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1
de Zacklin, Lyda Aponte. "Contemporary Venezuelan Literature." Review: Literature and Arts of the Americas 51, no. 2 (July 3, 2018): 294–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08905762.2018.1540754.
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Jeifets, Victor. "From Okhotny ryad to East River: life and destiny of the revolutionary Jose Antonio Mayobre." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 3 (2023): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0024416-6.
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The article, written on the basis of previously unpublished archival documents, memoirs, compared with scientific literature, examines the biography of the outstanding Venezuelan economist and politician Jose Antonio Mayobre. His life was filled with bright events: participation in the activities of the Communist Party of Venezuela, the work in such so international organizations like the Comintern, the International Monetary Fund, the UN Economic Commission for Latin America, the UN, in the Government of Venezuela and as a diplomat. The authors compare the turns in Mayobre’s life with the stages of world and Venezuelan history.
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Doocy, Shannon, Kathleen R. Page, Fernando de la Hoz, Paul Spiegel, and Chris Beyrer. "Venezuelan Migration and the Border Health Crisis in Colombia and Brazil." Journal on Migration and Human Security 7, no. 3 (August 12, 2019): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2331502419860138.
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Executive Summary Venezuela’s economic crisis has triggered mass migration; more than 3.4 million Venezuelans have fled to other countries in the region and beyond. An assessment mission to Cúcuta, in the Colombian border state of North Santander, was undertaken from July 26 to August 1, 2018, and to Bôa Vista and Pacaraima, in the state of Roraima, Brazil, between August 24 and 28, 2018. Interviews were conducted with key informants, including health providers and organizations engaged in the humanitarian response. Secondary analysis of gray literature and data shared by key informants was also undertaken. Surveillance data demonstrate increases in infectious diseases, as well as adverse maternal and neonatal health outcomes, among Venezuelans in North Santander and Roraima. Summary of Findings for North Santander Reportable public health surveillance events among Venezuelans increased from 182 in 2015 to 865 in the first half of 2018. In 2018, the most common reported events included gender-based and intrafamiliar violence (17 percent), malaria (15 percent), and acute malnutrition in children <5 years (9 percent). There were 14 measles cases reported between January and June 2018 (compared to none in the previous years), the majority associated with migration from Venezuela. Thirty-six cases of maternal morbidity and two cases of maternal mortality among Venezuelans were observed in the first half of 2018 (compared to three cases of maternal morbidity and no maternal deaths in 2015). Low-birth-weight Venezuelan births rose from three in 2015 to 34 in 2017. Between January 2017 and June 2018, emergency medical attention was provided to 19,108 Venezuelans in government health facilities. Summary of Findings for Roraima In 2018, there were 355 cases of measles in Roraima (compared to none in previous years) — all cases had the genotype lineage originating in the 2017 Venezuelan measles outbreak. Children younger than one year old (812.1/100,000) had the highest measles incident rate in Roraima, followed by children 1–4 years old (245.7/100,000). Malaria cases among Venezuelans increased 3.5-fold from 2015 to 2018 (1,260 vs. 4,402 cases). As of August 2018, 171 HIV-infected Venezuelans were receiving HIV care at the Coronel Motta Clinic in Bôa Vista, Roraima. In 2018, 1,603 Venezuelan women gave birth at the Hospital Materno-Infantil in Bôa Vista, and by mid-2018, 10,040 Venezuelans had received outpatient care and 666 had been hospitalized at the Hospital General Roraima. In Colombia, primary healthcare is not available to Venezuelans, and provision of emergency care is perceived as unsustainable given current funding mechanisms. In Brazil, primary care is available to Venezuelans, but the healthcare system is under severe strain to meet the increased demand for care and is facing unprecedented shortages in medications and supplies. There is an urgent need to expand the humanitarian health response in Colombia and Brazil, both to ensure health among Venezuelans and to protect public health in border areas.
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Nuryanti, Nuryanti, and Salsabila Salsabila. "Strategi Kebijakan Pemerintah Venezuela di Tengah Krisis." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 5, no. 2 (November 30, 2019): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v5i2.7625.
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In the era of president Nicolas Maduro, the Venezuela faced economic crisis. It affects to social and economic decline. The govenment is in the chellenge of public trust and political instablity. The Maduro performance perceived as less effective and repressive that lead to the society questioning about government capacity to solve the problems. Thus, the authors are interested in explaining the efforts of the Venezuelan government in dealing with the crisis. The author uses descriptive qualitative research methods and data collection techniques based on literature study. The data source comes from the literature published by scholars and experts on Venezuelan politics and the Latin American economic crisis. The author notes several actions of the Venezuelan government in dealing with the economic crisis including: (1) economic policies reform; (2) diplomacy of foreign aid to China; (3) food price stabilization: (4) strengthening public health services; and (5) strengthening regional cooperation with organizations in the Latin American region.
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Kurniawan, Agung, and Dwi Maharani. "REPRESENTASI FOTO VENEZUELA CRISIS DI KALANGAN PEWARTA FOTO PALEMBANG." Jurnal Inovasi 15, no. 1 (May 20, 2021): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33557/ji.v15i1.2201.
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The purpose of this study was to determine the meaning of the Venezuelan Crisis PhotoRepresentation dance among Palembang Photo Reporters. This research method is qualitative witha descriptive approach to interview, observation, documentation, literature study. Subjects in thisstudy consisted of actors and observers of the art of journalistic photography using Charles SandersPierce's semiotic theory as the theoretical basis of the research entitled Venezuelan Crisis photorepresentation among Palembang photo reporters. Judging from the meaning in the VenezuelaCrisis photo, it is a journalistic photo with the theme of sports news containing a very strongmessage. The meaning of the photo of Venezuela Crisis, there is an allusion to the meaning impliedin it which contains the values and images of the riots in the city of Venezuela in crisis. Based onthe research results, it is concluded that the Venezuela Crisis photo is a photo with a strong messagemeaning to be conveyed to the public to win the world-level photography championship in the worldpress.
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Andike, Wahyuni, and Siti R. Susanto. "Globalisasi Mengubah Konsep Negara, Teritori, Kedaulatan : Integrasi ALBA sebagai Sovereignty Counter-Balance." Ganaya : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora 5, no. 1 (March 15, 2022): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37329/ganaya.v5i1.1484.
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Globalization as a dynamic process has contributed to change and downgrade the power of. Most state experience various development regarding cross-border interaction, such as in economy, politics, and culture. Although the Westphalia Treaty of 1648 was a turning point where loyalty of people must be given to the state, yet it is shown that the power of state does no longer exist as the only political power. Venezuela’s Populist economic policies under Nicolas Maduro considered as failed-state management which lead the country reaching equitable welfare. Regarding Venezuela from the start in the ALBA (the Bolivarian Alliance for the peoples of our America), it has been able to help a little compilation of this country to improve the crisis, asking that the ALBA here try to be seen as " Sovereignty Counter-Balance". Domestic problems that continue to make the Venezuelan exodus abroad. This national crisis and massive migration have had international implications. And the countries that have helped overcome this are Ecuador and Colombia. This paper examines the interrelationship between the causes of the Venezuelan crisis and its consequences, as well as the reactions of other countries. In this paper the author analyzes and explains the link between the Venezuelan crisis and its effects, as well as the reactions, attitudes and role of neighboring countries in this case Ecuador and Colombia. The purpose of this study was to find out how ALBA was able to maintain the harmony and position of domestic interdependence by not eliminating the existence and authority of member states. This writing uses qualitative descriptive methods with data collection using literature studies. After reviewing, analyzing some literature concluded that ALBA can be a catalyst for Latin America to strengthen relations and unite views in the face of such dynamic global problems.
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Caruzo, Giusseppe, and José Cardozo. "Primary amoebic meningoencephalitis: a new case from Venezuela." Tropical Doctor 38, no. 4 (October 2008): 256–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/td.2008.070426.
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Primary amoebic meningoencephalitis (PAM) is not often seen. To date, less than 300 cases have been communicated to the medical literature since the disease was first discovered in 1965. Six of these reports originated in Venezuela. The authors describe a new spontaneous case of PAM in a 33-year-old previously healthy Western-Venezuelan man.
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BUENO-VILLEGAS, JULIÁN, PETRA SIERWALD, and ANTONIO A. DE ASCENÇÃO. "Check list of the Venezuelan millipedes species." Zootaxa 4686, no. 2 (October 15, 2019): 151–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4686.2.1.
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Here we provide a checklist of millipedes described or recorded in the literature from Venezuela. The diplopod fauna is comprised of eight orders, 18 families, 54 genera, and 157 species. The millipede orders Glomerida, Chordeumatida, Julida, Siphoniulida, and Platydesmida (known elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere) are not, as of yet, reported from the Venezuelan fauna. Two widely distributed invasive species, Asiomorpha coarctata and Oxidus gracilis, were recorded from Venezuela. All species records listed here contain comprehensive citation and synonymy lists. Numerous locality data are questionable and are discussed. For most species, the supposed deposition of the type specimens is given. However, the museum and gender information is taken mostly from the literature as the type specimen themselves were not examined. An analysis of records extracted from GBIF in 2016 and in 2018 was conducted and compared to the data captured from the published taxonomic literature. The data in this checklist are summarized online at the MilliBase website.
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Aron Said, Valeria, Luisa Feline Freier, and Stephania Corpi Arnaud. "“Migrar es como morir para renacer en otro lugar”: la experiencia de venezolanos en Perú." Migraciones internacionales 13 (November 30, 2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.33679/rmi.v1i1.2548.
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This paper explores the concept of “suffering” in the migratory experience of displaced Venezuelans in Peru in three moments: in the context of their departure, during the journey to Peru, and in the context of their arrival. Through a mixed methodology of participant observation and interviews, this paper aims to understand the signification of the concept of suffering in the different phases of the process. In the analyzed case, it was found that to each phase corresponds different motives and types of suffering, and that others are maintained in the three stages. Although the concept of suffering is implicit in many recent academic contributions to the phenomenon of migration, an adequate theorization of the suffering of Venezuelan forcibly displaced has been lacking. This article thus contributes to the literature on migration and suffering, and at the same time to the emerging literature on Venezuelan forced displacement across Latin America.
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Gordillo Sánchez, Daniel Guillermo, and Maria Eulina Pessoa de Carvalho. "ARE HUMAN RIGHTS THE RIGHTS WE HAVE?" Momento - Diálogos em Educação 32, no. 03 (January 9, 2024): 195–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.14295/momento.v32i03.16060.
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In the last years, due to a serious humanitarian crisis, over seven million Venezuelans have left their country, and many are moving to Brazil as their migration destination. For Venezuelan families, education represents an opportunity for integration and inclusion in the host society. However, Venezuelan students in highschool face several obstacles in preparing to take the ENEM, a national exam of access to higher education in Brazil. Based on literature about the ENEM and migrants in Brazil, as well as on ethnographic research conducted in two public schools in the state of Paraíba, this article describes the difficulties and challenges that the ENEM, specifically its essay section, imposes on Venezuelan students. The results indicate that they face significant challenges related to Portuguese language and institutional barriers. In addition, ENEM’s essay is perceived as the biggest challenge, which results from their lack of socio-cultural repertoire on Brazil. It makes the production of a dissertative-argumentative text even more difficult, as it demands reflection on Brazilian socio-cultural themes and a proposal of social intervention that respects human rights.
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Hernández-Vásquez, Akram, Alicia Bartra Reátegui, Keller Sánchez-Dávila, and Rodrigo Vargas-Fernández. "Association between Disability and Unmet Food Needs in the Venezuelan Migrant and Refugee Population: Analysis of a Population-Based Survey, 2022." Nutrients 15, no. 7 (March 29, 2023): 1663. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/nu15071663.
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In Peru, Venezuelan migrants and refugees have been exposed to food shortages before their emigration. This problem could have worse outcomes in vulnerable populations (such as people with disabilities); however, the literature on the basic needs of this population is still scarce. The objective was to determine the association between the presence of disability and the unmet need for access to food in the household of the Venezuelan migrant and refugee population residing in Peru. A cross-sectional study was conducted using data from the Second Survey of the Venezuelan Population Residing in Peru (ENPOVE 2022). The outcome variable was unmet need for food, while the independent variable was the presence of disability. Poisson log generalized linear regression models (crude and adjusted for potential confounding variables) were fitted to evaluate the association between the variables of interest, reporting prevalence ratios (PR) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs). A total of 7739 migrants and refugees from Venezuela were included. The proportion of unmet need for access to food in the household was 45.2%, while the proportion of disability was 2.1%. People with disabilities were found to be more likely to have an unmet need for access to food at home (adjusted PR [aPR]: 1.25; 95% CI: 1.08–1.46; p = 0.003). According to our findings, almost half of Venezuelan households were found to have an unmet need for access to food. In addition, Venezuelan migrants and refugees with disabilities were more likely to have an unmet need for this basic need.
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Norden, Deborah L. "Democracy and Military Control in Venezuela: From Subordination to Insurrection." Latin American Research Review 33, no. 2 (1998): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100038267.
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During the dramatic wave of democratization in the 1980s, Venezuela stood out as South America's wise elder. While neighboring militaries had shifted in and out of power, sometimes ruling for decades, Venezuela had maintained a stable democracy since 1959. After a relatively brief period of adjustment, the country settled into a political system in which two dominant political parties alternated in power and the armed forces remained peacefully in the barracks. Yet twice in 1992, important sectors of the armed forces took up arms to displace what they and many other Venezuelans viewed as a decrepit and corrupt political system. The coups failed, but they left the political system shaken and the military's political subordination seriously in doubt. The coup attempts also raised doubts about Venezuelan strategies for military control that had been a model for the rest of Latin America.
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Jesús, Amarilis Hidalgo de, and Marvin Lewis. "Ethnicity and Identity in Contemporary Afro-Venezuelan Literature." Chasqui 23, no. 2 (1994): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29741152.
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Burgos Navarrete, Francisco, Alejandro Labrador Parra, and Evelin Escalona. "Protocol for assessing physical fitness at work: methodological proposal." AG Salud 2 (March 31, 2024): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.62486/agsalud202469.
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As of the date of this academic work, in Venezuela it is not uncommon to place workers in jobs under inadequate conditions for their physical and mental capacity, which makes it difficult to prevent accidents at work, control unsafe conditions and occupational diseases. The Venezuelan medical/ergonomic literature does not contain a body of doctrine on the evaluation of physical fitness for work: aerobic capacity, body mass index, heart rate at rest, blood pressure. Objective: to present a methodological proposal to evaluate physical fitness for work. Paradigm: quantitative, methodology: bibliographic design, type of research: secondary documentary, level: explanatory/projective, modality: special project, which meets specific needs to obtain/interpret suitable values. Results: a protocol to collect anthropometric/physiological data, which constitutes a novelty that contributes to ergonomically evaluate the physical fitness of the Venezuelan working population, is a useful pedagogical resource as an instruction manual.
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Romero, Aníbal. "Rearranging the Deck Chairs on the Titanic: The Agony of Democracy in Venezuela." Latin American Research Review 32, no. 1 (1997): 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002387910003764x.
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If one is to believe what a good number of commentators on the Venezuelan political scene have written over the years, democracy in that country has been in perpetual crisis. By at least the mid-1970s, the view that the democratic system established in 1958 was deteriorating rapidly had become widely accepted in the Venezuelan press and among Venezuelan academic analysts. It was not always clear, however, exactly what was meant by “the crisis” (Peña 1978; Stempel-Paris 1981; Romero 1986). This perception of crisis intensified some years later, to the point that one outsider observed in 1984 that according to the prevailing view of democracy in Venezuela, the political system must be totally bankrupt and its survival could be explained only as the result “of an unprecedented act of political will or of the imbecility of the population” (Baloyra n.d., 2).
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Díaz-Campos, Manuel, and Kimberly L. Geeslin. "Copula use in the Spanish of Venezuela." Spanish in Context 8, no. 1 (July 5, 2011): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.8.1.04dia.
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This investigation extends the research on the use of Spanish copulas ser and estar in Venezuela to all [copula + adjective] contexts (see De Jonge 1993; Malaver 2000 for work on expressions of age). Findings reveal that resultant state, adjective class, predicate type, experience with the referent, susceptibility to change, socioeconomic level, age and frame of reference are included in the statistical model as strong predictors of estar. The analysis of the social factors shows that copula choice in Venezuelan Spanish does not show the typical S-curve pattern to strongly support an analysis of change in progress. The history of copula choice in the language suggests a development with long periods of stability and the strong conditioning of linguistic factors. Copula choice in Venezuelan Spanish shows signs that it is slowly advancing and that younger and older speakers are at different stages in this grammatical change.
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Wang, Wenxuan. "The Natural Resource Curse of New Populist Countries: A Case Study Based on Chavez Doctrine in Venezuela." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 23 (December 13, 2023): 556–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v23i.13115.
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Venezuela, a nation with abundant oil and natural gas resources, had anticipations of a successful and optimistic future. Nevertheless, political instability, economic downturns, and societal tensions have gradually undermined that prospect. This paper explores the issue of the resource curse in Venezuela, resulting from both resource abundance and the Chavezist philosophy of government in the country. Using the methodological aspect of process tracing within case studies, this paper outlines the continuing impact of Chavezist policies on the economy and national resources and their subsequent effects. The article's format consists of an introduction to the Venezuelan background, an examination of the literature, a discussion of the main study, an analysis of its significance, and suggestions for further research. The main findings reveal that Venezuela, a country rich in resources, is confronted with various political, economic, and social difficulties under Chavismo's direction. The factors behind the resource curse are intricate and interdependent, mutually influencing one another. Through a detailed review of Venezuela's specific case, we can better understand the obstacles encountered by countries endowed with natural resources, as well as the interrelationships between the resource curse and their politics, economy, and society. At the same time, gaining insight into the resource usage challenges that resource-endowed countries face can aid governments in effectively devising and executing policies. The full potential of resources can be achieved while avoiding the resource curse's negative consequences.
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Fast, Richard. "Cryptocurrencies in hyperinflationary Venezuela." Risk Governance and Control: Financial Markets and Institutions 11, no. 4 (2021): 62–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/rgcv11i4p5.
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This literature review covers hyperinflation in Venezuela, from the 1980s to the present. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of cryptocurrency in the country and how the Venezuelan government has been using crypto, specifically the Petro, as a means to avoid further blunders with hyperinflation. From Hugo Chávez and “Socialism of the 21st Century” to the current regime of Nicolás Maduro, Chávez’ successor, the printing of money in Venezuela has sky-rocketed to the point of the government needing cryptocurrency, such as Bitcoin, as a means of circumventing inflation to fund the government’s ambitious social projects. A key element in its success, however, will be whether the Venezuelan people will opt to use the government-backed Petro, or whether they will opt to use a different, decentralized alternative digital currency to avoid the perils of hyperinflation. The paper will examine this issue from several diverse points of view: specifically, the Austrian School (Echarte Fernández, Hernández, & Zambrano, 2018), the neo-Keynesian school (Pagliacci & Barráez, 2010), and public policy and institutional perspective (Corrales, 1999). The use of cryptocurrencies by governments, in particular socialist governments, is a new occurrence and merits much attention for the future of public and monetary policy in those countries.
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Ellner, Steve. "Venezuelan Revisionist Political History, 1908–1958: New Motives and Criteria for Analyzing the Past." Latin American Research Review 30, no. 2 (1995): 91–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100017398.
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Until a few years ago, Venezuelans and their historians held black and white notions about the regimes that had governed the country after it became a centralized state in the early twentieth century. As Venezuelan historian Santiago Gerardo Suárez pointed out, “The victor writes history.” And indeed, most portrayals of Venezuelan rulers after 1908 were strongly colored by the roles played by leading members of the political parties that emerged triumphant in 1958 when the modern democratic period was ushered in (Suárez 1965, 20). In fact, the most influential works were written by important politicians and others closely tied to political organizations.
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McCoy, Jennifer L. "Labor and the State in a Party-Mediated Democracy: Institutional Change in Venezuela." Latin American Research Review 24, no. 2 (1989): 35–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100022822.
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Political parties in Venezuela have historically played a mediating role between the state and the working class and also between labor and the private sector. Indeed, the political party system has been widely credited in the literature with sustaining the rather remarkable electoral democracy in Venezuela since 1958. Yet structural change in the world oil market and the Venezuelan economy in the early 1970s combined with the dynamics of past state-labor-party relations have produced an expanded role for the state in the economy as well as in the system of industrial relations. New patterns of interest mediation have emerged that have facilitated the adjustment of the democratic regime to changing political and economic conditions, thus helping to ensure its survival.
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Sullivan, Megan. "Alejandro Otero's Polychrome: Color between Nature and Abstraction." October 152 (May 2015): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00217.
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Alejandro Otero's monumental polychrome for the facade of the School of Architecture at the Universidad Central de Venezuela, in which the lighter of the gridded structure's two blues was intended to correspond with the hue of the Caracas sky, stands as a crucial work for understanding the particularities of Venezuelan modernism and modernity in the 1950s. In embracing color's industrialization while refusing to sever its natural referents, I argue that Otero's polychrome speaks to larger questions of the relation of raw materials and finished products, as well as nature and history, in a modernizing oil nation.
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Kosevich, Ekaterina. "Russia-Venezuela Relations (and US Interests): A Fully-Fledged and Long-Term Strategic Partnership?" Russian Politics 8, no. 4 (October 18, 2023): 493–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00803010.
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Abstract The strengthening of cooperation between Russia and Venezuela has become one of the characteristics of the system of international relations at the beginning of the 21st century. The previously “unfamiliar” states showed a rapid rapprochement in less than two decades, rewriting the established paradigm that only Cuba could be considered as the Kremlin’s strategic partner in Latin America. Russia’s “special operation” in Ukraine, which began on February 24, 2022, unexpectedly led to rapid positive changes in US-Venezuelan relations, once again reminding the world that these countries have historically been important trade and economic partners, which will not change quickly. This raised the Kremlin’s concerns about the impending “loss” of Venezuela. The article provides an analysis of the current state of Russia-Venezuela relations, highlighting the factors that were behind every achievement of Russia in Venezuela, with the coming to power of a left-wing government that defined itself as socialist, anti-capitalist, anti-neoliberal and anti-hegemonic. Highlighting the main areas of the ongoing interaction between Caracas and Washington, the author casts doubt on the prevailing opinion in the literature that Russia has been able to form a full-fledged and long-term strategic partnership with Venezuela.
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Hernández, Ana María, and Marvin A. Lewis. "Ethnicity and Identity in Contemporary Afro-Venezuelan Literature: A Culturalist Approach." World Literature Today 68, no. 1 (1994): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40149887.
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Rodríguez-Florido, Jorge J., Marvin Lewis, and Jorge J. Rodriguez-Florido. "Ethnicity and Identity in Contemporary Afro-Venezuelan Literature. A Culturalist Approach." Hispania 76, no. 2 (May 1993): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/344688.
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Carpentier, Alejo, and Charlotte Rogers. "Notes on the Trip to the Great Savannah." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 134, no. 5 (October 2019): 1104–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2019.134.5.1104.
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In July 1947, the Cuban Author Alejo Carpentier traveled from his home in caracas to the sparsely inhabited interior of venezuela, visiting the country's tropical forests and its great plains. At the time, Carpentier was known principally as a music critic and newspaper columnist for El Nacional in Venezuela and Carteles in Cuba; he had yet to publish El reino de este mundo (The Kingdom of This World; 1949), which would launch his career as a novelist and earn him international renown. Carpentier later wrote a novel about a trip much like the one he took in 1947. In the now-canonical Los pasos perdidos (The Lost Steps; 1953), a failed composer finds inspiration by traveling from a cosmopolitan city to the tropical forests of South America. Carpentier's creativity was similarly sparked by his trip to the Venezuelan wilderness, as his travel diary Notas del viaje a la Gran Sabana (Notes on the Trip to the Great Savannah) makes clear. Notas is the only contemporary account of the journey written by Carpentier, who later made contradictory statements about the details and even the number of trips he took. Beyond its documentary value, the travel diary reveals that Carpentier's experience was deeply enmeshed with his readings, a characteristic that also marks the narrator-protagonist of Los pasos perdidos. Moreover, Notas is of broad ecocritical and historical significance because it makes clear the extent to which the forests and plains of South America were changing during Venezuela's boom in oil drilling and gold mining in the 1940s. Inspired by what he witnessed in Venezuela, Carpentier created the central drama of Los pasos perdidos out of his protagonist's desire to inhabit what the author called the “mundo del Genesis” (“world of Genesis”) at a time when extractive industries were rapidly transforming the economies, ecologies, and societies of the region (“La Gran Sabana” 32).
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Abente, Diego. "Venezuelan Democracy Revisited." Latin American Research Review 22, no. 1 (1987): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100016502.
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Çaksen, Hüseyin. "Do Religious Beliefs Barrier the Coping Mechanisms for Parents of Children with Autism Spectrum Disorder?" Pakistan Journal of Medical and Health Sciences 17, no. 12 (January 31, 2024): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.53350/pjmhs02023171278.
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I read with great interest the paper titled “pilgrimage for an autism diagnosis: a study of Venezuelan parents' experiences” by Montiel-Nava et al1. The authors reported that Venezuelan parents mentioned a generalized lack of autism awareness, an unsupportive school system, and judgment from their extended family. Most of the parents understandably attached spiritual meaning to having an autistic child and used their spiritual and religious beliefs to deal with negative emotions. The parents also thought that praying to Allah would help their child could overcome their problem. The authors suggested that cultural values and spiritual and religious beliefs will serve as both coping mechanisms and barriers to accessing services for Venezuelan parents of children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD). However, there are several studies performed in different societies in the literature showing parents’ religious beliefs helped them to overcome difficulties at the time of diagnosis and during therapy of autism
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Marcano, Vicente, Antonio Morales Méndez, Harrie Sipman, and Lorena Calderon. "A first checklist of the lichen-forming fungi of the Venezuelan Andes." Bryophyte Diversity and Evolution 12, no. 1 (December 31, 1996): 193–235. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/bde.12.1.19.
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Basing on an evaluation of the literature and some unpublished collections, 745 taxa of lichen forming-fungi are reported from the Venezuelan Andes, including 10 infraspecific taxa. Of these taxa 37 are new records for Venezuela: Actinoplaca vulgaris (Müll. Arg.) Vezda & Poelt, Asterothyrium decipiens (Rehm) R. Sant., Calopadia foliicola (Fée) Vezda, C. fusca (Müll. Arg.) Vezda, C. phyllogena (Müll. Arg.) Vezda, Chrysothrix chlorina (Ach.) J. R. Laundon, Cystocoleus ebeneus (Dillwyn) Thwaites, Diploschistes scruposus (Schreb.) Norm., Echinoplaca leucotrichoides (Vain.) R. Sant., Fellhanera bouteillei (Desm.) Vezda, F. dominicana (Vain.) Vezda, F. fuscatula (Müll. Arg.) Vezda, F. sublecanorina (Nyl.) Vezda, Gyalectidium filicinum Müll. Arg., Lecidea limosa Ach., Lepraria neglecta Auct., Ochrolechia africana Vain., Peltigera vainioi Gyelnik, Phyllobathelium nigrum R. Sant. & Tibell, Phyllophiale alba R. Sant., Polymeridium albidum (Müll. Arg.) R. C. Harris, Porina epiphylla (Fée) Fée, Racodium rupestre Pers., Ramalina asahinae W. Culb. & C. Culb., R. calcarata Krog & Swinsc., R. puiggarii Müll Arg., R. rectangularis Nyl., Rhizoplaca melanophthalma (DC.) Leuckert & Poelt, Strigula antillarum (Fée) Müll. Arg., S. platypoda (Müll. Arg.) R. C. Harris, Tapellaria epiphylla (Müll. Arg.) R. Sant., T. nana (Fée) R. Sant., Tephromela aglaea (Sommerf.) Hertel & Rambold, Tricharia vainioi R. Sant., Trichothelium epiphyllum Müll. Arg., T. bipindense F. Schill. and Vezdaea foliicola Sérusiaux. Another 4 species are new records only for the Venezuelan Andes: Dimerella epiphylla (Müll. Arg.) Malme, Porina atrocoerulea Müll. Arg., Ramalina peruviana Ach. and Woessia apiahica (Müll. Arg.) Sérus. A list of synonyms used in the consulted literature is added. Four new combinations are proposed: Dictyonema zahlbruckneri (Schiffn.) V. Marcano, Heterodermia tropica (Kurok.) Sipman, Parmelinopsis cleefii (Sipman) V. Marcano & Sipman and Phyllobaeis linearis (De Vries) V. Marcano & Sipman.
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Armesto, Luis Orlando, Evelin Quilarque, and Fernando J. M. Rojas-Runjaic. "New locality records and geographic distribution map of Dendropsophus meridensis (Rivero, 1961) (Anura: Hylidae) in the Andes of Venezuela." Check List 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 1527. http://dx.doi.org/10.15560/11.1.1527.
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Dendropsophus meridensis is a medium-sized treefrog endemic to the Cordillera de Mérida in the Venezuelan Andes. The geographic distribution of this species is poorly known, and only 10 localities known in the literature. Most of these localities do not have associated geographic coordinates and altitude. In this note we provide eight new locality records and a geographic distribution map of D. meridensis, based on field work, revision of Venezuelan museum collections, and species distribution modeling. Three of these new localities were found after performing species distribution modeling. Additionally, some comments on natural history and color variation are included.
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Fajardo-Hill, Cecilia. "Inner/Outer Exile in Contemporary Venezuelan Art." Review: Literature and Arts of the Americas 54, no. 2 (July 3, 2021): 194–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08905762.2021.1990580.
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Scrocchi, Rafael Arreaza. "FROM PARIS TO ANGOSTURA: THE IMAGE OF THE LIBERATOR IN BETTY KAPLAN’S MINISERIES BOLÍVAR (1983)." ARTis ON, no. 7 (December 23, 2018): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37935/aion.v0i7.191.
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This study aims to explain the plot of the miniseries Bolívar (1983) by Venezuelan-American director, Betty Kaplan, from its beginning when Simón Bolívar is depicted in Paris, France in 1804, until the creation of Colombia in the Venezuelan city of Angostura in 1819. Fragmenting the scenes and the events related to the life and achievements of Simón Bolívar between 1804 and 1819, this article narrates all the matters proposed through the image of the Liberator and its context contrasting the plot with Bolivarian iconography, biography and literature in order to describe the events in which Bolívar is portrayed by Betty Kaplan. Furthermore, this article shares a series of original photographs from Betty Kaplan’s personal archive in order to illustrate the reader in a visual way.
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Cevallos, Pryanka Peñafiel, and Mouly Cécile. "UNASUR in Venezuela: Mediation, Bias and Legitimacy." Contexto Internacional 41, no. 3 (December 2019): 579–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2019410300005.
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Abstract In light of the ongoing debate about the effectiveness of partial and impartial mediators, we examine how the Venezuelan government’s and the opposition’s perceptions of UNASUR and its good offices influenced its role as facilitator of dialogue between the two parties. We do so on the basis of interviews with key actors linked to the process, as well as a review of the literature and documentary sources. We find that, although there was a perception of lack of neutrality on the part of the mediators involved in the UNASUR effort to facilitate a dialogue in Venezuela, the parties themselves accepted the role of these mediators because they perceived that, through their means, they could achieve beneficial outcomes. Hence, we agree with various authors that the parties’ perception of a mediator is key. Nonetheless, we make a distinction between two types of perceptions that correspond to two types of legitimacy that a mediator can enjoy: ideological legitimacy and pragmatic legitimacy. We argue that the second type is essential and can explain the significant role that biased mediators play in various conflicts, such as that in Venezuela.
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Munger, Kevin, Richard Bonneau, Jonathan Nagler, and Joshua A. Tucker. "Elites Tweet to Get Feet Off the Streets: Measuring Regime Social Media Strategies During Protest." Political Science Research and Methods 7, no. 04 (March 21, 2018): 815–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2018.3.
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As non-democratic regimes have adapted to the proliferation of social media, they have began actively engaging with Twitter to enhance regime resilience. Using data taken from the Twitter accounts of Venezuelan legislators during the 2014 anti-Maduro protests in Venezuela, we fit a topic model on the text of the tweets and analyze patterns in hashtag use by the two coalitions. We argue that the regime’s best strategy in the face of an existential threat like the narrative developed by La Salida and promoted on Twitter was to advance many competing narratives that addressed issues unrelated to the opposition’s criticism. Our results show that the two coalitions pursued different rhetorical strategies in keeping with our predictions about managing the conflict advanced by the protesters. This article extends the literature on social media use during protests by focusing on active engagement with social media on the part of the regime. This approach corroborates and expands on recent research on inferring regime strategies from propaganda and censorship.
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Troconis, Irina R. "Doña Bárbara Unleashed: From Venezuelan Plains to International Screen." Comparative Literature Studies 60, no. 3 (August 2023): 613–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/complitstudies.60.3.0613.
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Ortiz Piedrahita, Vanessa, Wilson Eduardo Gómez-Pulgarín, and Ángela Rocío Camacho Gómez. "Feminización de trayectorias migratorias pendulares y flotantes en la frontera colombo-venezolana." Migraciones internacionales 14 (July 30, 2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.33679/rmi.v1i1.2688.
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This article describes and characterizes the floating and pendular migration flows of a group of Venezuelan women in the border city of Arauca, Colombia. Using a qualitative methodological approach, field observations, in-depth interviews, focus groups, and a literature review of updated academic, regulatory, and institutional texts were conducted in an area of study with limited gender-based description. Thus, this study highlights the role of Venezuelan women as active migrant subjects and concludes that the labor, family, and social trajectories of the interviewed women are transversely modified by their migration experience, as they are subjected to various risks that expose their vulnerability as migrant women, in addition to risks derived from xenophobia and discrimination. Paradoxically, the migratory diaspora represents their only hope for having a better quality of life.
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Antzus Ramos, Ioannis. "Doña Bárbara y lo político." Latinoamérica. Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, no. 66 (June 4, 2018): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cialc.24486914e.2018.66.56997.
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Resumen: En este artículo proponemos una interpretación de la novela Doña Bárbara (1929) de Rómulo Gallegos a partir de la dialéctica entre la totalidad y el exceso que ella pone en juego. Esta obra plantea la creación de un orden social armónico y bien compensado; sin embargo, este orden solo se consigue al precio de excluir aquello que lo está suplementando. Este conflicto político entre el consenso deseado y aquello que lo excede pero que ayuda a fundarlo se aprecia asimismo en la concepción estética y lingüística presente en la novela.Palabras clave: Doña Bárbara, Rómulo Gallegos, Novela venezolana, Literatura venezolana. Abstract: In this article, I interpret Doña Bárbara (1929), the great novel by Rómulo Gallegos, taking into account the dialectics between totality and excess that it puts into play. This literary work proposes the foundation of a harmonic and well-compensated social order. Nevertheless, this order is achieved only at the price of excluding what is supplementing it. This political conflict between the desired consensus and the rest that exceeds it is analyzed as well in the linguistic and aesthetic conception present in the novel.Key words: Doña Bárbara, Rómulo Gallegos, Venezuelan Novel, Venezuelan Literature.
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Carvallo Ruiz, Daniel Ernesto, Elizabeth Natalia Martínez-Núñez, José Manuel Martín-Castelli, Samantha Margaret Arrizabalo-Seir, Aixa Guadalupe Medina-Gamboa, and José Núñez-Troconis. "Malaria and pregnancy: a Venezuelan approach. Review article." Obstetrics & Gynecology International Journal 13, no. 5 (October 4, 2022): 311–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/ogij.2022.13.00669.
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Aim: to review and describe exhaustively the implications of malaria in pregnancy, including its maternal, fetal, and neonatal clinical manifestations and effects; immunopathology and pathophysiology; advancements in its diagnostics, histopathology, and treatment options; and epidemiology, particularly in Venezuela, a country where its data is almost non-existent. Methods: the information used to write this manuscript was obtained during a three-month period, between June and September 2022, from specialized literature, written in English and Spanish, related to malaria associated with pregnancy, mainly published during the last five years, using journals found in the most relevant medical digital archives, including PubMed, SciELO, Elsevier, Google Scholar, Latindex, and Cochrane Plus. Among the keywords used for obtaining this updated information were malaria; malaria in pregnancy; gestational malaria; placental malaria; congenital malaria. Results: all the clinical forms related to malaria in pregnancy, including gestational, placental, and congenital malaria, can cause maternal-fetal alterations, that, in case of progressing, could lead to the death of this binomial. Their pathophysiology and immunopathology can explain the gestational and fetal symptomatology, as well as their complications, depending on the parasite form that affected them. There are new updates regarding the diagnostics, prevention, and treatment of this medical entity. Conclusion: it is imperative to exalt the relevance of studying this disease in pregnant patients, especially in the Venezuelan topography, a focus of infection with a plethora of cases of said entity, whose lack of updated epidemiological data, regarding its prevalence and incidence, is profoundly preoccupying. Pregnant patients are not only one of the most vulnerable risk groups of this parasitosis, but also have the capacity of duplicating the risk of infecting the fetus.
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Roberts, Frank, Carmen Guarino, and Marlene Arias. "The Impact of Industrial Waste on Venezuelan Marine Water." Water Science and Technology 29, no. 8 (April 1, 1994): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.1994.0380.
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The Puerto Cabello-Morón coastal area of Venezuela is an ideal location for industries that require large land areas, water, marine transportation, minimum habitation, cooling water and waste disposal options both on land and sea. However, mercury spills between 1957 and 1976 have produced concern in the entire coastal zone from Puerto Cabello to Chichiriviche (70 kilometres of coastline) and the National Park area. MARNR, the Ministry of Environment and Renewable Natural Resources in Venezuelarequested Bechtel to evaluate the impact of the majorindustries in this area. Bechtel's investigation included chemical, biological and toxicity analysis of the rivers, and key locations along the coast and the sea and industrial effluents. In addition, a literature search was made of any previous work to assist in the evaluation and recommendations for any necessary corrective action. The investigation identified negative impacts due to the effluent discharge of the major industries. Recommendations for wastewater management included installation of wastewater stabilization lagoons for treatment and ocean outfalls for final effluent disposal.
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Valcárcel, Fco Javier Lasarte. "Writing and the Revolution: Venezuelan Metafiction (2004–2012)." Hispanic Research Journal 22, no. 2-3 (May 4, 2021): 227–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682737.2021.2030547.
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Márquez Arreaza, Dionisio. "A estratégia hegemônica do realismo na narrativa venezuelana e haitiana no início do século XXI / The Hegemonic Strategy of Realism in the Venezuelan and Haitian Narrative in the Beginning of the 21st Century." Caligrama: Revista de Estudos Românicos 26, no. 3 (December 27, 2021): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2238-3824.26.3.65-85.
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Resumo: O trabalho analisa dois textos realistas latino-americanos, Bicentenaire (2004) do escritor haitiano Lyonel Trouillot e Yo maté a Simón Bolívar (2010) do venezuelano Vicente Ulive-Schnell, como produtos simbólicos em circulação num campo comunicacional amplo no qual o sentido das obras como mensagens interage com o horizonte ideológico de época. A leitura literária da identidade dos personagens se fará tomando em conta o conceito de articulação de Gramsci (2011). A relação complementar entre obra e mercado se fará partindo do conceito gramsciano de hegemonia, revisado em sentido pós-estrutural por Laclau e Mouffe (2001), e também da leitura política da literatura proposta por Jameson (1994) e Rancière (2000; 2007). A tensão nas identidades marginalizadas e classes sociais articuladas nos romances aponta para uma exibição crítica da vida nacional e a desigualdade socioeconômica e, além disso, para a construção de uma nova hegemonia cultural. Porém, as obras e seus autores lidam com a frustração de observar os limites do mercado literário no debate nacional ao se deparar com o baixo índice de leitura de sociedades dominadas hegemonicamente por outros horizontes, mercados e suportes comunicacionais.Palavras-chave: romance; Haiti; Venezuela; articulação identitária; hegemonia cultural.Abstract: The article analyzes two realist Latin American texts, Bicentenaire (2004) by Haitian writer Lyonel Trouillot and Yo maté a Simón Bolívar (2010) by the Venezuelan Vicente Ulive-Schnell, as symbolic products in circulation in a broad communicational field in which the meaning of the works as messages interacts with the ideological horizon of the time. The literary reading of the characters’ identities will be done taking into account the concept of articulation by Gramsci (2011). The complementary relationship between literary work and market will be based on his concept of hegemony, reviewed in a post-structural sense by Laclau and Mouffe (2001), and also on the political reading of literature proposed by Jameson (1994) and Rancière (2000; 2007). The tension in marginalized identities and social classes articulated in the novels points to a critical exhibition of national life and socioeconomic inequality and, moreover, to the construction of a new cultural hegemony. However, the works and their authors deal with the frustration of observing the limits of the literary market in the national debate when faced with the low reading rate of societies dominated hegemonically by other horizons, markets and communicational supports.Keywords: novel; Haiti; Venezuela; identitary articulation; cultural hegemony.
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Salgado, René. "Economic Pressure Groups and Policy-Making in Venezuela: The Case of FEDECAMARAS Reconsidered." Latin American Research Review 22, no. 3 (1987): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002387910003702x.
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This article will focus on the interactions between the Venezuelan government and FEDECAMARAS, the umbrella organization of most Venezuelan private-sector groups, while a strategic policy was being formulated and implemented that FEDECAMARAS regarded as seriously detrimental to the interests of the Venezuelan private sector. This policy was developed after the official devaluation of the Venezuelan bolívar on 18 February 1983 and consisted of two stages: first, the government refused to supply foreign currency at the rate of 4.3 bolívares to the dollar, the predevaluation rate (PDR), for any foreign debts contracted by private enterprises prior to 18 February, a decision that forced many debtor companies to obtain foreign currency at the floating rate. This rate increased from approximately 8 bolívares to the dollar in March 1983 to some 25 to the dollar in late 1986. Second, the government imposed a price freeze and then price controls. This policy, which was simultaneously regulatory and redistributive, was vehemently opposed by FEDECAMARAS. Yet the results of the organization's efforts indicate that its actual influence has been overstated.
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Amoroso Botelho, João Carlos. "DA PERDA DE LEGITIMIDADE À POLARIZAÇÃO: os partidos e os sistemas partidários de Argentina e Venezuela." Caderno CRH 31, no. 83 (January 24, 2019): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v31i83.20103.
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O artigo atualiza as classificações de Coppedge (1997) para os partidos de Argentina e Venezuela, agregando às dimensões originais – esquerda-direita e cristão ou secular – três outras: programático ou clientelista, materialista ou pós-materialista e apelo eleitoral étnico. Para fazê-lo, se fundamenta na literatura e em um survey com especialistas. Uma conclusão é que houve pouca variação em relação às avaliações de Coppedge, com os principais partidos concentrados em torno do centro, à exceção do PSUV, na Venezuela, que foi classificado como de esquerda secular. Quanto aos sistemas partidários, os dois países transitaram da perda de legitimidade dos partidos tradicionais até o início dos anos 2000 para cenários que se caracterizavam, no momento dessa classificação, pela polarização em torno da adesão ou da oposição ao kirchnerismo ou ao chavismo. Ao contrário do caso venezuelano, a polarização na Argentina era mais entre apoiar ou se opor ao governo de turno do que em termos ideológicos.FROM THE LOSS OF LEGITIMACY TO POLARIZATION: the parties and party systems of Argentina and VenezuelaThe paper updates the classifications of Coppedge (1997) for the parties of Argentina and Venezuela, adding to the original dimensions of left-right and Christian or secular three others, programmatic or clientelistic, materialistic or post-materialistic and ethnic electoral appeal. To do so, it is based on the literature and on an expert survey. One conclusion is that there was little variation in relation to Coppedge’s assessments, with the main parties located around the center, except for the PSUV in Venezuela, which was classified as secular left. Regarding the party systems, the two countries have transited from the legitimacy loss of its traditional parties until the early 2000s to scenarios characterized at the time of this classification by polarization around the adhesion or opposition to kirchnerismo or chavismo. Unlike the Venezuelan case, the polarization in Argentina was more between supporting or opposing the government of each moment than in ideological terms.Keywords: Classification. Idelogy. Political Parties. Argentina. Venezuela.DE LA PERTE DE LA LÉGITIMITÉ À LA POLARISATION: les partis et les systèmes de partis en Argentine et au VenezuelaBotelho L’article jour évaluations de Coppedge (1997) pour les parties de l’Argentine et Venezuela, en ajoutant aux dimensions originales de gauche-droite et chrétien ou laïque trois autres: programmatiques ou clientélistes, matérialistes ou post-matérialistes et de recours électoral ethnique. Pour ce faire, il est basé sur la littérature et sur une enquête auprès des experts. Une conclusion est qu’il y avait peu de variation par rapport aux évaluations de Coppedge, avec les principales parties concentrées autour du centre, à l’exception du PSUV au Venezuela, qui a été classé comme laïque gauche. En ce qui concerne les systèmes de partis, les deux pays ont transité par la perte de légitimité des partis traditionnels jusqu’au début des années 2000 pour les scénarios qui ont été caractérisés au moment de cette classification par la polarisation autour de l’adhésion ou d’opposition à kichnerismo ou chavismo. Contrairement au cas du Venezuela, la polarisation en Argentine était plus entre le soutien ou combattre le gouvernement à un moment qu’en termes idéologiques.Mots clés: Classement. Idéologie. Partis Politiques. Argentine. Venezuela.
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Calzadilla, Fernando. "Performing the Political: Encapuchados in Venezuela." TDR/The Drama Review 46, no. 4 (December 2002): 104–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/105420402320907047.
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Each week like clockwork, Encapuchados—“hooded ones”—appear on the streets of Caracas to protest. Protest what? To what effect? Calzadilla examines the Encapuchados phenomenon in terms of Venezuelan gendered notions of virility, the performance of political identity and spectatorship, and finally, an embodiment of an imagined political community.
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Guerrero, Gustavo. "Between Fire and Ruins: Migrant Versions of Contemporary Venezuelan Poetry." Review: Literature and Arts of the Americas 54, no. 2 (July 3, 2021): 172–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08905762.2021.1990544.
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Miarka, Agnieszka, and Justyna Łapaj-Kucharska. "Russian-Venezuelan relations during the COVID-19 pandemic. The perspective of Russia's superpower interests." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 3 (January 12, 2023): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17623.1.
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Background: The fight against the COVID-19 pandemic has been instrumentalised on several occasions by powers that have seen a new sphere for realising their interests. One such power is the Russian Federation. The article aims to explain the importance of close relations with Venezuela for Russia's strategic objectives in expanding its political power in the Latin American region in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic. To achieve the research objective, the authors focused on answering the following research questions: How has the political crisis in Venezuela affected the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic? Why and how does Russia consistently support the regime of Nicolás Maduro in times of a pandemic crisis? The article's research hypothesis is that Russia used the new conditions of superpower policy, the COVID-19 pandemic, to strengthen its influence on Venezuela's domestic politics to secure the realisation of its superpower interests. Methods: The authors used content analysis of media broadcasts, statements by politicians, and literature on the subject (in English, Russian and Spanish). In addition, the re-analysis of quantitative data made it possible, for example, to characterise the economic level of the relations. The main part of the research was completed in November 2021. The article uses methods characteristic of international relations research, including the method of decision analysis. Results: The results of the research confirm that Moscow’s activity in Latin America should be interpreted as one of the manifestations of the reactivity of Russian geostrategy, i.e. a response to U.S. actions in the post-Soviet area. Conclusions: In this context, Caracas has a special position in Russia’s policy as a key regional partner in energy cooperation and a market for the sale of military technologies. The research was conducted on 13 March 2020 and ended before 24 February 2022.
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Miarka, Agnieszka, and Justyna Łapaj-Kucharska. "Russian-Venezuelan relations during the COVID-19 pandemic. The perspective of Russia's superpower interests." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 3 (July 28, 2023): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17623.3.
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Background: The fight against the COVID-19 pandemic has been instrumentalised on several occasions by powers that have seen a new sphere for realising their interests. One such power is the Russian Federation. The article aims to explain the importance of close relations with Venezuela for Russia's strategic objectives in expanding its political power in the Latin American region in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic. To achieve the research objective, the authors focused on answering the following research questions: How has the political crisis in Venezuela affected the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic? Why and how does Russia consistently support the regime of Nicolás Maduro in times of a pandemic crisis? The article's research hypothesis is that Russia used the new conditions of superpower policy, the COVID-19 pandemic, to strengthen its influence on Venezuela's domestic politics to secure the realisation of its superpower interests. Methods: The authors used content analysis of media broadcasts, statements by politicians, and literature on the subject (in English, Russian and Spanish). In addition, the re-analysis of quantitative data made it possible, for example, to characterise the economic level of the relations. The main part of the research was completed in November 2021. The article uses methods characteristic of international relations research, including the method of decision analysis. Results: The results of the research confirm that Moscow’s activity in Latin America should be interpreted as one of the manifestations of the reactivity of Russian geostrategy, i.e. a response to U.S. actions in the post-Soviet area. Conclusions: In this context, Caracas has a special position in Russia’s policy as a key regional partner in energy cooperation and a market for the sale of military technologies. The research was conducted on 13 March 2020 and ended before 24 February 2022.
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Miarka, Agnieszka, and Justyna Łapaj-Kucharska. "Russian-Venezuelan relations during the COVID-19 pandemic. The perspective of Russia's superpower interests." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 3 (July 11, 2023): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17623.2.
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Background: The fight against the COVID-19 pandemic has been instrumentalised on several occasions by powers that have seen a new sphere for realising their interests. One such power is the Russian Federation. The article aims to explain the importance of close relations with Venezuela for Russia's strategic objectives in expanding its political power in the Latin American region in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic. To achieve the research objective, the authors focused on answering the following research questions: How has the political crisis in Venezuela affected the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic? Why and how does Russia consistently support the regime of Nicolás Maduro in times of a pandemic crisis? The article's research hypothesis is that Russia used the new conditions of superpower policy, the COVID-19 pandemic, to strengthen its influence on Venezuela's domestic politics to secure the realisation of its superpower interests. Methods: The authors used content analysis of media broadcasts, statements by politicians, and literature on the subject (in English, Russian and Spanish). In addition, the re-analysis of quantitative data made it possible, for example, to characterise the economic level of the relations. The main part of the research was completed in November 2021. The article uses methods characteristic of international relations research, including the method of decision analysis. Results: The results of the research confirm that Moscow’s activity in Latin America should be interpreted as one of the manifestations of the reactivity of Russian geostrategy, i.e. a response to U.S. actions in the post-Soviet area. Conclusions: In this context, Caracas has a special position in Russia’s policy as a key regional partner in energy cooperation and a market for the sale of military technologies. The research was conducted on 13 March 2020 and ended before 24 February 2022.
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GONZALEZ, MIKE. "Marvin A. Lewis, "Ethnicity and Identity in Contemporary Afro-Venezuelan Literature: A Culturalist Approach" (Book Review)." Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 71, no. 4 (October 1994): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bhs.71.4.510.
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Barrios, Elizabeth. "The Times and Surfaces of Venezuelan Oil Literature: A Reading of Oficina No. 1 and Guachimanes." Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies 23, no. 1 (2019): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcs.2019.0005.
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Trinkunas, Harold A. "The Crisis in Venezuelan Civil-Military Relations: From Punto Fijo to the Fifth Republic." Latin American Research Review 37, no. 1 (2002): 41–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002387910001935x.
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AbstractFor many who thought of Venezuela as a consolidated democracy, the 1992 coup attempts came as a complete surprise. Those familiar with the deterioration of its democratic regime, in contrast, were more surprised that the coups did not succeed. This article provides an institution-centered explanation of the puzzle of why the 1992 coup attempts occurred, why they failed, and why the Venezuelan military has remained quiescent in the years that followed. Institutions of civilian control created during the post-1958 “Punto Fijo” period, particularly those based on fragmenting the officer corps, prevented the collapse of the democratic regime in 1992. These same institutions allowed civilians to regain authority over the armed forces during the Rafael Caldera administration and have ensured the subordination of the armed forces to elected authorities to the present. It is also argued that the institutional basis for civilian control has been dismantled during the Fifth Republic, heightening the likelihood of future civil-military conflict and threatening regime stability.