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1

Karpov, Sergey P. "Timur-sultan and Kerim-birdi: Two attacks on Venetian Tana in 1410 and in 1418." Golden Horde Review 10, no. 4 (2022): 758–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2022-10-4.758-769.

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The purpose of the study is to consider the problem of the existence of the Venetian and Genoese trading stations in Tana within the territory of the Golden Horde city of Azak during the internecine war in the Golden Horde between the sons of Toktamysh and Idegei. Through an analysis of sources, an effort is made to determine the circumstances of the attacks of the Golden Horde khans and the level of damage that arose from them. Research materials: Unpublished documents of the State Archives of Venice (Italy), as well as Venetian chronicles and historical works of the 15th–16th centuries. Results and scientific uniqueness: The study of Venetian sources showed that during the second period of turmoil in the Golden Horde which erupted after the defeat of Toktamysh by Tamerlane, Tana trading stations underwent extremely difficult times during the period of the domination of beklerbek Idegei. The point of disagreement between the Tatar khans and the Venetians was the non-payment of a tax for renting land, called terraticum, by the Venetian merchants who traded at the mouth of the Don. The Venetians tried to maneuver between the sons of Toktamysh and the henchmen of Idegei, but since power in the Horde often changed hands at the time, Tana became a hostage in this internecine struggle. In 1410, Tana suffered from an unexpected night raid by Timur Khan and was captured. The damage amounted to between 100,000 and 120,000 ducats. Many Venetian sources tell us about these events, but with great discrepancies in details. Thanks to the inclusion of an important commerce-related source – the protocol of the Venetian judges on petitions – we can determine the exact date of the attack, the name of the khan, and the amount of damage. In 1418, there was an even more devastating second attack on Tana by Khan Kerim-birdi. After that, the Venetian Senate, having comprehensively studied the situation, decided to surround Tana with stone walls and repair its fortifications. Thanks to the erection of strong fortifications at Tana, it was possible for the town to hold out until the Ottoman Turkish conquest in 1475.
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2

Belorussova, Tatiana Evgenievna. "Interconfessional Contacts and Conflicts in the Peloponnesos (Thirteenth to Fourteenth Century)." Античная древность и средние века 51 (2023): 331–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2023.51.019.

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The purpose of this article is to analyze the features of interconfessional interaction of the Romaioi, Franks, and Venetians in the Peloponnesos in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, from the Latin invasion to the period when certain traditions of interconfessional communication between the conquerors and the Romaioi developed. Using the accounts of the Chronicle of the Moraia, resolutions of the Venetian Senate, Venetian private-law documents, as well as Byzantine historical (George Akropolites, George Pachymeres, John VI Kantakouzenos), polemical (John VI Kan- takouzenos), and epistolary (Gregory Akindynos) writings, the article has analyzed the features of Greek-Latin contacts in the religious sphere, the nature of the contra- dictions between the Orthodox and the Catholics, the cases of change of confession and combined worship, considering the incidence of the said phenomena. The con- clusion is that the gateway to the long-term and relatively peaceful coexistence of the Greeks and Latins in the Peloponnesos was the Latins’ loyal policy towards the other-believers performed from the moment they initially appeared on the peninsula. In case of the biggest part of the Greek-Latin population of the Moraia, their relations with neighbours were most often of a compromise nature. Peaceful forms of inter- confessional contacts between the Latins and the Romaioi were more common than open conflicts on religious grounds. The arousing conflicts were generally associated with the actions of specific figures of strangers who represented the central government, and often had a pronounced political colouring.
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3

Signaroli, Simone. "Notarial archives as political objects in the early-modern Alps. The community of Valle Camonica." JLIS.it, Italian Journal of Library, Archives, and Information Science 10, no. 3 (2019): 125–35. https://doi.org/10.4403/jlis.it-12561.

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Notarial archives in the early-modern Alpine region were managed according to an extreme variety of styles. This paper presents the case of a community of the central Italian Alps, set at the north-western borders of the Republic of Venice. Focusing on the local response to a law promulgated by the venetian Senate in 1612, notarial archives and their preservation become, in an “institutional perspective”, a political weapon in defending local autonomies against the centripetal force exercised by urban cities.
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4

Schiel, Juliane. "Mit zweierlei Maß. Der Adriaraum als Laboratorium spätmittelalterlicher Praktiken des Slaving / Two Degrees of Bondage: The Venetian Adriatic Sea as a Laboratory for European Practices and Discourses of Slavery." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (2014): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0108.

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Abstract It is usually held that by the turn of the millennium Latin Christians stopped enslaving their fellow-believers from within Europe. Scholars have therefore tended to define the late medieval type of domestic slaves in Italian and Iberian households, most of whom had been traded from the Eastern Mediterranean and the Black Sea region to Europe, by their cultural and religious difference. Yet, the numerous Christians from the Balkans who came across the Adriatic Sea to the West (and especially to Venice) clearly complicate the picture. They were mostly under twelve years of age and could be purchased at a very low price. The paper examines the commercial policy of the Venetian Senate in respect of the Adriatic human trafficking and sounds the strategies Venetian merchants used in order to pursue their interests, within and outside the legal framework set by the state authorities East and West of the Adriatic Sea.
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5

Erika, Squassina. "La protezione del Furioso: Ariosto e il sistema dei privilegi in Italia." Bibliothecae.it 6 (2017) 1 (May 13, 2018): 10–38. https://doi.org/10.6092/issn.2283-9364/7024.

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First best seller of Italian literature, the&nbsp;<em>Orlando Furioso&nbsp;</em>by Ludovico Ariosto was printed at Ferrara in three editions under the same author&rsquo;s superintendence (1516, 1521, 1532). The poet showed great resourcefulness in organizing the whole operation by himself: he purchased the paper, took charge of sales, and obtained privileges to protect the book from unauthorized reproduction, and to preserve his text in its integrity. Therefore, he incurred the time and expense of seeking privileges from several jurisdictions, from the Pope, the Emperor, Venice, Milan, Ferrara, Genoa, and other potentates. Despite this, the poem was reprinted many times, especially by Venetian printers that decreed its unstoppable rise. In addition, the Ariosto death (1533) nullified all privileges he had obtained with great difficulty, and led his heirs to try to remedy the situation by asking for privileges&nbsp;which protected the interests of the family. In particular, Ariosto&rsquo;s heirs obtained (1535) from the Venetian Senate a privilege for the publication of the poet&rsquo;s unpublished minor works.
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6

Karpov, Sergey P. "Caffa and Tana: confrontation and partnership of the Italian maritime republics in the Northern Black Sea region in the 13th–15th centuries." Golden Horde Review 13, no. 1 (2025): 37–47. https://doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2025-13-1.37-47.

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The aim of the research is to study the evolving relations between the Italian maritime republics and their trading posts in the Black Sea region against the background of their relations with the Golden Horde. To analyze the nature and causes of these transformations, new materials from the Venetian and Genoese archives are utilized, namely unpublished documents from the Venetian and Genoese archives of Italy: the decrees of the Venetian Senate related to navigation, the funds of the Judges of Petitions and Advocates of the Commune containing materials of claims on trade cases, account books (massarie) of Genoese Caffa (Feodosia), and the acts of notaries. The research is focused on the influence of trade bans regarding navigation to Tana (Azov), introduced by Genoa in relation to Ve­nice in the 13th–14th centuries, on the state of trade in the region, as well as how the gradual lifting of the bans gradually evolved into a trade partnership between the merchants of the maritime republics. This partnership, however, was complicated by the rivalry between the two main Black Sea trading outposts, Caffa and Tana. The relations between Caffa and Tana are examined in the context of internal struggles within the Golden Horde, where their ties with Edigu and his political adversaries played a crucial role in events. The desire of the Genoese administration in Caffa to expand its sphere of influence in the region, especially in the waters of the Sea of Azov, was manifested by the fact that the authorities of Caffa kept their garrisons in Vosporo (Kerch), Matrega (on Taman), and Mapa (Anapa) to control the navigation of Venetian ships, and above all to prevent their passage through the Kerch Strait. In order to control the straits, the magistrates of the trading stations presented gifts to the emirs of Copa (at the mouth of the Kuban), to Matrega, to the khan’s envoys, to the beylerbey Edigu, and to many others. The author demonstrates how commercial ties and contacts between the residents of the Venetian and Genoese trading stations in Tana were combined with the political confrontation between their authorities, especially when the relations between the metropolises – Venice and Genoa – were often hostile and were only softened during periods when they were under the threat of external attacks.
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7

Halikowski Smith, Stefan. "Gasparo Contarini’sRelazioneof November 1525 to the Venetian Senate on the divergent dynamics of the Spanish and Portuguese world empires." Mediterranean Historical Review 32, no. 2 (2017): 189–235. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518967.2017.1396764.

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8

Mitrovic, Katarina. "Detestabile scelus Perastinorum - the psychological and social background of the murder of Pompejus de Pasqualibus, the abbot of the St George Abbey near Perast." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 81 (2015): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1581019m.

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The St George Abbey was founded on an island near Perast by the Benedictine Monastic Order by the beginning of the 11th century. From the mid-13th century, the community of Kotor had the right of patronage over the abbey, which allowed the patriciate of Kotor to elect abbots as well as have a say in numerous monastery affairs, including propriety rights. Therefore, on November the 2nd 1530, Minor Council of Kotor named Pompejus de Pasqualibus, a nobleman from Kotor, the abbot of the St George Abbey. After the official consent from Rome and Venice, father Pompejus took over the abbey. Soon after, a gruesome crime took place on the island, a crime unseen in the history of the Kotor church. On the Feast of the Invention of the Holy Cross, May 3rd 1535, a group of Perast locals, armed with sticks and daggers, broke into the abbey and killed abbot Pasqualibus at the altar as he was saying Pater Noster. Nikola Krosic, the chaplain of the St George Abbey, and a few others tried to stop the murderers, but to no avail. The killers went on to humiliate the body of the deceased by throwing it out of the church and dumping it into a nearby pit, which added to the resentment, especially among the patriciates of Kotor. Three days later, on the Feast of the Ascension, the bishop of Kotor, Luka Bizanti, publicly excommunicated the killers and their men in the cathedral, while Pope Paul III forbade all service at the church where the crime had been committed. The interdict wasn?t recalled until 1546. In the decree of excommunication, Bishop Luka Bizanti emphasized the fact that father Pompejus hadn?t said or done anything to provoke the killers. What are the reasons of such an outpour of mass anger among dozens of Perast locals? Around that time, for several decades, Perast, a village founded on St George?s fief, started to improve its economy as a result of the expansion of ship-building and trading. More and more inhabitants of Perast started to sail and take part in the trade, especially on the rye and salt market. They had the support of the Venetian authorities, which caused envy among the inhabitants of Kotor, who considered Perast a part of their district. The tendency to achieve a full emancipation from the community of Kotor included church interests as well. After a gradual weakening of church life on the island, the St George church took on the role of a parish church under the patronage of Kotor. Perast locals were evidently dissatisfied with the idea of their parish priest being a noble Pasqualibus of Kotor, whose descent and position were representative of everything they despised and fought against. The motive of the murder was a trivial one - father Pompejus refused to hold service at the St Church on the Feast of the Holy Cross, which deeply insulted the people of Perast. The exceedingly long process of turning the Benedictine abbey into a parish church and a sepulchral chapel of Perast reached its peak on November the 17th1634 with the edict of the Venetian Senate taking the right of patronage away from the community of Kotor. From then on, ius patronatus belonged to the Venetian Senate, while the choice of the abbot, the parish priest of Perast in fact, was left to the locals.
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9

BERTOŠA, Slaven. "THE CULTURAL-ANTROPOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF BRIGAND’S SETTLING OF THE SOUTHERN ISTRIA(1671-1676)." Lingua Montenegrina 9, no. 1 (2009): 381–406. https://doi.org/10.46584/lm.v3i1.86.

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The immigration of hajduks to Pula and its surroundings represents a characteristic episode of organized colonization, which gives a detailed insight into a very complicated mechanism of such movements and explains the causes of many unsuccessful attempts to situate the colonists in Istria. Although the special regulations and performed ample arrangements were introduced, during the colonization, accommodation and integration of immigrants into the Istrian conditions, numerous insuperable problems and conflicting situations have appeared. About brief stay of hajduks in Istria, particularly about their famous leader Bajo Nikolić Pivljanin, in historical professional literature there was much fragmentary information. Because of its intensity, this episode affects many essential problems of contemporary Venetian Istria, from land questions, economic initiative of Istrian inhabitants, defence organization of city of Pula and its surroundings, suppression of smuggling, economic and judicial relationships between Serenissima and its subjects, to the relationships between locals and immigrants who settled Istria during organized and unsolicited movements. The aspirations to realize an organized colonization of hajduks in Istria were stimulated by economic, population and diplomatic necessities, but in this process promoting motives of both sides were diametrically opposite. Considering the meritorious service of hajduks because of long-standing warring for the Republic of Venice, its Senate was ready to offer them a privileged status, but did not give up of its plan to equalize hajduks with other immigrants as soon as possible.
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10

Mărculeț, Vasile. "THE MOLDAVIAN-VENETIAN POLITICAL RELATIONS THE BEGINNING OF THE ANTI-OTTOMAN BATTLE OF STEPHEN THE GREAT (1471–1475)." Akademos 2 (August 9, 2019): 92–98. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3364343.

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In the 8th decade of the 15th century, during the rule of Stephen the Great, political relations were established&nbsp;between Moldavia and Venice. The Moldavian-Venetian relations from this era were determined by the fact&nbsp;that the two states were involved in the anti-Ottoman fight: Venice since 1463, Moldavia since 1473. Venice, after being&nbsp;decisively defeated in 1470 was obliged to adopt a continuous defensive attitude against the Turks. Attracting Stephen&nbsp;the Great in the anti-Ottoman fight might have constituted a factor that would determine Mehmed II to sign a treaty&nbsp;with Serenissima that would be more advantageous to the city of Venice. Through the relations with Venice, Stephen the&nbsp;Great was looking to ensure himself an extremely efficient support in the anti-Ottoman fight.
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11

İşler, Didem. "Un rapporto di Ferigo Foscari, Bailo veneto a Costantinopoli nel 1795: “l’Arsenale dei Dardanelli”." Oriente Moderno 100, no. 3 (2021): 409–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340235.

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Abstract The report of Bailo Ferigo Foscari dated April 10, 1795, protect in the Venetian State Archive today, includes an unpublished architectural drawing about the renovation of Gallipoli Shipyard that with its strategic location and production capacity one of the most important naval bases of the Ottoman Empire. The drawing, which is among the “Senato Dispacci Costantinopoli” documents that not only provides contributions to the history studies by shedding light on the political and military developments of the periods in terms of Venetian-Ottoman relations in archival studies, but also is an extremely valuable evidence that contributes to the art and architectural history as a visually documenting the Gallipoli shipyard, which has not survived to the present day.
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12

Wilson, Bronwen. "“il bel sesso, e l'austero Senato“: The Coronation of Dogaressa Morosina Morosini Grimani." Renaissance Quarterly 52, no. 1 (1999): 73–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2902017.

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The Venetian printmaker Giacomo Franco produced several engravings for the 1597 coronation of Morosina Morosini, the wife of doge Marin Grimani (1595-1605). Focusing on three of these prints in which a bird's-eye view of the city is framed with illustrations of the festivities, this essay explores relations between space, gender, allegory and costume as they were manifested in this rare female procession. An examination of the pictorial conventions used by Franco and other artists to depict the event suggests that Morosina's coronation functioned both to resist existing codes of gender but also to reassert female patrician status.
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13

Kushch, Tatiana. "The Tunic of Christ and the Crown Jewels: Relics in the Byzantine Diplomacy of the Fourteenth Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 6 (2021): 161–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.6.14.

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ntroduction. This article discusses the “reliquary diplomacy” introduced by Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos during the Ottoman siege of Constantinople (1394–1402). The emperor widely used the relics in the creation of the anti-Ottoman alliance. This article addresses a specific case of this diplomatic practice, Manuel II Palaiologos’ request to Venice for a loan for the deposit on the Tunic of Christ and other relics. Methods. From the juxtaposition of sources and the comparative analysis of the fourteenth-century relations between Byzantium and Venice there are good reasons to discover the motives behind the Venetians’ denial of the emperors’ proposal. Analysis. After 1261 Constantinople kept numerous relics, particularly the Seamless Tunic of Christ and the Purple Robe. The sources in possession do not allow an unequivocal conclusion if the artifact offered to the Venetians was the Seamless Tunic or another one. In the author’s interpretation, the reason of Venice’s withdrawal from the deal was the empire’s bad “credit history.” In August 1343, the Senate of Venice gave credit of 30,000 gold ducats to the Empress Anna of Savoy for the deposit of the jewels of the crown. The Venetians permanently reminded Byzantium about the repayment of the debt and the ransom for the jewels, and, moreover, offered to take the island of Tenedos as a compensation. Therefore, the unsolved problem of the old debt made the new deal with the emperor hopeless in the Venetians’ eyes. Results. The case under analysis sheds light on the state of the Empire in the late fourteenth century. Manuel II Palaiologos put into the “diplomatic circulation” the relics which were convertible in the Christian West. The failure of his negotiations with Venice turned him to active search for other allies, whom he sent parts of the Tunic of Christ in order to gain their military and financial support.
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14

De Luca, Lia. "Il provveditore in Istria Marino Malpiero." Histria : the Istrian Historical Society review 6, no. 6 (2016): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/h2016.01.

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Questo saggio delinea la figura del provveditore in Istria Marino Malpiero, eletto dal senato veneto nel 1580 ed inviato in provincia con il compito di sovraintendere e favorire il processo di ripopolamento. Vari fattori, tra cui cicliche carestie, una situazione sanitaria precaria ed arruolamenti forzati contribuivano a ridurre la popolazione dell’Istria veneta. La Repubblica di Venezia tentò, per questo, tra il 1530 ed il 1670, di coordinare i movimenti della popolazione invogliando popoli diversi a trasferirsi in Istria. Il periodo in cui l’intervento veneziano si fece più pressante fu quello che andò dal 1579 al 1592, quando il ripopolamento fu affidato ad una carica ad hoc inviata in Istria con ampi poteri, nella speranza di evitare gli errori delle precedenti immigrazioni. Cinque provveditori si recarono in provincia, questo saggio si concentra sul secondo di loro Marino Malpiero, descrivendo come il patrizio veneziano svolse il suo incarico, come fu accolto in Istria e riportando alcune brevi descrizioni dell’Istria veneta di fine Cinquecento, grazie alla sua relazione di fine mandato. Il focus dell’elaborato è sul difficile rapporto tra il provveditore Malpiero e i membri del consiglio della città di Pola, mettendo in luce come l’élite polesana fosse in grado di far arrivare le proprie recriminazioni fino alle più alte cariche della Repubblica.
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Schiel, Juliane. "Mit zweierlei Maß. Der Adriaraum als Laboratorium spätmittelalterlicher Praktiken des Slaving / Two Degrees of Bondage: The Venetian Adriatic Sea as a Laboratory for European Practices and Discourses of Slavery." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2016-0108.

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AbstractIt is usually held that by the turn of the millennium Latin Christians stopped enslaving their fellow-believers from within Europe. Scholars have therefore tended to define the late medieval type of domestic slaves in Italian and Iberian households, most of whom had been traded from the Eastern Mediterranean and the Black Sea region to Europe, by their cultural and religious difference. Yet, the numerous Christians from the Balkans who came across the Adriatic Sea to the West (and especially to Venice) clearly complicate the picture. They were mostly under twelve years of age and could be purchased at a very low price. The paper examines the commercial policy of the Venetian Senate in respect of the Adriatic human trafficking and sounds the strategies Venetian merchants used in order to pursue their interests, within and outside the legal framework set by the state authorities East and West of the Adriatic Sea.
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16

Scarpato, Giovanni. "“Una scuola di silenzio”. Maschere della dissimulazione e forme della comunicazione politica in Paolo Sarpi." Politics 2023 (2023). https://doi.org/10.4000/140lg.

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This article discusses the relationship between Sarpi and dissimulation. The Venetian friar criticizes the Jesuits because through aequivocatio they use language to deceive. At the same time, however, Sarpi believes that it is permissible to make use of dissimulation so as not to put oneself at risk, even to the confessor. From a religious point of view he is also convinced that not all opinions and doubts should be disclosed. Sarpi, as advisor to the Venetian senate during the Interdict advised a strategy based on dissimulation, as in many cases it was necessary to keep political news secret. A few years later, however, he declared that the State should react to the publication of libels that challenged the obedient relationship of subjects to the state. Sarpi, therefore is both a theorist of dissimulation and one of the first protagonists in the formation of a sphere of public opinion based on the circulation of news.
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17

Portelli, Sergio. "The Nineteenth-Century Italian Translators of Lord Byron’s Marino Faliero." Quaderni d'italianistica 38, no. 1 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v38i1.31155.

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The tragic story of Marino Faliero, the Doge of Venice who was executed for high treason in 1355, came to the attention of writers and artists of various European countries during the early nineteenth century thanks to a number of historians who published insightful works on the history of the Venetian Republic. Among those who were fascinated by the irascible old warrior who tried to overthrow the oligarchy on becoming head of state was Lord Byron. In 1821, the English poet published the historical drama Marino Faliero, Doge of Venice on the tragic end of a hero whose personal grievances with the Venetian Senate intertwined with an ill-fated plebeian rebellion against the nobility. Byron’s popularity in Italy brought the story to the attention of Italian romantic literary circles, where it was not only appreciated as a tragedy of honour and revenge, but also for its ideological implications in the context of the Risorgimento. This study focuses on the three translators who produced the first complete Italian versions of Byron’s play published in the nineteenth century, namely Pasquale De Virgili, Giovan Battista Cereseto, and Andrea Maffei. Based on André Lefevere’s theory on rewriting, it analyses the ideological and poetological reasons behind the translations, how the translators’ intentions shaped the target texts, as well as the impact these translations had on Italian literature and the arts. The strategies adopted by the translators are also illustrated through a comparative textual analysis of a sample passage.
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18

Granić, Miroslav. "O imenovanju i aprobaciji javnih bilježnika » veneta auctoritate« u Dalmaciji." Radovi. Razdio povijesnih znanosti 25, no. 12 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/radovipov.2113.

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Razvitak dalmatinskog notarijata kao javne ustanove može se pra- titi kroz nekoliko razvojnih faza. U ovom prilogu autor objašnjava na koji sie način postaje javnim bilježnikom po mletačkoj ovlasti i tko je mogao u ime državne vlasti, Mletačke Republike, imenovati bilježnika i uvesti ga u posjed bilježničke službe. Stekavši piravo na Dalmaciju 1409. mletačka vlast priznaje u zapo- sjednutim gradovima teritorijalnost prava koje se temelji na Statutima, ali gotovo sve odredbe koje se tiču lokalnih službi podređuju državnoj kontroli. Sve do 1613. godine u dalmatinskim gradovima djeluju javni bilježnici (notari) koji svoju funkciju obavljaju po carskoj i papinskoj ovlasti, ovisno o tome od koga su delegata bili promovirani. No i ti bilježnici privatnu praksu obavljaju u skladu sa statutamim propisima koje je svaka komuna donosila u skladu sa svojim prilikama i potre- bama. Do korjenite promjene dolazi tek 1613. godine, kada se zakonskom odredbom mletačkog senata imenovanje bilježnika i njihov rad stavlja pod neposrednu kontrolu državne vlasti. Bila je to mjera centralizacije kojom je Republika sv. Marka ojačala svoju vlatt i ovisnost Dalmacije, koju je uspjela uklopiti u jedinstveni pravni sustav pod izravnom kon- trolom vlasti.
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