, whose feast is celebrated on June 27, was depicted among holy physicians. However, his images were not frequent. He was usually accompanied with Saint Mokios (in Saint Sophia in Kiev, the Transfiguration church in the Mirozh monastery and the church of the Presentation of the Holy Virgin in the Temple in the monastery of Saint Euphrosyne; possibly also in Saint Panteleimon in Nerezi and Saint Demetrios in the village of Aiani near Kozani; furthermore, in the church of Saint Nicholas in Manastir and, afterwards, in the katholikon of the Vatopedi monastery). In a later period, he was usually shown in the vicinity of Saint Diomedes (in the churches of Saint Achillius in Arilje, Saint George in the village Vathiako on Crete, Saint Nicholas Orphanos in Thessaloniki, the Annunciation in Gracanica, the narthexes of the Hilandar katholikon and the church of the Holy Virgin in the monastery of Brontocheion at Mistra, the katholicon of the Pantokrator monastery and the church of Saint Demetrios in Markov Manastir). There are no substantial data regarding the identity of the saints depicted next to him in the metropolitan Church of Saint Demetrios at Mistra, while in a number of cases the image of the saint shown next to him has not been preserved (e.g. Saint Irene in the village of Agios Mamas on Crete, Gregory?s Gallery in the church of Saint Sophia in Ohrid and the church of the Holy Virgin (Panagia Kera) near the village Chromonastiri on Crete). On the other hand, in the church of the Holy Virgin in Mateic, Saint Sampson is, exceptionally, depicted among bishops, while in the church of the Holy Archangels in Prilep and the chapel of the Holy Anargyroi in Vatopedi, he is, as usual, surrounded by holy physicians but his mates are not featured - neither Saint Mokios, not Saint Diomedes. The earliest known commemorative text dedicated to him is the extensive hagiography - Vita Sampsonis I, composed in the seventh or the early eighth century. Other hagiographies, which mostly date from the tenth century, are completely based on the earlier writing. Such a composition can be found in the Synaxarion of the Church of Constantinople. In the extensive text (Vita Sampsonis II), Symeon Metaphrastes added a part that included detailed descriptions of a number of posthumous miracles, mostly healings; all these events are also mentioned in the short Hagiography. Finally, in the late thirteenth century, Constantine Akropolites wrote the still unpublished Hagiography (Vita Sampsonis III), in which he presented an account of events from the later history of the Saint?s hospital. The hagiographies inform us that Sampson was a Roman by birth and a kin of Emperor Constantine. He inherited a fortune, which he distributed to the poor. Then, he departed for Constantinople, where he found a modest home. Patriarch Menas ordained him a priest. Relying on the medical knowledge, Sampson was saving the sick and he even cured Emperor Justinian from an incurable disease. For that reason, the Emperor found a large house, in which he established and fully equipped a xenon (hospital, ?????), whereas Sampson was appointed as the skeuophylax of the Great Church. The Blessed continued to work there until his death. His venerable leipsana, which rested in the church of Saint Mokios, constantly issued the cures. His feast was celebrated in the hospital founded by him. Long time had passed between the period in which the Saint had lived and the epoch in which his earliest hagiography was compiled. During that time, some events could have fallen into oblivion and accounts of other events could have been invented. Accordingly, the results of the researchers of Saint Sampson?s xenon?s history are valuable. The hospital was housed in Sampson?s home, where he provided not only health care, but also food and bed. It was presumably founded in the fourth century. The xenon was burned in the Nika riots in 532 and Emperor Justinian had it renovated and expanded. Based on some documents issued in the Empire of Nicaea, it may be concluded that the xenon had vast estates. The Crusaders first sacked it, to subsequently use it for their own needs, as they established the Order of Saint Sampson. The hospital soon received many properties in Constantinople and its environs, Hungary and Flanders. It seems that after the liberation of Constantinople, the activities of Saint Sampson?s hospital were ceased and that there was a monastery at its place in the Palaiologan period. Anyway, the reputation of its holy founder persisted throughout the thirteenth century. Constantine Akropolites wrote the already mentioned Hagiography, and in one of his letters he spoke of the Saint, who was also mentioned in a poem by Manuel Philes (died around 1345). In Constantinople, the veneration of Saint Sampson had two centres - the hospital named after him and the church of Saint Mokios, where his leipsana rested. According to the synaxaria of the Typikon of the Great Church and the Church of Constantinople, the feast dedicated to the Saint was celebrated at his xenon. The former text informs us that the service was held by the Patriarch, whereas Symeon Metaphrastes relates that the vigil on the eve of the feast took place over the relics in the church of Saint Mokios. The Patriarch celebrated the feast dedicated to Saint Sampson with hospital clergy in the church within the xenon, both mentioned by Metaphrastes. It was either this church or a shrine from a later period that housed the iconostasis noted down by Constantine Stilbes, an eyewitness of the Latin capture of the Byzantine capital. Written sources and archaeological finds are consistent in that the hospital was located between the churches of Saint Sophia and Saint Irene. However, the first excavations carried out at the site of the xenon were not properly documented, whereas archaeologists involved in further investigations could not rely on reliable data, though they carefully examined all finds. The question arises why Saint Sampson was at first usually depicted in the company of Saint Mokios, a presbyter who died a martyr?s death in Constantinople (May 11), and later, together with Saint Diomedes, the physician who died in Nicaea (August 16). Therefore, this paper briefly presents the hagiographies of the two saints and the churches in the Byzantine capital where their relics rested - the monastery of Saint Mokios, which did not exist in the mid-fourteenth century, and Saint Diomedes, which was counting its last days in the fourteenth century, reduced to a small monastery. Dobrynja Jadrejkovic (subsequently Antony, archbishop of Novgorod) noted down around 1200 that the saint?s stick, epitrachelion and robes were kept at the hospital of Saint Sampson, whereas in the church of Saint Mokios, under the altar, rested Saint Mokios and Saint Sampson. He also mentioned that water flew from the latter?s grave, as well as that the church of Saint Diomedes was near the Golden Gate and that the relics of Saint Diomedes rested there. However, the Russian pilgrims who visited Constantinople during the Palaiologan period mentioned neither Saint Sampson?s hospital, not the church of Saint Mokios, whereas the church of Saint Diomedes, but not his relics, was noted down only by an unknown traveller who described the pilgrimage undertaken between the late 1389 and the early 1391. The answer to the question of what happened to the leipsana that once laid in these churches is not possible to provide. The fate of the relics of Saint Sampson, previously kept in his xenon, is not known, nor is it known where the commemorations of the three saints were held in the capital during the Palaiologan period. Anyway, the depictions of Saint Sampson accompanied by Saint Diomedes - whose oldest examples are preserved in Arilje - indicate that the connection of these two priest-physicians had already begun by the time when the church was painted (1295/1296), but, judging by the available sources, the only evidence on the process is given by the paintings. Although Saint Sampson founded the hospital which was probably the oldest in Constantinople, and though his leipsana, kept in the church of Saint Mokios, had healing powers, while his relics in the xenon were visited by pilgrims, it seems that the respect for this saint in the Byzantine capital was not reflected in the frequency of his images among holy physicians: he was fairly rarely shown among them. As a matter of fact, the earliest representations of Saint Sampson originated from Constantinople. They can be found on lead seals made for the hospital in the second half of the sixth and during the seventh century. On the other hand, there is no any known preserved depiction of this saint in the mural decoration of the early churches. Accordingly, it may be assumed that the veneration of Saint Sampson was initially limited to Constantinople, and that it was only later, since the time when his short hagiography was included in the synaxarium and his extensive hagiography was written for the Metaphrastes?s comprehensive work, that it was adopted in other areas of the East Christian world. It may seem paradoxical that the preserved images of the Saint dating from the period when his xenon flourished are less numerous than those from the time when the hospital, in all probability, did not exist. It seems that after the liberation of Constantinople from Latin rule, Saint Sampson was earnestly honoured and that the believers frequented the monastery at the site of the old xenon, though the hospital did not exist anymore. The former assumption is corroborated by the writings of Constantine Akropolites and Manuel Philes, whereas the latter is supported by the coins from the Palaiologan period found in the sacral building within the complex that once belonged to Saint Sampson?s hospital. Although his miraculous leipsana rested in the church of Saint Mokios, the posthumous miracles of Saint Sampson, described in later hagiographies, mostly took place in his xenon, which housed the relics that were visited by pilgrims and where commemorative services dedicated to him were held. The veneration of the Saint was long fostered within the institution founded by him - the ancient hospital where trained doctors worked - i.e. it was nurtured between the reputation of medical skills based on secular knowledge and miraculous healings.
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VAN DEUN, P. "UN RECUEIL ASCETIQUE: L’ATHOUS VATOPEDINUS 57." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 82, no. 1-2 (1989). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/byzs.1989.82.1-2.102.
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DECLERCK, J. "LE ΔIAΛΟΓΟΣ ΠΡΟΣ ΙΟΥΔΛΙΟΥΣ DU CODEX ATHONENSIS VATOPEDINUS 236." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 82, no. 1-2 (1989). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/byzs.1989.82.1-2.118.
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