Academic literature on the topic 'Verb prefixation'

Abstract The paper discusses a set of verbal prefixes which, when added to a verb together with a reflexive morpheme, change the verb’s meaning always in the same manner. The prefixes form a sequence according to the degree of intensity with which they modify the verbal action. We present the process of verb intensification in three Slavic languages, namely Czech, Slovak and Russian.

This article provides a preliminary analysis of aspectual prefixation of Russian perception verbs. It is argued that the choice of prefix is not arbitrary, but depends on the meaning of the verb stem.

The article focuses on the functioning of two-prefixed verbs, in which the second prefix element is the prefix za- (for-). The productivity of secondary verb prefixation in the dialects of the Arkhangelsk region is confirmed, word-forming models are identified, the effect of which leads to a complication of the ways of forming perfect verbs, to the appearance of synonymous pairs of perfect verbs (cover and cover), as well as to the formation of synonymous specific pairs of verbs (cover – cover and cover – cover). The factors contributing to the productivity of verbal prefixation are determined, and its connection with the communicative features of dialect speech is established.

Various works on transitivity suggest that aspectual notions may constitute semantic determinants of argument realization. Observations included in these works prompted theories implying that argument realization may be aspectually driven. Following this line of thought, this article presents the results of corpus-based studies on antipassive structure in the Polish language and makes an attempt at confirming the fact that aspectual notion may determine argument realization. The article consists of three main sections. The first one focuses on notions of aspect and various aspectual propositions distinguished in the literature on the subject, regarding the Polish language in particular. The second section, illustrated with examples extracted from the National Corpus of Polish (NKJP) and the corpus of Wielki Słownik Języka Polskiego (KWSJP), gives an overview of Polish perfectivizing verbal prefixes, i.e. a roz‑, na-, o-/ob- and u-prefix, and deals with the effect they may have on sentence structure and semantics. It also shows how the prefixed verbs combine with the marker się, which flags antipassive, i.e. is a recurring marker attested in antipassive constructions in the Polish language. In section three, an attempt is made at analyzing the interrelations between aspect and antipassive reading of a structure. As it seems that a perfective prefix used with a verb imposes certain requirements on the argument structure of the verb it combines with, we also offer a possible explanation to different aspectual requirements of verbs occurring in antipassive structures, assuming that projections coded in a verb may play a role here.

So-called category-determining prefixes in English (befool, delouse, disbar, encage, out- jockey, unsaddle) have been treated as exceptions to the Righthand Head Rule (Williams 1981). This article argues that so-called category-determining prefixation is a V (Verb)-to-V prefixation which takes denominal and deadjectival converted verbs as inputs, and thus special treatment is unwarranted. The hypothesis that conversion underlies N (Noun)/A (Adjective)-to-V prefixation is examined from both diachronic and synchronic perspectives. Diachronically, it is shown that the prefixes in question all started as non-category-determining V-to-V prefixes, and their N/A-to-V usage was established only in Modern English. With the constant productivity of conversion in the history of English, N/A-to-V usage can emerge from V-to-V usage. Synchronically, denominal/deadjectival prefixed verbs are shown to exhibit input and output properties that prove the above hypothesis: they have a converted counterpart; they are subject to the same morphological constraints as converted verbs; and their semantics is equivalent to the semantics of converted verbs modified by the semantics of V-to-V prefixation. It is concluded that there is no derivational prefix that determines the output category in English.

Affixation in Mori language has various forms and functions. The research studies about how the form and function of affixation in Mori language are. The research intends to describe the form and function of affixation in Mori language. The method used in collecting data is the participatory method. The data is analyzed using the intralingual correspondence method through the substitution technique. The result of research illuminates that the form of affixation in Mori language is classified as prefixation, infixation, suffixation, con-fixation, and affixation combined. There are eight prefixations found, such as moN-, meN-, poN-, te-, pe-, in-, poko-, and um-. MoN- and poN- prefixation are embedded either in the base form or prefixed word. Infixations found are -in- and -um. Infixation -in- is embedded either in the base form or in the affixed form. Suffixation found consists of three suffixation, namely -o, -a, and -i. in Mori language, confixation are three, they are a-a, po-a, and pe-a. Combinations of affixation are five, affixation of moN-ako, meN-ako, i-in, in-ako, and in-i. Affixation aforementioned functions to form verb and affixed noun. Besides, affixation also functions to change part of the speech of the base form and confirms the meaning of its base form.

AbstractOne of the distinctive features of Slavic verbs is their aspectual morphology: typically each finite and non-finite form of a verb has a constant aspectual value: either perfective (PFV) or imperfective (IPFV). Nevertheless, in all Slavic languages, besides these prototypical verbs with only one assigned aspectual value, there are also verbs with underspecified aspectual value, usually called biaspectual verbs (BVs).As argued in the literature, on the sentence level such verbs have the potential to express both aspectual values, PFV and IPFV, without any further aspectual affixation. However, some scholars assert that the intended aspectual value of such verbs can rarely be unambiguously signaled. To resolve the ambiguous aspectual value, native speakers often provide additional context signals or derive a new aspectually defined verb to indicate the intended aspectual value. The latter possibility has been addressed in numerous papers, but mainly with the goal of detecting the (most common) prefixes used in this process.This study aimed to examine the patterns behind BV prefixation in Croatian. In order to detect factors with a statistically significant impact on prefixation of BVs in Croatian, a random stratified sample of 237 Croatian BVs (BVs of Slavic origin and biaspectual borrowings) was compiled. The data regarding the existence of perfective derivatives were extracted from three different corpora of contemporary Croatian and one subcorpus: the Croatian National Corpus, the Croatian Language Repository, and the Croatian Web Corpus and its subcorpus Forum, and afterwards analyzed using R software with the help of the lme4 package.The results obtained with the generalized linear mixed model revealed five factors statistically significant for prefixation of BVs in Croatian, which can be attributed to the lexical (semantical), morphological and sociolinguistic domains.

Teaching verbal prefixation in the context of Croatian as a second language (CL2) has been receiving an increasing amount of attention recently, and one of the questions which has come up has to do with the order in which verbal prefixation should be taught for the teaching to be more effective. To answer this question, this research, conducted among CL2 learners at the B2 and C1 levels of language proficiency, tests the hypothesis that an understanding of the meaning of a verbal prefix is strongly supported by understanding the meaning of its cognate preposition and directly related to whether a verbal prefix co-occurs with its cognate preposition when a prefixed verb is used in a sentence. Based on the research results conclusions were drawn on the order in which the teaching of verbal prefixation in the CL2 classroom should progress.

In this corpus-based study, the two verb pairs arise and rise and awake and wake are investigated. The paper focuses on seven research questions that are related to the meanings of the verbs in question, the semantic specialisations of those verbs, and the semantic relation

of the specific verb pair constituents. Furthermore, tendencies of language change are investigated, and an attempt is made to generalise over the influence of the prefix a- on those

tendencies.

The results of the quantitative and qualitative analysis show that the verbs awake and wake are more synonymous than the verbs arise and rise. It seems as if due to this difference, the two verbs arise and awake are subject to different processes of language change that take

their development into different directions. The observations made about the characteristics of the prefix a- that is involved in the two verbs arise and awake are often ambiguous and inconclusive. Therefore, the influence of this prefix on the processes of language change needs to be analysed further by investigating more word pairs distinguished by the absence or presence of the prefix a-.

Dans cette thèse, nous avons étudié d’une manière structurée et détaillée la sémantique des verbes gnat’ et gonjat’. Pour cela, nous avons tout d’abord formalisé leur potentiel sémantique qui comprend les composants de leur valeur de base et ce qu’ils génèrent dans des situations nouvelles, dans des cotextes particuliers. Pour chaque valeur sémantique, nous avons présenté un schéma sémantique, un schéma actantiel en précisant les rôles sémantiques, la nature des actants et leur réalisation syntaxique, ainsi que des illustrations d’emploi dans des cotextes des plus représentatifs, des synonymes, la famille morphologique. Les valeurs plus ou moins communes à gnat’ et à gonjat’ ont été étudiées ensemble, ce qui nous a permis de mettre en évidence leurs similitudes et différences. Puis, nous avons traité la question de la catégorie grammaticale des verbes de mouvement. Après avoir exposé les propriétés traditionnellement attribuées aux corrélats déterminé / indéterminé et les particularités qui sont générées dans l’emploi de chacun de ces corrélats, nous avons analysé la corrélation déterminé / indéterminé en général, et en particulier, entre gnat’ et gonjat’. Faisant partie de la catégorie grammaticale des verbes de mouvement, gnat’ et gonjat’ s’opposent sur le plan grammatical en tant que déterminé vs indéterminé et leurs caractéristiques grammaticales induisent quelques différences sémantiques. Ainsi, la plupart des différences observées entre gnat’ et gonjat’ ne sont pas en fait pas d’ordre lexical, mais résultent des différences grammaticales du déterminé gnat’ et de l’indéterminé gonjat’. Dans la partie consacrée à la dérivation morphologique, nous avons eu pour objectif d’examiner les effets de la préverbation et les modifications de sens que la préverbation entraîne pour ces verbes. Nous avons étudié les préverbés formés sur la base de gnat’ / gonjat’ à valeur spatiale en les regroupant en fonction de l’orientation spatiale : à partir du point de départ, vers le point d’arrivée, les deux en même temps ou en rapport avec un repère. Une attention minutieuse a été accordée aux différences sémantiques et aspectuelles de certains préverbés partageant les mêmes valeurs spatiales. L’étude des préverbés combinés aux préverbes à valeur non spatiale a été organisée en fonction de la morphologie de l’aspect : les préverbés hors couple et les couples de verbes. Quelques particularités ont été observées. Pour que l’étude sémantique soit complète, nous y avons inclus la question des phrasèmes comportant ces verbes. Puis, nous avons analysé le parallélisme qui existe entre gnat’ / gonjat’ simples et préverbés et le verbe dit de position sidet’ : les valeurs que ces verbes ont en commun et aussi, les limites de leur corrélation, Enfin, en partant directement des situations linguistiques concrètes avec gnat’ / gonjat’ simples et préverbés nous avons exposé un certain nombre de mécanismes qui aboutissent à un effet expressif
In this thesis, we have studied the semantics of the verbs gnat’ and gonjat’ in a structured and extensive way. To achieve this, we began by structuring their semantic potential, which includes their basic value and what it produces in new situations, in specific cotexts. For each semantic value, we have presented a semantic schema, mapping the semantic roles of the actants, their nature and their syntactic development, together with examples of usage in the most representative cotexts, the synonyms, the morphological family. The more or less common values of gnat’ and gonjat’ have been studied together, so that we could bring their similarities and differences to light. Then, we dealt with the question of the grammatical category of the verbs of motion. Having presented the usually attributed properties of the correlate determined / indetermined and the particularities that emerge in the usage of each of these correlates, we have focused on the determined / indetermined correlation in general and between gnat’ and gonjat’ in particular. While belonging to the same grammatical category of the verbs of motion, both gnat’ and gonjat’ are opposed on a grammatical level, as determined and indetermined, and their grammatical characteristics lead to some semantical differences. Hence, most of the observed differences between gnat’ and gonjat’ are not of a lexical type; they are rather the result of the semantical differences between the determined gnat’ and the indetermined gonjat’. In the part of our thesis dedicated to morphological derivation, our goal was to study the impacts of verbal prefixation and the change of meaning as a result of the prefixation for these verbs. We have studied prefixed verbs based on gnat’ / gonjat’ with spatial meanings, clustering them depending on their spatial orientation: from the starting point, to the point of arrival, both at the same time or in relation to a landmark. A particular focus has been placed on the semantical and aspectual differences of some verbs with prefixes that share the same spatial values. The analysis of verbs with spatial prefixes was done according to the morphology of the aspect: the verbs with prefixes outside aspectual pairs and the pair of verbs. Some particularities have been observed. For the semantic study to be complete, we have added the question of the phrasemes using these verbs. Then, we studied the similarity between gnat’ and gonjat’ in their simple and prefixed forms and the verb of position sidet’: what those verbs have in common but also the limits of their similarities. Finally, we have taken concrete linguistic situations involving gnat’ and gonjat’ in their simple and prefixed forms in order to outline a number of mechanisms leading to an expressive result

This book describes the linguistic structures that constitute Medieval or Old Spanish as preserved in texts written prior to the beginning of the sixteenth century. It emphasizes those structures that contrast with the modern standard language. Chapter 1 presents methodological issues raised by the study of a language preserved only in written sources. Chapter 2 examines questions involved in reconstructing the sound system of Old Spanish before discussing relevant phonetic and phonological details. The chapter ends with an overview of Old Spanish spelling practices. Chapter 3 presents in some detail the nominal, verbal, and pronominal morphology of the language, with attention to regional variants. Chapter 4 describes selected syntactic structures, with emphasis on the noun phrase, verb phrase, object pronoun placement, subject-verb-object word order, verb tense, aspect, and mood. Chapter 5 begins with an extensive list of Old Spanish nouns, adjectives, verbs, and function words that have not survived into the modern standard language. It then presents examples of coexisting variants (doublets) and changes of meaning, and finishes with an overview of the creation of neologisms in the medieval language through derivational morphology (prefixation, suffixation, compounding). The book concludes with an anthology composed of three extracts from Spanish prose texts, one each from the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. The extracts contain footnotes that highlight relevant morphological, syntactic, and lexical features, with cross references to the relevant sections in the body of the book.

The Munda language Sora, an Austroasiatic language, has a developed system of noun incorporation. One can always distinguish a structure with incorporation from one that lacks this as the nominal component that is found incorporated into the Sora verbal stem appears in the so-called ‘combining form’ (CF). This CF contrasts with an obligatorily bimoraic syntactically free-standing form of the noun that is lexically associated with the CF, derived through a lexically-determined means of affixation or compounding that includes reduplication, prefixation, infixation, and compounding. Only certain incorporated structures in Sora reduce the valence of the resulting structure, while others do not. Sora is also among the few languages attested that permits verbal constructs with more than one noun incorporated. In Sora a transitive verb may also incorporate its agent argument. Further, these incorporated stems remain transitive in Sora: they allow for the formal indexing of objects as well within in the incorporated complex.

This chapter examines the lexicon of Old Spanish. It first surveys the dictionaries and other lexical resources available to the student of the medieval language, before going on to describe briefly the various historical lexical strata and issues of lexical stability. It next offers a rich series of examples of nouns, adjectives, verbs, and function words found in Old Spanish that did not survive into the modern language. The chapter next gives examples of Old Spanish lexical doublets and of lexical items that have undergone major semantic changes over time. The remainder of the chapter is devoted to the creation in Old Spanish of neologisms through such processes of derivational morphology as suffixation, prefixation, and compounding. Emphasis falls here on words that did not survive into the modern language.

Wood’s ‘Prepositional prefixing and allosemy in nominalizations’ discusses how Icelandic prepositional prefixing supports three main points. First, Wood shows that prepositions play a dual role in constructing verb meaning—while they may have meaning of their own, they may also condition a special meaning for verbal roots. Second, the patterns of prefixation in Icelandic support the claim that DNs, even in the Complex Event Nominal (CEN) reading, can be built by combining heads together directly, without any phrasal material below the nP level. This is in contrast to what Wood calls the ‘Phrasal Layering’ analysis, where what is nominalized is a full verb phrase, perhaps with a VoiceP or other extended vP layers. Third, Wood shows that adjunction and complementation define distinct domains for the conditioning of idiosyncratic meaning, and both are available for the syntactic assembly of words and phrases.<141>

P-words encompass prepositions, particles, and prefixes. The cases associated with each preposition (P) are determined partly lexically and partly syntactically. Because of the dative-instrumental-ablative-locative syncretism, most Ps in Gothic are accompanied by the dative. Prefixation is the primary means of altering the meaning or (lexical) aspect of Gothic verbs and deriving new verbs. Most verbs can take prefixes of some sort. Strings of preverbs in the unmarked case are ordered source > goal > place. In main clauses, verbs allow particle stranding of the outermost of two particles, but in subordinate clauses and infinitives, all verbal particles must undergo adjunction. Preposition incorporation is frequent but productive only with miþ (with). Potential instances of preverb gapping are not unequivocal.

In order to study the production of α- granule proteins in maturing megakaryocytes, we used immunocytochemical techniques performed on cultured and enriched bone marrow megakaryocytes. Cultures were prepared from bone marrow CFU-MK with the methylcellulose and plasma clot techniques. Preparation of bone marrow megakaryocytes was carried out from human or pig rib marrow separated on percoll gradient and counterflow centrifugation. Megakaryocyte preparations were 90$ pure and represented 85$ of those in the whole marrow. Activation was prevented with prostacyclin and prefixation with low concentration glutaraldehyde. A panel of monoclonal and polyclonal antibodies, against different platelet membrane glycoproteins and against cytoplasmic antigens (such as von Willebrand Factor (vWF), fibrinogen (Fg) and thrombospondin (TSP)) was used and observed by immunofluorescence or by immunogold in electron microscopy.The first megakaryocytic precursors, promegakaryoblasts (PMKB) identifiable by these antibodies were found at day 5 of culture. They had the size of lymphocytes, were labelled for GP lib, Ilia, and Ilb-IIIa complex but not for GPIb which appeared later. Platelet peroxidase was also present, otherwise these cells were devoid of α- granules and only a few of them exhibited a diffuse pattern for vWF immunolabelling. One day later membrane GPIb and diffuse cytoplasmic labelling for vWF were detected in the majority of PMKB. At day 9 of culture, this pattern of labelling for vWF became more intense and granular. The same pattern was observed for TSP and platelet factor 4. Immunoelectron microscopy showed that in immature megakaryocytes isolated from human bone marrow, labelling for vWF and TSP was observed in vesicles located in the Golgi region; in addition numerous small granules less than 0.1pm in diameter, round or elongated in shape, were labelled for these antigens. In mature human megakaryocytes, the labelling for these cytoplasmic antigens was restricted to the platelet α- granules in a distribution pattern similar to that of platelet α- granules. However, the labelling for Fg was consistently less intense in the granules of immature and mature megakaryocytes than in platelets.Because in platelets α- granule immunolabelling for vWF is associated with tubular structures which are specially prominent in porcine species, we studied vWF and tubular structures in pig megakaryocytes. Standard and immunoelectron microscopy revealed the simultaneous appearance of both in the small vesicles located in the Golgi area in the small immature α- granules and later in the mature α- granules. In mature megakaryocytes, labelling for vWF was intense and restricted to the α- granules. It was distributed eccentrically as in porcine blood platelets. Gold particles were often eccentrically located at one pole of the α- granule either labelling only its periphery or outlining one side of an elongated granule. Standard electron microscopy showed that tubular structures were very numerous in the mature α-granules, regularly spaced, arranged in parallel and usually located at one side of the granule. On the other hand platelets from pigs with homozygous von Willebrand disease were found to be completely devoid of both tubular structures and immunolabelling for vWF suggesting that the tubules represent the vWF itself.In acute megakaryoblastic leukemia, several phenotypes of PMKB were found in different patients, which corresponded to the stages of maturation of cultured megakaryocytes from CFU-MK.In conclusion, immunolabelling methods combined with megakaryocyte enrichment techniques are useful tools to study the origin of megakaryocyte (and platelet) granular proteins.