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1

Della Mea, Elisa. "Marano: una fortezza contesa." Italianistica Debreceniensis 23 (December 1, 2017): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.34102/italdeb/2017/4636.

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Venice’s reconquest of Marano in 1542 was a key moment in the history of the Republic. The fortress of Marano was in fact at the top of its glory between the XV and XVI century, when it was contested between Austria and Venice. When it fell in the hands of Austria in 1513, Venice tried to reconquest it with every possible means. After years of unsuccessful attempts, the feat was carried out by Beltrame Sacchia, an ambitious and adventurous merchant from Udine, who occupied the fortress in 1542 in name of the King of France. This article analyses the repercussions of Marano’s reconquest on European political equilibrium. What happened on the morning of January 2, 1542, as well as making a turning point in the boundary dynamics between Venice and the Austrian, deeply damaged the diplomatic relations between the main powers of Europe: the Venetian Republic, France, the Empire and the Ottomans.
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2

Kushch, Tatiana. "The Tunic of Christ and the Crown Jewels: Relics in the Byzantine Diplomacy of the Fourteenth Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 6 (December 28, 2021): 161–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.6.14.

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ntroduction. This article discusses the “reliquary diplomacy” introduced by Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos during the Ottoman siege of Constantinople (1394–1402). The emperor widely used the relics in the creation of the anti-Ottoman alliance. This article addresses a specific case of this diplomatic practice, Manuel II Palaiologos’ request to Venice for a loan for the deposit on the Tunic of Christ and other relics. Methods. From the juxtaposition of sources and the comparative analysis of the fourteenth-century relations between Byzantium and Venice there are good reasons to discover the motives behind the Venetians’ denial of the emperors’ proposal. Analysis. After 1261 Constantinople kept numerous relics, particularly the Seamless Tunic of Christ and the Purple Robe. The sources in possession do not allow an unequivocal conclusion if the artifact offered to the Venetians was the Seamless Tunic or another one. In the author’s interpretation, the reason of Venice’s withdrawal from the deal was the empire’s bad “credit history.” In August 1343, the Senate of Venice gave credit of 30,000 gold ducats to the Empress Anna of Savoy for the deposit of the jewels of the crown. The Venetians permanently reminded Byzantium about the repayment of the debt and the ransom for the jewels, and, moreover, offered to take the island of Tenedos as a compensation. Therefore, the unsolved problem of the old debt made the new deal with the emperor hopeless in the Venetians’ eyes. Results. The case under analysis sheds light on the state of the Empire in the late fourteenth century. Manuel II Palaiologos put into the “diplomatic circulation” the relics which were convertible in the Christian West. The failure of his negotiations with Venice turned him to active search for other allies, whom he sent parts of the Tunic of Christ in order to gain their military and financial support.
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3

Martini, Mariano, Alessandra Parodi, Nicola Luigi Bragazzi, Emiliano Beri, Luca Lo Basso, and Emanuele Armocida. "The History of Syphilis in The XVI Century and The Pivotal Role of Luigi Luigini in the Renaissance." Acta medico-historica Adriatica 18, no. 2 (2021): 375–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31952/amha.18.2.9.

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Syphilis is the prime example of a “new disease” which triggered a transnational (European) discussion among physicians. It appeared between the end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of the Modern Times (at the beginning of the sixteenth century), a time in which medicine was changing from a dogmatic to an experimental discipline. The main changes were in the field of anatomy: in 1543, the same year of the astronomy-disrupting work by Nicolas Copernicus, the new less dogmatic and more empirical approach to anatomy by Andreas Vesalius was published. Nevertheless, in the Renaissance, medicine remains a tradition-bound discipline, proud of its millennial history and its superiority over the empirical, non-academic healers. When syphilis appeared in Europe, several explanations were elaborated. In the mid-16th century, an Italian doctor Luigi Luigini (born in 1526) published in Venice a collection of all the works on syphilis that appeared until 1566. He wanted to entrust to colleagues, contemporary and future, a compendium of all that was known about the “new” disease (the Latin term Novus means both “new” and “strange”). According to the most authors of the collection, the disease is in fact “new” and “strange”. Some authors of the collection find it impossible that authorities like Hippocrates and Galen overlooked it. Luigini’s work shows the authors’ effort to absorb syphilis in the corpus of academic medicine and affirm the authority of academic physicians against the empirical healers.
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4

Rossi, Paolo L. "Reviews : Margaret F. Rosenthal, Veronica Franco, Citizen and Writer in Sixteenth-Century Venice, Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press, ISBN 226-72812-9 (pb), 1992; xiv + 391 pp.; £15.25." European History Quarterly 27, no. 1 (January 1997): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149702700110.

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5

Rondeau, Jennifer Fisk. "Margaret F. Rosenthal. The Honest Courtesan: Veronica Franco, Citizen and Writer in Sixteenth-Century Venice. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1992. 32 pls. + xiv + 391 pp. $42 hardcover; $18.95 paper." Renaissance Quarterly 48, no. 4 (1995): 914–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863459.

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6

Calcagno, Mauro. "Censoring Eliogabalo in Seventeenth-Century Venice." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 355–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929818.

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Analysis of the opera Eliogabalo in its various incarnations, from the perspective of Venetian society and politics at the time, reveals a veiled story of censorship and dissimulation. The first version of the opera, set by Francesco Cavalli in 1667, was hastily abandoned in favor of a new treatment by Giovanni A. Boretti on a libretto by Aurelio Aureli, which managed to retain telling traces of its predecessor. The subsequent fate of this second version, variously rewritten and performed around Italy until 1687, confirms the ideological controversy that always seemed to surround this opera and the influence of theater owners and others over its content, providing an insight into the nature of Venetian operatic patronage.
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7

Carroll, Linda. "John E. Dotson, ed. and trans. Merchant Culture in Fourteenth-Century Venice: The Zibaldone da Canal. (Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 98.) Binghamton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1994. 2 pls. + xii + 228 pp. $25." Renaissance Quarterly 49, no. 3 (1996): 627–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863374.

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8

Chojnacki, Stanley. "Political Adulthood in Fifteenth-Century Venice." American Historical Review 91, no. 4 (October 1986): 791. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873322.

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9

Guzzetti, Linda. "Dowries in fourteenth-century Venice." Renaissance Studies 16, no. 4 (December 2002): 430–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-4658.00028.

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10

Johnson, James H. "The Myth of Venice in Nineteenth-Century Opera." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 533–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929872.

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Nineteenth-century operas reflected the changing views of Venice before its fall. Early in the century, depictions of a tyrannical political system, derived from French revolutionary and Napoleonic propaganda, dominated operatic plots. Later, when gothic melodrama was in full swing, the spy, the bravo, and the prostitute assumed central roles. During the fin-de-siècle, when the prevailing view of republican Venice's politics, as well as literary convention, had profoundly changed, operatic settings of eighteenth-century Venice tended to emphasize the liberating, sensual pleasures of Carnival.
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11

Feldman, Martha. "Jane A. Bernstein. Music Printing in Renaissance Venice: The Scotto Press (1539-1572). New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998. xix + 1175 pp. index, illus. $175. ISBN: 0-19-510231-2. - Jane A. Bernstein. Print Culture and Music in Sixteenth-Century Venice. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. xiv + 233 pp. index, append, illus. bibl. $35. ISBN: 0-19-514108-3." Renaissance Quarterly 56, no. 1 (2003): 182–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1262277.

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12

Walker, Jonathan, Filippo de Vivo, and James Shaw. "A dialogue on spying in 17th-century Venice 1." Rethinking History 10, no. 3 (September 2006): 323–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642520600816098.

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13

Hornik, Heidi J., and David Rosand. "Painting in Sixteenth-Century Venice: Titian, Veronese, Tintoretto." Sixteenth Century Journal 29, no. 3 (1998): 950. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543781.

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14

Powers, Katherine, and Jane A. Bernstein. "Print Culture and Music in Sixteenth-Century Venice." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 2 (July 1, 2003): 545. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061471.

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15

Rabb, Theodore K. "Opera, Musicology, and History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 321–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929782.

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The interactions between operas and the societies in which they were composed and first heard are of interest to both historians and musicologists, especially because operas since the seventeenth century have had significant connections with political and social change. The essays in this special double issue of the journal, entitled “Opera and History”, pursue the connection in six settings: seventeenth-century Venice; Handel's London; Revolutionary Europe from 1790 to 1830; Restoration and Risorgimento Italy; Europe during the birth of Modernism from 1890 to 1930; and twentieth-century America.
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16

Zophy, Jonathan W., and Kenneth M. Setton. "Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century." American Historical Review 97, no. 5 (December 1992): 1512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165983.

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17

IORDANOU, IOANNA. "The Professionalization of Cryptology in Sixteenth-Century Venice." Enterprise & Society 19, no. 4 (September 24, 2018): 979–1013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2018.10.

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This article examines the evolution of cryptology as a business trait and a distinct state-controlled and -regulated profession in sixteenth-century Venice. It begins by briefly discussing the systematic development of cryptology in the Renaissance. Following an examination of the amateur use of codes and ciphers by members of the Venetian merchant and ruling classes, and subsequently by members of all layers of Venetian society, the article moves on to discuss the professionalization of cryptology in sixteenth-century Venice. This was premised on specialist skills formation, a shared professional identity, and an emerging professional ethos. The article explores a potential link between the amateur use of cryptology, especially as it had been instigated by merchants in the form of merchant-style codes, and its professional use by the Venetian authorities. It also adds the profession of the cifrista—the professional cipher secretary—to the list of more “conventional” early modern professions.
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18

LUALDI, ALBERTO. "BIAGIO BURLINI, UN OTTICO DEL '700 VENEZIANO." Nuncius 14, no. 1 (1999): 213–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539199x00823.

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Abstracttitle SUMMARY /title The sphere of activity of Biagio Burlini, an optician and instrumentmaker working in Venice around the middle of the eighteenth century, is here pointed out. A research in the Archivio Patriarcale of Venice allowed to find the year of his birth (1709) and his death (13.1.1771). A survey of signed microscopes and telescopes now in various public and private collections contributes to a better knowledge of optical instrument-makers in that century.
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19

Ongaro, Giulio. "Sixteenth-century patronage at St Mark's, Venice." Early Music History 8 (October 1988): 81–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900000905.

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The chapel of St Mark's in Venice occupied a prominent place in the musical life of most of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, so that a Venetian writer could justly remark: ‘The chapel of these Lords is thought to be among the best in the world, and [singers] have come to serve from France and Spain.’ Yet, in spite of its importance in the history of Western music, our knowledge of its development and organisation is far from complete and contains large gaps. It will suffice to point out that we know a lot more about the Gabrielis – organists – than we do about Zarlino in his capacity as maestro and composer, that the first modern study of the chapel, barely eight years old, is the recent Vespers at St Mark's by James Moore, and that the venerable Storia della musica sacra nella già cappella ducale di S. Marco in Venezia by Francesco Caffi, the only comprehensive study of the subject, has, in default of more modern work, been reprinted several times in recent years. The situation is gradually improving, with several new studies on music in Venice and at St Mark's already available or in preparation, but one of the issues not yet treated adequately is the question of patronage at St Mark's and of the social and economic status of its singers.
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20

Bouwsma, William J., and Ellen Rosand. "Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: The Creation of a Genre." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 2 (1992): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205320.

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21

al-Khawaldeh, Samira, Soumaya Bouacida, and Moufida Zaidi. "Othello’s ‘Travailous History’." Critical Survey 33, no. 3-4 (September 1, 2021): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2021.33030413.

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This article aims to relocate Shakespeare’s Othello the Moor in the cultural roots of Moorish Spain, arguing that he is not a Moor in the inclusionary, monolithic sense of the term, but a diasporic Iberian finding refuge in fifteenth–sixteenth-century Venice. It seeks to contextualise Shakespeare’s play by setting the Othello/Iago binary as an epitomisation of the Spanish inquisition. Giving Othello, the Moor of Venice an allegorical reading against its historical background facilitates better perception of the play’s motivational dynamics: why a Moor? And why such extreme enmity? To substantiate the argument, textual and contextual factors, such as characters’ appellations and the Moorish refugee’s ‘royal siege’, are viewed from a different perspective, factors designed to direct the mind towards specific realities, already visible to the playwright’s audience.
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22

Nussdorfer, Laurie, and Dennis E. Rhodes. "Silent Printers: Anonymous Printing at Venice in the Sixteenth Century." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 2 (1997): 524. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543463.

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23

Celati, Alessandra. "Contra medicos: Physicians Facing the Inquisition in Sixteenth-Century Venice." Early Science and Medicine 23, no. 1-2 (July 19, 2018): 72–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-02312p05.

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Abstract Since the Middle Ages, ecclesiastical authorities considered medical activity worthy of their attention and control. During the Counter-Reformation, they toughened their disciplinary action, aware of the peculiarity of an ars that mixed together the cure of the body with the cure of the soul. Moreover, the authorities became increasingly suspicious of practitioners who were highly involved in the Reformation movement, and who distanced themselves from Catholicism in the epistemological premises of their work. By examining original sources from the Venetian Inquisition archive, this paper discusses the factors that put the Roman Church and the medical profession in op­­position to each other in the sixteenth century, and describes the professional solidarity put forward by physicians. It also examines the problematic relationship between doctors and the Inquisition, dealing with the former as effective agents of heretical propaganda.
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24

Hills, Paul. "Titian's Fire: Pyrotechnics and Representations in Sixteenth-Century Venice." Oxford Art Journal 30, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/kcm005.

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25

Гарин, V. Garin, Чернышев, Aleksandr Chernyshev, Разиньков, and Egor Razinkov. "History of Baroque Furniture." Forestry Engineering Journal 4, no. 2 (June 10, 2014): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/4519.

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The Baroque style is the result of the further evolution of the style of the Renaissance. It began to take its forms from the end of XVI century. Baroque developed in European countries during the first half of the XVII and XVIII century. Germany, Austria and England, which had only some features of this style in the middle of XVII century, occupy a special place. The architecture of Italy Baroque began to take shape in the second half of the XVI century, and the formation of its features was largely due to the work of Michelangelo. Baroque style left its mark not only on the architecture of buildings, but also on the interior of the rooms, furniture design.
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26

Johnson, Eugene J. "Jacopo Sansovino, Giacomo Torelli, and the Theatricality of the Piazzetta in Venice." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 59, no. 4 (December 1, 2000): 436–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991620.

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The architectural forms of Jacopo Sansovino's Libreria di San Marco in Venice, begun in 1537, have generally been interpreted in terms of a revival of the ancient Roman forum. Another way of looking at the building, suggested here, concentrates on its theatrical nature, both in terms of the typology of architectural forms and in terms of use. Sansovino's library completed the Piazzetta in Venice as a theatrical space, and it did so at the same time that the modern theater with boxes was first developed in Venice. The great seventeenth-century scene designer Giacomo Torelli in turn used the space completed by Sansovino as a set for the opera Bellerofonte, produced in Venice in 1642. In Torelli's scene, Venice is shown as a theater of justice.
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27

Kushch, Tatiana Viktorovna. "Island of Discord: Tenedos in the Fourteenth-Century Byzantine-Venetian Relations." Античная древность и средние века 50 (2022): 326–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2022.50.019.

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This article examines the history of Venice’s struggle for the control over the Byzantine island of Tenedos. In the Late Middle Ages, this island was of great strategic importance, since its owner could control the passage of ships through the Hellespont to the Marmara and the Pontos. Following the fourth Crusade, Venice captured Tenedos, but Byzantium returned the island in 1305. Throughout the fourteenth century, La Serenissima repeatedly attempted to get the cession of the island from the Empire, nevertheless, avoiding military conflict and preferring to solve the “Tenedos question” by diplomacy. In the second half of the fourteenth century, the Venetians, taking the advantage of conflicts within the ruling imperial family, offered financial assistance to one of the parties several times in exchange for the transfer of the island. The fate of Tenedos was also discussed during diplomatic meetings and negotiations. Emperor John V Palaiologos, searching for the alliance with Venice, promised the transfer of the island several times, but never realized it. In result, Venice, using the weakening of the Empire, seized the island in 1376. The capture of Tenedos by the Venetians was disputed by the Genoese and led to a war (1379–1381), in which Byzantium occupied the position of an outside observer. The struggle for Tenedos not only illustrates the peculiarities of political and diplomatic contacts between Byzantium and Venice, but also reflects the changes in the geopolitical situation in the Eastern Mediterranean as the final decline of the Empire and the intensification of the Venetian–Genoese contradictions.
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28

Chojnacki, Stanley. "Kinship Ties and Young Patricians in Fifteenth-Century Venice." Renaissance Quarterly 38, no. 2 (1985): 240–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2861664.

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Regimes and families: historians have recently enriched our understanding of the patrician regimes of late-medieval and Renaissance Italy by analyzing relations among their component social units. This essay will contribute to this literature by throwing some light on the social structure and practices of the ruling class of fifteenth-century Venice. For a long time, but with quickening rhythm in the last decade or so, historians of Venice have been charting various currents that ran through the Venetian patriciate. On the whole, though, they have preferred to concentrate on political and economic groupings, less on the family and kinship patterns that fascinate investigators of other cities, notably Florence.
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29

Layton, Evro. "The History of a Sixteenth-century Greek Type Revised." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 1 (January 20, 2005): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.169.

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<p>This article attempts to study the history of a sixteenth-century Greek type in Italy. The type was produced under the auspices of Cardinal Marcello Cervini who wished to publish some of the manuscripts from the Vatican Collections. Cervini commissioned the Roman printer Antonio Blado to be in charge of the project. Since Blado did not own Greek type and had no experience with Greek he invited Stefano Nicolini da Sabbio, the noted printer of Greek in Venice, to come to Rome and take charge of the cardinal's project. The scholar-scribe Nikolaos Sophianos also joined the project along with Benedetto Giunta, a bookseller in Rome who represented the cardinal. The Greek font designed and cut for this project appeared in several works in Rome and was designated by scholars as Greek 1. To this day nobody has been able to match Greek 1 with the handwriting of any of the scribes working in Italy during this period. When the association of Sophianos with the cardinal's project came to an end, Greek 1 became very much in demand and was used by a number of well-known printers in Rome, Florence and Venice. It required a series of legal actions to prove that Greek 1 belonged to Sophianos who finally took possession of his type and other equipment. He used it to print a number of publications. The type later passed into the hands of Vasileios and Hippolitos Valeris and later to some other minor publishers of Greek liturgical books. It was still in use as late as the mid-1580s.</p>
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30

Ruggiero, Guido, and Richard Palmer. "The Studio of Venice and Its Graduates in the Sixteenth Century." American Historical Review 91, no. 3 (June 1986): 696. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869230.

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31

Horodowich, E. "Civic Identity and the Control of Blasphemy in Sixteenth-Century Venice." Past & Present 181, no. 1 (November 1, 2003): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/181.1.3.

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32

Taylor, Kathryn. "Making Statesmen, Writing Culture: Ethnography, Observation, and Diplomatic Travel in Early Modern Venice." Journal of Early Modern History 22, no. 4 (August 3, 2018): 279–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342596.

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AbstractNumerous scholars have sought to locate the origins of social scientific research in the late-sixteenth-century ars apodemica, the northern European body of literature dedicated to methodizing educational travel. Little attention has been paid, however, to the earlier model of educational travel that emerged from sixteenth-century Venetian diplomatic culture. For many Venetian citizens and patricians, accompanying an ambassador on a foreign mission served as a cornerstone of their political education. Diplomatic travelers were encouraged to keep written accounts of their voyage. Numerous examples of these journals survive from the sixteenth century, largely following a standard formula and marked by an emphasis on the description of customs. This article examines the educational function of diplomatic travel in Venice and the practices of cultural description that emerged from diplomatic travel, arguing that Venetian diplomatic travel offers an earlier model for the methodization of travel—one with its own distinctive norms of observation.
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33

Romano, Dennis. "Aspects of Patronage in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Venice*." Renaissance Quarterly 46, no. 4 (1993): 712–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039020.

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Michael Baxandall's Study Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy opens with the useful reminder that a “painting is the deposit of a social relationship,” that is, a relationship between patron and client. When Baxandall and other historians of Renaissance art use the term patronage, they generally do so in a restricted sense to indicate the relationship that existed when an individual or an institution such as a guild, confraternity, or monastic establishment commissioned a specific work of art from an artist or artisan. Often formalized through a contract, the relationship between patron and client was essentially a legal one in which the artist agreed to render a specific service in return for a preestablished or a negotiable sum of money. With the completion of the commission, the relationship essentially ended, unless succeeded by another commission.
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34

Shaw, James E. "Retail, Monopoly, and Privilege: the Dissolution of the Fishmongers' Guild of Venice, 1599." Journal of Early Modern History 6, no. 4 (2002): 396–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006502x00202.

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AbstractIn 1599, centuries of tradition came to an end when the Venetian fishmongers' guild was dissolved. In the late sixteenth century, the government had increasingly adopted a position that linked retailers to the crime of "monopoly," abusing their position at the expense of consumers. However, this simplistic conception of economic behavior proved disastrously misguided, and only a few years later the guild had to be restored. This humiliating reversal of government policy led to an important reappraisal of the role of retail guilds, and nothing similar would be attempted until the eighteenth century.
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35

Harreld, Donald. "ATLANTIC SUGAR AND ANTWERP'S TRADE WITH GERMANY IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY." Journal of Early Modern History 7, no. 1 (2003): 148–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006503322487386.

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AbstractOnce the Portuguese opened new Atlantic trade routes and began producing sugar on their Atlantic islands, Antwerp succeeded Venice as Europe's principal sugar market. Large numbers of Italian and German sugar refiners established themselves in Antwerp by the middle of the sixteenth century. Merchants shipped the bulk of the Atlantic sugar to the German market towns, with Cologne being the most important destination during the first half of the sixteenth century. The demand for sugar in Germany increased as the practice of taking sugar spread east setting the stage for the sugar revolution of the seventeenth century.
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36

Queller, Donald E., and Margaret F. Rosenthal. "The Honest Courtesan: Veronica Franco, Citizen and Writer in Sixteenth-Century Venice." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 25, no. 2 (1994): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206365.

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37

Federico, Giovanni. "La seta in Italia dal Medioevo al Seicento: dal baco al drappo [Silk in Italy from the Middle Ages to the Seventeenth Century: From Silkworm to Cloth]. Edited byLuca Molà, Reinhold C. Mueller, andClaudio Zanier. Venice: Marsilio, 2000. xiv + 568 pp. Illustrations. Cloth, 80,000 lire (U.S. $37.50). ISBN 8-831-77442-5." Business History Review 75, no. 3 (2001): 674–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116421.

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38

De Vivo, Filippo. "Paolo Sarpi and the Uses of Information in Seventeenth-Century Venice*." Media History 11, no. 1-2 (April 2005): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1368880052000342406.

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39

Lowe, Kate. "Elections of Abbesses and Notions of Identity in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Italy, with Special Reference to Venice*." Renaissance Quarterly 54, no. 2 (2001): 389–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3176782.

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Ceremonies of election to abbess were occasions of great display. Election to this highest of offices was the defining moment of a successful nun's life, and thereafter self-identity became crucial. This article examines an anatomy of an election of 1509 by a nun from San Zaccaria in Venice; the illustrated chronicle of Santa Maria delle Vergini in Venice dated 1523, written by an anonymous nun; and the visual representation (in a range of media) of various abbesses from Florence, Pavia, and Venice. Success in election conferred the possibility of personality and consequently legitimated personalized representation.
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40

Martin, John. "Salvation and Society in Sixteenth-Century Venice: Popular Evangelism in a Renaissance City." Journal of Modern History 60, no. 2 (June 1988): 206–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/600334.

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41

Frankopan, Peter. "Byzantine trade privileges to Venice in the eleventh century: the chrysobull of 1092." Journal of Medieval History 30, no. 2 (June 2004): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jmedhist.2004.03.005.

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42

Pavone, Sabina. "The Deceivers Deceived: How a Seventeenth-Century Venetian Anti-Jesuit Circle Duped a Jesuit Rector." Journal of Jesuit Studies 10, no. 1 (January 9, 2023): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-10010005.

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Abstract In 1608, Antonio Barisone (1557/8–1623), rector of the Jesuit college at Ferrara, became ensnared in an elaborate deception designed to expose the unscrupulous methods by which Jesuits exploited vulnerable wealthy widows and enlarged the material wealth of their Society. Entering into a correspondence with a Venetian noblewoman who lamented the loss of her Jesuit confessor following the expulsion of the Society of Jesus from Venice (1606), it took several months before Barisone realized that the letters he was receiving actually had their origins in the anti-Jesuit circles linked to Paolo Sarpi (1552–1623). In addition to throwing light on Venice as a hotbed of espionage, political rumors, and conspiratorial activity in the early sixteenth century, this episode foregrounds several themes and leitmotifs that would go on to dominate anti-Jesuit polemic over the subsequent centuries.
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43

OMODEO, PIETRO DANIEL, SEBASTIANO TREVISANI, and SENTHIL BABU. "BENEDETTO CASTELLI’S CONSIDERATIONS ON THE LAGOON OF VENICE: MATHEMATICAL EXPERTISE AND HYDROGEOMORPHOLOGICAL TRANSFORMATIONS IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY VENICE." Earth Sciences History 39, no. 2 (November 12, 2020): 420–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/1944-6187-39.2.420.

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ABSTRACT This paper deals with the geoenvironmental politics of early-modern Venice as a case study of geological agency that enlightens the entanglements of geo-history and human history. It focuses on a controversy that was sparked by Galileo’s pupil Benedetto Castelli, as he claimed that his mathematical treatment of running waters could solve all of the most urgent problems linked to the management of the Lagoon of Venice. From an epistemological viewpoint, the controversy is relevant as a case of clashing ‘styles of thought’, as it constituted a disciplinary conflict that pitted Galileian physico-mathematical abstraction (which resulted from the isolation of a set of quantifiable data) against ‘geological’ concreteness (a form of comprehensive knowledge which aimed to cope with systemic complexity). Castelli was not able to convince the Venetian authorities that his method could solve the main problems relative to the conservation of the lagoon at a time when its depth and navigability were worryingly diminishing. While the Venetian authorities invested in diverting rivers away from the lagoon to reduce sediment supply, Castelli argued, to the contrary, that it was precisely the diversion of the rivers that caused shoaling because of the loss of the great quantity of water discharged by the rivers, which he accurately calculated. His analytical approach was dismissive of the comprehensive knowledge and complex methods that Venetian water experts and engineers had developed towards a systemic understanding of the hydrogeology and the environment of the lagoon with the active involvement of citizens and fishermen in the assessment of the state of the waters.
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44

Thorburn, Sandy. "What News on the Rialto? Fundraising and Publicity for Operas in Seventeenth-Century Venice." Canadian University Music Review 23, no. 1-2 (March 6, 2013): 166–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1014523ar.

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Commercial operas of seventeenth-century Venice, the earliest public operas, are generally described as rigorously literary from 1637-1660. Various tools, including sets, machines, and musical forms helped audiences from various classes and places understand this Venetian Carnevale entertainment. The goal—to create a commercial entertainment industry that reflected and highlighted the wonders of Venice—was identified early in the history of Venetian commercial opera. This paper seeks to define the extent to which nascent commercial enterprises like newspapers, the mail, publishing, and advertising defined the content and nature of these early operatic works.
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Pubblici, Lorenzo. "Western Immigration in the fourteenth-century Golden Horde: The Case of Venetian Tana." Golden Horde Review 9, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 90–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2021-9-1.90-107.

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Objective: This paper’s aim is to reconstruct the Western population of Venetian Tana in the fourteenth century, the residents’ perception of their condition as “mig­rants”, and finally this population’s interactions with the other communities who lived there. Research materials: The sources used are primarily the notarial deeds of the Venice State Archive together with the vast and excellent scholarship produced in recent decades. Research results and novelty: For over two centuries the settlement of Tana, situated in the territory of the Golden Horde, represented the easternmost outpost of the Latin emporia in the Levant. Here, the utilitarian concept of the Western urban mercantile class found itself confronted with a new experience. This group was a minority living in close contact with larger, cohesive communities whose cultural background was extremely diverse. Those who emigrated east were mainly the emerging urban bourgeoisie, but also families of ancient noble origin who had nothing in common with the world of the Steppe and its traditional roots. These citizens came to the Levant, bringing with them the urban associative model. The life of the settlement at the mouth of the river Don is an ideal basis for observing the flow of people who left Venice and its surroundings on galleys and, after months of travel, arrived on the shores of the Sea of Azov.
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46

Wooster, Roger. "Deproblematizing The Merchant of Venice." European Judaism 51, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 52–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2018.510209.

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Abstract The Merchant of Venice remains a ‘problem play’ for contemporary production. Whether the play is inherently antisemitic or not, it remains one of the most popular of the canon. I will consider how actors and their directors can, with the wisdom imparted by twentieth-century psychology and Stanislavskian-derived ideas of objectives, circumstances and subtext, seek to circumvent the challenges and infuse problematic text with more acceptable interpretations. Possible reinterpretations of Shylock are centrally considered, but the characters and motives of Jessica, Portia, Antonio and Bassanio are also scrutinized. Such re-evaluation of the underlying motivations seems a reasonable resolution for keeping the text intact while undermining any inherent negative stereotyping. However, once we admit of this subversion of a writer’s intentions, what might the consequences be if there are those who wish to use the same tools to create anti-humanitarian theatre?
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Martindale, Andrew. "The Venetian Sala Del Gran Consiglio and its Fourteenth-Century Decoration." Antiquaries Journal 73 (September 1993): 76–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500071699.

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This paper is intended as a contribution to a wider study of medieval secular decoration; but its starting point is the Doge's Palace in Venice. The medieval decoration of that palace has never received the direct and minute attention devoted to the magnificent decorations of later centuries. That is not to say that the original schemes have been entirely neglected; but they tend to be subordinated to discussions of the ‘Venetian Renaissance’ and to problems associated with the emergence of the ‘Myth of Venice’. Central to the present discussion is, of course, theSala del Gran Consiglio, one of the largest chambers in medieval Europe with its various themes of Majesty, History and Ruler Portraits. The essence of that imagery is still present in the late sixteenth-century decorations installed after the disastrous fire of 1577.
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Rosand, Ellen. "Commentary: Seventeenth-Century Venetian Opera as Fondamente nuove." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 411–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929845.

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Seventeenth-century Venice was the ideal center for the development of opera because of certain special conditions: regular demand from a broad and depend able audience of citizens and travelers alike, dependable financial backing from the many competing patrician families who constructed and operated theaters, a flourishing publishing industry that provided publicity, and a tradition in which the arts were designed specifically to enhance the self-image of the republic. These conditions combined to sustain a genre that appealed to its audience on multiple levels. The increasing demand for new works precipitated the development of new modes of production and communication, and the various musical and dramatic conventions that originated during this era have persisted to the present day.
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Winkelmes, Mary-Ann. "Painting in Sixteenth-Century Venice: Titian, Veronese, Tintoretto.David Rosand." Speculum 74, no. 3 (July 1999): 822–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2886844.

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50

Heldman, Marilyn E. "A chalice from Venice for Emperor Dāwit of Ethiopia." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 53, no. 3 (October 1990): 442–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00151341.

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The various documents concerning Emperor Dāwit's embassy to the Republic of Venice in 1402 have been brought together in Carlo Conti Rossini's article of 1927 on European influence upon Ethiopian art before the coming of Jesuit missionaries in the mid sixteenth century. The purpose of this brief paper is to expand the story of Dāwit's embassy with a short document, which sheds some light upon the motives for this and subsequent Ethiopian embassies to European nations during the period before the Adalite invasions that began in 1529.
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