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1
Tham, Shiao Wei. "Possession as Non-Verbal Predication." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 39, no. 1 (2013): 302. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v39i1.3888.
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In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt:This paper argues that crosslinguistic variation in the forms of clausal possessive predication arises to a large extent from the NON-VERBAL nature of possessive predication. As evidence, I demonstrate that possessive predication across languages shows all the variation possible for non-verbal predication in general. I show the non-verbal approach not only accounts for previously observed major strategies in pos-sessive predication, for both INDEFINITE and DEFINITE possessive predication (also known respectively as HAVE and BELONG possessives), it also predicts the availability of “minor”, less-frequently observed encoding strategies.
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Bertinetto, Pier Marco, Luca Ciucci, and Margherita Farina. "Two types of morphologically expressed non-verbal predication." Studies in Language 43, no. 1 (2019): 120–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.17013.ber.
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Abstract The morphological expression of non-verbal predication is a geographically widespread, although not very frequent, typological feature. This paper highlights the existence of two radically contrasting types of non-verbal predicative inflection. Construction A has already been described in the literature. It consists of attaching person-sensitive inflection markers to non-verbal predicates, possibly extending this treatment to adverbs and adverbial phrases (locational and temporal), pronouns and quantifiers. This type is well attested in Uralic, Turkic, and Paleosiberian, as well as in some Amazonian language families (most notably Chicham), but it has also been pointed out for some sparse languages of Oceania and Africa. Such non-verbal person inflections diachronically stem from incorporation of conjugated copula elements. Construction B, by contrast, is much rarer and is described here for the first time. It also consists of a dedicated morphological form of the non-verbal predicate (limited, however, to nouns and adjectives), but such form stands out as morphologically lighter than any other form to be found in nouns or adjectives in argument or attribute position. While the latter forms carry some kind of case marker, the noun/adjective predicate merely consists (or historically did) of the word’s root. This type of construction can be found in the small Zamucoan family and still survives in some Tupí-Guaraní languages. Diachronic inspection of Semitic indicates, however, that this predicative strategy was possibly adopted in some ancient varieties, although at later stages it intertwined with the expression of referential specificity. The paper compares the two construction types, highlighting similarities and differences.
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Turunen, Rigina. "A typology of non-verbal predication in Erzya." Acta Linguistica Hungarica 56, no. 2-3 (2009): 251–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aling.56.2009.2-3.4.
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Klaiman, M. H. "The Relationship of Inverse Voice and Head-Marking in Arizona Tewa and Other Tanoan Languages." Studies in Language 17, no. 2 (1993): 343–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.17.2.04kla.
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The term 'inverse' has traditionally referred to voice systems characterized by alternations of verbal voice marking, alternations that depend on the relative ontologicai salience of the two core arguments of a transitive animate verb, the logical subject and logical object. In typical inverse languages, speech-act participant (SAP) arguments (1,2 person) ontologically outrank non-SAP arguments (3d person), a fact that is grammatically encoded by 1:3 and 2:3 predications assigning one verbal voice ('direct') while 3:1 and 3:2 predications assign the other voice ('inverse'). 3:3 predications are potentially ambiguous, a problem addressed in some inverse systems by 3d person arguments with relatively low ontologicai salience being assigned a special case, the obviative (4th person). The present work addresses the question whether inverseness may be evinced through formal means other than alternations in verbal voice marking. It is argued that this occurs in a Tanoan (Kiowa-Tanoan) language, Arizona Tewa (AT). In AT transitive animate predications, an opposition in paradigms of person-marking verbal prefixes occurs such that one pronominal paradigm is assigned in case of a direct predication (logical subject ontologically outranks logical object), while the other paradigm is assigned in case of an inverse predication (logical object ontologically outranks logical subject). In effect, then, AT has separate direct and inverse pronominal paradigms; these encode the voice alternations, rather than oppositions of verbal voice marking per se. It is argued that an inverse analysis is both appropriate for AT and, in addition, applicable to at least some other Tanoan languages, such as Picurís and Southern Tiwa.
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Carnie, Andrew. "Two Types of Non-Verbal Predication in Modern Irish." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 42, no. 1-2 (1997): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100016820.
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The number of copular constructions found with non-verbal predicates in Universal Grammar has recently been a matter of some controversy. Traditional theories have claimed that there are two constructions: an equative—with two argument NPs—and predicative—with a single argument and a non-verbal predicate. Recently this bifurcation has been challenged by authors who claim that equative constructions show asymmetries similar to those found in predicatives, and that these asymmetries are due to a simple subject/predicate distinction. They claim that there is a single predicative copular construction in natural language. In this article, syntactic evidence for the traditional semantic division between equatives and predicatives is provided. It is shown that in Modern Irish, there are two word orders corresponding to the equative/predicative split and these two have distinct syntactic and semantic properties. Further, it is also shown that the asymmetries used to argue for a single copular construction are due to simple structural conditions rather than a subject/predicate split.
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Mishchenko, Daria. "Non-verbal predication in Bashkir and the ways of its negation." Acta Linguistica Petropolitana xiii, no. 1 (2017): 110–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30842/alp2306573713105.
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Abdoulaye, Mahamane L., Salifou Barmou, and Saoudé Souley Bida. "one-term predication for deictic identification in Hausa." Studies in African Linguistics 49, no. 2 (2020): 187–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v49i2.125886.
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This article describes a type of non-verbal predication (NVP) with a single term called "deictic identification" (for example, Abdù nee 'it’s Abdu') and which, in its basic function, is used to identify a referent present in the immediate spatial environment of the speaker. The paper shows that the one-term sentences must be distinguished from ordinary two-term specificational or equative sentences (for example, ùban Muusaa Abdù nèe 'Musa’s father is Abdu' and wannàn Abdù nee 'this is Abdu'). Indeed, the paper in particular shows that when the two types of constructions are used in non-assertive contexts, they can select two different replacive copulas. The paper also shows how the basic one-term deictic constructions acquired extended, non-deictic uses, including uses in focus-fronting constructions, where the immediate external environment is not always relevant. The paper proposes that copula nee/ cee is the sentence predicate in one-term deictic identification and is hence comparable to other one-term non-verbal predicates in Hausa, such as the presentational gàa (for example, gàa Abdù ‘here is Abdu’).
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Dalmi, Gréte. "Ad hoc properties and locations in Maltese." Linguistics Beyond and Within (LingBaW) 1 (December 30, 2015): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/lingbaw.5624.
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This paper aims to show that the four-way BE-system of Maltese can best be accommodated in a theory of non-verbal predication that builds on alternative states, without making any reference to the Davidsonian spatio-temporal event variable. The existing theories of non-verbal predicates put the burden of explaining the difference between the ad hoc vs. habitual interpretations either solely on the non-verbal predicate, by postulating an event variable in their lexical layer (see Kratzer 1995; Adger and Ramchand 2003; Magri 2009; Roy 2013), or solely on the copular or non-copular primary predicate, which contains an aspectual operator or an incorporated abstract preposition, responsible for such interpretive differences (Schmitt 2005, Schmitt and Miller 2007, Gallego and Uriagereka 2009, 2011, Marín 2010, Camacho 2012).
 The present proposal combines Maienborn’s (2003, 2005a,b, 2011) discourse-semantic theory of copular sentences with Richardson’s (2001, 2007) analysis of non-verbal adjunct predicates in Russian, based on alternative states. Under this combined account, variation between the ad hoc vs. habitual interpretations of non-verbal predicates is derived from the presence or absence of a modal OPalt operator that can bind the temporal variable of non-verbal predicates in accessible worlds, in the sense of Kratzer (1991). In the absence of this operator, the temporal variable is bound by the T0 head in the standard way. The proposal extends to non-verbal predicates in copular sentences as well as to argument and adjunct non-verbal predicates in non-copular sentences.
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ANDERSON, JOHN M. "Finiteness, mood, and morphosyntax." Journal of Linguistics 43, no. 1 (2007): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226706004439.
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The approach adopted here identifies finiteness with the capacity to license an independent predication. The prototypical independent predication is positive and declarative; other ‘moods’, or main-clause types, while finite, may fail to display the morphosyntactic properties associated with this prototype. These properties vary from language to language, but the recurrent core properties are verbal, since the verb is the prototypical predicator. Some constructions that occur in both main and subordinate clauses, such as the infinitival in English, differ in interpretation in these two different circumstances; this may be the only difference between finite (main-clause) and non-finite (subordinate-clause) use. This general approach is contrasted with one in which finiteness is identified with the presence of a particular set of morphosyntactic properties: such a view as the latter can be maintained, if at all, only on the basis of massive recourse to covert categories.
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Choueiri, Lina. "The Pronominal Copula in Arabic." Brill’s Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 8, no. 1 (2016): 101–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-00801005.
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The literature on the syntax of verbless predication in Arabic is rich, but little attention has been given to the ‘pronominal copula’, PRON. Its main characteristics are well-known: it only takes the form of third person independent pronouns; it is limited to equational sentences, in which the predicate is a definite noun phrase; and it must always occur between the subject and the predicate nominal. A standard view (e.g. Eid 1991, and more recently, Ouhalla 2013) has been to assume that PRON, like its verbal counterpart KN, realizes subject agreement in T. In this paper, I examine the syntax of PRON and review its characteristics in contrast with those of KN. I show that the complex distribution of PRON challenges the standard view and supports an alternative analysis. I propose that equational sentences are underlyingly more complex than predicational verbless sentences: they project an extra functional head F between T and the small clause structure, PredP, in which the non-verbal predicate and its subject are generated. PRON is in FP, while KN is in T. I argue that, because equational sentences involve two elements of the same category, i.e. DP, they are subject to the Distinctness Condition of Richards (2010). FP provides the Spell-Out domain boundary necessary to avoid a Distinctness violation. Finally, I suggest that FP is always headed by a pronominal element that functions as a linker (Philip 2012, Franco et al. 2015), a syntactic head which marks an existing grammatical relation, namely predication, between two DPs. More broadly, my account is in line with the view that the identity/predicational divide in copular sentences corresponds to a difference in syntactic structure.
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Appleyard, David L. "Yvonne Treis: A Grammar of Kambaata, Part 1: Phonology, Nominal Morphology, and Non-verbal Predication." Aethiopica 13 (August 26, 2011): 296–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.13.1.80.
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Quliyev, Heydər. "İNGİLİS DİLİNDƏ CERUNDUN FUNKSİYALARI." Caucasus-Economic and Social Analysis Journal of Southern Caucasus 33, no. 06 (2019): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/cesajsc3306201935.
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The article deals with the Gerund in English. All English grammars distinguish between finite and non-finite forms of the verb. The non-finite forms, which are also called the verbal or the non-predicative forms of the verb, comprise, according to most grammars. There are 3 verbals in English. One of them is Gerund. Gerund is used in many functions in the sentence. Some grammarians do not distinguish between the gerund and participle I, calling them both the -ing form. The Collins Cobuild English Grammar (London 1995) prefers the term -ing noun to gerund. There are grammars which use the term gerund, but the functions of the gerund are not the same from one grammar to another. In this grammar the term -ing form is not used and a clear distinction is made between the gerund and participle I, for the reason that in spite of having the same form they function differently in a sentence. The gerund is close to a noun (pronoun) and has many nominal features, while participle I is close to an adjective and has adjectival features. Therefore, a number of the functions of the gerund and participle I do not coincide. Thus, the gerund, unlike participle I, can function as subject and object. As to the functions of attribute and adverbial modifier, the gerund, when used in these functions, is always introduced by a preposition, while participle I is either introduced by a conjunction (adverbial modifier of comparison and concession) or by nothing at all (attribute, adverbial modifier of time, cause, manner). The only functions in which participle I and gerund can be confused are those of the predicative and complex object. According to their functions in a sentence verb forms can be classified into finite and non-finite. The finite forms perform the function of the predicate. The non-finite forms, sometimes called verbal, can perform various functions in a sentence except that of the simple verbal predicate. The verbal include the Infinitive, the Gerund and the Participle. The verbal has some features in common. First, they can show whether an action expressed by a verbal is simultaneous with the action expressed by the finite verb, or precedes it. To denote precedence we use perfect forms of the verbal. Second, all the verbal can be used: a) singly: • Annoyed, she went out of the room (single participle II). b) in a phrase: • She spent whole days reading books (participle I in a phrase). c) in a predicative construction: • She noticed him look back (infinitive construction)
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Čižik-Prokaševa, Veslava. "Secondary predicates (depictives)." Lietuvių kalba, no. 4 (October 25, 2010): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lk.2010.22860.
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The paper sets out to investigate the notion of predicates. It also offers an overview of their classification in Lithuanian and foreign linguistics. Most attention is given to free secondary predicates (predicative adjuncts), focusing on predicates with no resultative meaning, i.e. depictives. A secondary predicate is a word syntactically dependent on the main verb (in cases of complementation it is also semantically dependent) and semantically related to its argument. It refers to primary or secondary predication of the clause. According to the character of the syntactic relation, a distinction is made between predicative complements (the predicative is governed by the verb) and predicative adjuncts (the predicative modifies the verb). According to meaning, two types of secondary predicates are divided into non-resultative and resultative. Free non-resultative predicates are by some linguists referred to as depictives (in a general meaning) and by others as depictives (in a narrow sense) and circumstantial secondary predicates.In Lithuanian depictives usually agree with the verbal argument (depictives in concord); however, there are depictives which only partially agree with the verb argument (in number, gender) or do not agree altogether (semantic depictives).
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Bryant, Shannon, and Diti Bhadra. "Situation types in complementation: Oromo attitude predication." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 30 (March 2, 2021): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v30i0.4806.
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Though languages show rich variation in the clausal embedding strategies employed in attitude reports, most mainstream formal semantic theories of attitudes assume that the clausal complement of an attitude verb contributes at least a proposition to the semantics. The goal of this paper is to contribute to the growing cross-linguistic perspective of attitudes by providing semantic analyses for the two embedding strategies found with attitude verbs in Oromo (Cushitic): verbal nominalization, and embedding under akka 'as'. We argue that Oromo exemplifies a system in which non-speech attitudes uniformly embed situations rather than propositions, thereby expanding the empirical landscape of attitude reports in two ways: (i) situations and propositions are both ontological primitives used by languages in the construction of attitude reports, and (ii) attitude verbs in languages like Oromo do the semantic heavy lifting, contributing the "proposition" to propositional attitudes.
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Zelena, Iuliia. "Marked and Non-Marked Attribute Structures within a Secondary Predicate in the French Language." PROBLEMS OF SEMANTICS, PRAGMATICS AND COGNITIVE LINGUISTICS, no. 37 (2020): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2663-6530.2020.37.10.
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The article is devoted to the study of marked and unmarked attributive constructions, considering the influence of semantic transfer mechanisms, taking into account their productive potential. Structuraland semantic characterization of types of attributive constructions is performed in light of two initial theories –in view ofreferentstatusand actual sentence fragmentation. An independent research of relationsbetween predication manifestations and the semanticand syntactic structure of a sentence has been performed by determining the valence properties of attributive verbs. The distinctionbetween different types of constructionswith the attribute complement isdescribed and it is specifiedthat there is a direct correlation between the type of attributive sentences and the emergence of predicative relation.The article is dedicated to the analysis of modification of the information structure and the status of the referent in sentences containing attributive object. Given the types of interpretation of attributive sentences and, based on the results of contextual analysis, it became possible to prove that change of argumentative structure in verbal group gives a reason to treat attributive verb with elements SN2 and X as a predicative focus of the sentence and permit to consider it as the complex secondary predicate.
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Jenks, Peter. "Verbal and verbless copular clauses in Moro." Faits de Langues 51, no. 1 (2020): 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05101008.
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Abstract Moro has a rich array of copular clause constructions which show clear contrasts in their syntactic makeup. One class of copular clauses contain verbal heads, others are headed by non-verbal predicates that bear some inflectional morphology which is shared with verbs, while a final group of copular clauses lack any words which could be identified as verbs. I show that verbal and verb-like copular clauses always contain a predicative core. On the other hand, verbless copular clauses lack predicative semantics, serving the functions of identification or equation. I provide a simple syntactic analysis which accounts for the morphosyntactic distribution of the different types of clauses.
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Winford, Donald. "Property Items and Predication in Sranan." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 12, no. 2 (1997): 237–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.12.2.04win.
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This paper revisits the long-standing controversy over whether so-called predicate adjectives like bigi 'big', bradi 'wide', etc. in Sranan (and other creoles) are truly adjectives or a subclass of verb. Using a variety of diagnostics, it concludes that such items are in fact verbal in their predicative function. Moreover, it argues that such items are best referred to as "property items" which display flexible categoriality, behaving like intransitive as well as transitive verbs, and also as adjectives which can either modify nouns or head adjectival phrases of degree. So-called predicate adjective structures in Sranan fall into two categories — those where property items function as intransitive verbs, and those involving predicate phrases in which the copula de precedes either adjectival phrases of degree or true adjectives, including those derived via reduplication from property items and others imported from Dutch. These conclusions apply more specifically to the variety of Sranan spoken as a native language by the majority of the African-descended population of Suriname. Another dialect of Sranan, associated primarily with non-native speakers, appears to treat property items in their predicative function as adjectives rather than verbs.
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Yani, La, Ketut Artawa, Made Sri Satyawati, and I. Nyoman Udayana. "Verbal Clause Construction of Ciacia Language: Syntactic Typology Study." e-Journal of Linguistics 13, no. 2 (2019): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/e-jl.2019.v13.i02.p05.
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Typology study of Ciacia language (CL) in various linguistic aspects has not been conducted yet. It is the first study that focus on syntactic typology. Ciacia language is one of local languages in Buton Regency, Southeast Sulawesi Province. The study focuses on five main problems, they are (1) How is the base construction of verbal clause in CL? (2) How are the predicate and structure argument constructions of verbal clause in CL, (3) How are the simple predicate and complex predicate constructions of verbal clause in CL? (4) How are valency and valency change mechanism of verbal clause construction in CL? (5) How are complex sentence construction and grammatical alliance system?. The oral data of this study is obtained through recording and elicitation techniques. Written data is obtained through the previous studies. The study also used synthetic data which is verrified by the informants. The data was analyzed by apportion (distributional) method.
 The investigation of clause base construction shows that verbal clause construction of Ciacia language is always filled by subject and aspect markers (PS/A) that is affixed to PRED verb. Base structure of verbal clause in CL consists of verbal predicated clause and non-verbal predicated clause. Non-verbal predicated clause can be constructed through base nominal and adjective categories. Verbal clause predicate can be filled by intransitive base verb, mono transitive base verb, ditransitive base verb, and ambi-transitive base verb.
 Predication and argument structure of verbal clause construction in CL can be classified in to verbal clause: (i) intransitive with one main argument in terms of SUBJ and as A or OBJ systematically; (ii) semi-transitive with one main argument as A/ACT and with the presence of OBJ argument optionally; (iii) mono-transitive with two main arguments, namely SUBJ as A/ACT with one OBJ argument as UND, (iv) ditransitive with three main arguments, namely SUBJ as A/ACT before PRED and two arguments after PRED, in terms of OTL (indirect object) and OL (direct object); and (v) ambi-transitive with one main argument, namely SUBJ, either as Sa or as So.
 Valency and transitivity of verbal clause construction in CL consists of (i) valency and intransitive verb transitivity with one argument or verb with one valency; (ii) semi-transitive verb with one argument before verb and the presence of argument after Pred verb optionally; (iii) transitive with the obligatory of O presence after Pred verb, so it has two main arguments or verb that has two valency arguments, namely S and O; (iv) ditransitive with three main arguments or verb that has three valency arguments; (v) ambi-transitive with only one argument or verb that has one valency.
 Verbal clause construction in CL can be filled by simple Pred verb and complex Pred verb. Simple predicate is created by base verb/intransitive verb and non-verb category, semi-transitive verb, and transitive verb with PS/A. Complex predicate is created through verb (i) intransitive; (ii) semi-transitive verb; and (iii) transitive integral verb. The valency change mechanism of verbal clause construction in CL can be done through formal causativation and semantic causativation, applicative, and resultative.
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Ardid-Gumiel, Ana. "syntax of depictives: subjects, modes of judgement and I-L/S-L properties." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 26 (January 1, 2001): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.26.2001.138.
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In this work, I provide an analysis of adjectival depictive constructions which accounts for most of their fundamental properties. First, I focus on the restrictions having to do with the integration of the depictive and the verbal predicate: they are based on aspectual compatibility between the two predicates, which, in turn, will depend on the ability, on the part of the depictive, to make reference to some (sub)event in the event structure of the verbal predicate. Facts not captured by previous approaches in the literature will be straightforwardly accounted for, among them the possibility to have I-L depictive constructions, and the impossibility to combine a depictive with some non-stative verbal predicates. Second, it will be shown that the informational import of the depictive in the sentence can be equivalent to that of the verbal predicate: both can be the primary lexical basis of predication. This is reflected in the sentence in various ways, having to do with aspectual modifiers, and in the properties of the sentential subject. In this connection, we will reconsider the notion of subject, arguing that no subject-predicate relation takes place in the lexical domain of sentences, and hence that the argument the depictive is oriented to, the common argument, cannot be a subject of the depictive. Finally, a minimalist analysis is proposed for the syntax of the construction, in terms of direct syntactic merge of predicative constituents and sidewards (q-to-q) movement for the common argument, from the lexical domain of the depictive to the lexical domain of the verb. As to morphosyntactic properties, a syntactic Double Agree relation is assumed to hold between T/v, as probes, on the one hand, and the common argument and depictive, as simultaneous goals, on the other, which would allow for the deletion of Case features on both goals. The assumed presence of Structural Case on the adjectival depictive will be responsible for the well-known restriction on the orientation of depictives to the sentential subject or object.
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Tajsner, Przemysław. "On focus marking and predication. Evidence from Polish with some notes on Hausa." Lingua Posnaniensis 57, no. 1 (2015): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/linpo-2015-0006.
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Abstract Purpose: The primary aim of the paper is to provide a new, derivational analysis of two types of Polish sentences with the occurrence of a particle to, which syntactically code focus and topic. These are: to-clefts (To Janek napisał list. ‘It was Janek who wrote the letter’), and topic-to sentences (Janek to napisał list. ‘As for Janek, he wrote the letter’). The secondary aim is to reflect on the relevance of the isomorphism of focus markers and non-verbal copulas in Polish with some reference to Hausa. Method: The approach follows a minimalist method but departs from cartographic accounts with dedicated heads in sentence left-periphery. Instead, it postulates that focus and topic are interpretive by-effects of Specification Predication. In this, the paper extends and modifies Kiss’s (2006, 2010) central idea that focusing is predication. Result & Conclusion: The account proves successful in explaining a few syntactic constraints, doing so in a simple, unitary fashion. Viewing focus as a derivative of predication is a step towards understanding the relation between narrow syntax and information structure.
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Zhang, Niina. "structures of depictive and resultative constructions in Chinese." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 22 (January 1, 2001): 191–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.22.2001.107.
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In this paper I firstly argue that secondary predicates are complement of v, and v is overtly realized by Merge or Move in secondary predication in Chinese. The former option derives the de-construction, whereas the latter option derives the V-V construction. Secondly, I argue that resultatives are hosted by complement vPs, whereas depictives are hosted by adjunct vPs. This complement-adjunct asymmetry accounts for a series of syntactic properties of secondary predication in Chinese: the position of a secondary predicate with respect to the verb of the primary predicate, the co-occurrence patterns of secondary predicates, the hierarchy of depictives, the control and ECM properties of resultative constructions, and the locality constraint on the integration of secondary predicates into the structure of primary predication. Thirdly, I argue that the surface position of de is derived by a PF operation which attaches de to the right of the leftmost verbal lexical head of the construction. Finally, I argue that in the V-V resultative construction, the assumed successive head-raising may account for the possible subject-oriented reading of the resultative predicate, and that the head raising out of the lower vP accounts for the possible non-specific reading of the subject of the resultative predicate.
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Буторин, Сергей Сергеевич. "PREDICATIVE QUALITATIVENESS CATEGORY IN KET: LANGUAGE MEANS OF EXPRESSING IT." Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology, no. 3(29) (December 14, 2020): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2307-6119-2020-3-32-43.
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В статье рассматриваются основные разновидности семантической категории качественности, в частности, субкатегория предикативной качественности и языковые способы ее выражения с позиций функциональной грамматики. Показано, что в кетском языке выделяются три типа предикативной качественности: адъективно-предикативная, субстантивно-предикативная и глагольно-предикативная. Адъективно-предикативная качественность выражается адъективными предикатами (как правило, прилагательными); субстантивно-предикативная — предикатами-существительными, которые являются ядром составного именного сказуемого и определяются прилагательными; глагольно-предикативная — предикатами, представленными спрягаемыми глагольными формами. Определен основной инвентарь языковых средств, образующих качественные предикаты: непроизводные качественные прилагательные; производные относительные прилагательные, оформленные словообразовательным суффиксом =ту; каритивные прилагательные; неглагольные субстантивные предикаты, выражающие субстантивно-предикативную качественность; причастия или инфинитивы; субстантивированные комплексные модификаторы; сложнопроизводные прилагательные, оформленные суффиксом производных прилагательных =ту. В статье проанализированы неглагольные средства выражения предикативной качественности, т. е. предикаты, имеющие в качестве главного компонента слово, которое не принадлежит классу полнозначных глаголов, вне зависимости от того, содержится ли в составе сказуемого глагол-связка. Выявлены две ведущие стратегии кодирования качественных предикатов: личная стратегия, которая заключается в оформлении ядра неглагольного предиката показателями согласования с подлежащим по категориям лица, числа и класса (рода), и неличная стратегия, предполагающая использование суффикса =сʹ (ед. ч.) ~ =сʹ=ин (множ. ч.), допускающего согласование с подлежащим только по категории числа. Показано, что имеются некоторые случаи альтернативного кодирования неглагольных качественных предикатов посредством либо личной, либо неличной стратегии кодирования. Приводятся аргументы, подтверждающие, что грамматическая категория степеней сравнения у кетских качественных прилагательных отсутствует. Компаратив и суперлатив выражаются синтаксическими конструкциями, образованными на базе адъективных качественных предикатов. The paper deals with the basic types of qualitativeness category particularly predicative qualitativeness and the language means of expressing it from the standpoint of functional grammar approach. It is shown that three types of predicative qualitativeness are identified in Ket. These are adjective-predicative, substantive-predicative and verbal-predicative ones. Adjective-predicative qualitativeness is expressed by adjective predicates, substantive-predicative qualitativeness — by compound nominal predicates and verbal-predicative qualitativeness — by predicates including finite conjugated verb forms. The basic inventory of language means forming predicative qualitative predicates is identified. The inventory includes underived qualitative adjectives, derived relative adjectives formed by means of the derivative suffix =ту, caritive adjectives, nonverbal substantive predicates denoting substantive-predicative qualitativeness; participles or infinitives; substativized complex modifiers; compound adjectives derived by means of the suffix =ту forming adjectives. The paper analyzes non-verbal means of denoting predicative qualitativeness, i.e. the predicates having as a head a word which doesn’t belong to the class of autosemantic verbs irrespective of the fact whether there is a verbal copula in the predicate structure. Two principal strategies of coding qualitative predicates have been identified including a person and number coding strategy which involves marking the non-verbal predicate by the affixes showing agreement with the subject of the qualitative construction in the categories of person, number and class (gender) and non-personal coding strategy implying the use of the suffix =сʹ (singular) — =сʹ=ин (plural) which allows for agreement with the subject only in the category of number. It is shown that there are cases of alternative coding of non-verbal qualitative predicates using either a person and number coding strategy or a non-personal strategy. The evidence that the grammatical category of degrees of comparison is not found in Ket qualitative adjectives is provided. The comparative and superlative notions are expressed by the syntactic constructions formed on the basis of adjectival qualitative predicates.
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Royauté, Jean, and Paul Sabatier. "Contraintes d’ordre dans les groupes nominaux prédicatifs." Ordre des mots et topologie de la phrase française 29, no. 1 (2006): 163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.29.1.14roy.
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In this paper we try to explicit the specific and non specific constraints that govern the order of the constituents in French predicative noun phrases and compare them with those that govern the constituents of associated verbal clauses.
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Bakir, Murtadha J. "The multifunctionality of fii in Gulf Pidgin Arabic." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 29, no. 2 (2014): 410–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.29.2.08bak.
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The paper is a descriptive account of the various grammatical functions of the particle fii in the grammar of Gulf Pidgin Arabic, the contact system that has developed in the Arab countries of the Arabian Gulf for use between the Arabic-speaking native citizens and the expatriate workforce in these countries. It aims at discussing the grammatical multifunctionality of this element and the factors behind the expansion of its grammatical functions, when it was adopted from the lexifier Gulf Arabic. In Gulf Arabic, fii is used as a preposition and as an existential predicate. When it was adopted into GPA, fii also assumed the role of a possession marker and predication marker in non-verbal subject-predicate sentences and sentences with verbal predicates. A similar expansion in grammatical roles has affected its negative counterpart maafii, which is used as a negative of fii in its role as an existential predicate in Gulf Arabic. In GPA the use of maafii has also been expanded so that it is now used as a universal negator in the language, regardless of the predicate or sentence type. The paper investigates the factors that motivated this extension in the uses of fii/maafii and argues that it is not transfer-induced. Rather, language-internal motivation and universal tendencies are more legitimate candidates for the forces lying behind this process.
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Zhang, Niina Ning. "Appearance and Existence in Mandarin Chinese." Studies in Chinese Linguistics 40, no. 2 (2019): 101–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scl-2019-0004.
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Abstract In Mandarin Chinese, the string of three overt elements in a row, a locative, a verb, and a nominal, asserts the existence of the entity denoted by the nominal in the location. This paper argues that the verb is contained in an adjunct, whereas the locative in its base position and the nominal establish a matrix predication relation. Thus, instead of the overt verb, the head of the matrix predicate of the construction is null. Moreover, a new analysis is provided to explain the obligatory argument sharing between the verb and the matrix predication of the construction. Furthermore, the paper argues that the agent of a transitive verb in certain types of embedded clauses needs to be Case-licensed by either the v of the selecting verb, as in an ECM construction, or a local c-commanding functional element, such as a complementizer, as in the English infinitive for construction. This Case-licensing explains why the transitive verb in the string has no agent. The research shows that the syntactic strategies to license abstract Cases in Chinese are similar to the ones found in other languages. Finally, the paper argues that the post-verbal -zhe is an adessive marker when it occurs in a non-progressive context.
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Баранова, Влада Вячеславовна. "CHUVASH NEGATION MARKER MAR." Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology, no. 4(30) (December 30, 2020): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2307-6119-2020-4-9-17.
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Статья посвящена показателю отрицания mar в чувашском языке. Данное описание основано на полевых материалах экспедиций в с. Малое Карачкино Ядринского района Республики Чувашия в 2017–2019 гг. — элицитированных примерах и текстах, и отражает, прежде всего, особенности малокарачкинского говора верхового диалекта чувашского языка. Постпозитивный показатель отрицания mar с узкой сферой действия непосредственно следует за отрицаемым именем. В неглагольных предложениях показатель отрицания mar выступает в качестве (квази)-связки и находится в конце высказывания. Круг значений mar составляют отрицание признака, отрицание идентификации объекта или сомнений в истинности/пригодности номинации, что характерно для аскриптивного отрицания. Другой контекст употребления связан с использованием показателя mar в зоне глагольного отрицания с некоторыми нефинитными формами: инфинитивом на ma-, формой на -malla, причастием будущего времени на -as и его формой -asʂən. В статье подробно рассматриваются употребление mar как неглагольного отрицания и примеры использования в глагольных предложениях. Хотя основная задача статьи состоит в описании полевых материалов автора, дополнительно функции чувашского маркера отрицания mar рассматриваются в контексте показателей отрицания в других тюркских языках. Показатель отрицания mar сопоставляется с формами, выражающими семантику аскриптивного отрицания в других тюркских языках, прежде всего южной Сибири. Кратко рассматриваются показатели аскриптивного отрицания, родственные чувашскому mar (тувинское eves, хакасское nimes и др.), и неродственные формы (тат., башк. tügel, тур. degil). Семантика этих показателей во многом сходна с чув. mar, однако периферийные употребления и набор конструкций на основе показателя аскриптивного отрицания различаются. Данный предварительный очерк показывает значимость внутригенетической и ареальной типологии показателей именного отрицания. The paper deals with negation markers mar in Chuvash in the context of negation markers in non-verbal predication in other Turkic variesties. The field data (elicited example and texts) were collected in Maloye Karachkino, Yadrinsky District, Chuvash Republic in 2017–2019, so the study concerns the Maloye Karachkino (or Poshkart) dialect. The paper describes in details the uses of negation marker mar and it claims that the negation marker mar has functions of astrictive negation conveying the meanings of identification and attribute of an object. It also negates some locative contexts. The other type of uses concerns with an intrusion of the negation marker mar into the negation of verbal predication. The negation marker mar occurs with some non-finite forms (the future participle on -as-, the infinitive ending on –ma- and the form on -malla). The paper aims to analyze the negation marker mar in Chuvash and additionally put it in the context of Volga and Siberia Turkic languages. There are related negation markers (eves in the Tuvinian language, emes in Tofa, nimes in Khakas and others) in Siberian Turkic languages and non-related ascriptive negation markers (tügel in Tatar and Bashkir, degil in Turkish). As evidenced by different corpora of Turkic languages in Sibiria and Volga, such negation markers have the same core semantic covering ascriptive negation. Their extensional meanings are, however, different, as well as their grammatical features. Thus, this short description may be first step to further research of microtypology of non-verbal negation.
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Madariaga, Nerea. "Formal mismatches and functional advantage in syntactic change." Diachronica 29, no. 2 (2012): 231–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.29.2.05mad.
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This paper relies on the idea that syntactic change stems from linguistic factors that are different in nature and, consequently, trigger different results. Specifically, I distinguish the causes, processes and results related to two different kinds of syntactic change, a ‘formal’ type of change vs. a ‘functional’ one. The hypotheses pursued here are the following: (i) Mismatches between the formal features a learner has acquired and certain data she receives during the language acquisition period lead to a syntactic change type, which restructures completely the syntactic derivation involved; (ii) The advantage of parsing one variant over parsing another triggers a different kind of change, namely one that affects specific instances or uses / registers of the crucial syntactic structure. To illustrate this, I analyze the role of functional advantage and formal changes in the historical development of the case system of Russian non-verbal predication.
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Odria, Ane. "Differential Object Marking and the nature of dative Case in Basque varieties*." Linguistic Variation 14, no. 2 (2014): 289–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.14.2.03odr.
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This article analyzes the nature of Differential Object Marking (DOM) in Basque varieties. It demonstrates that, despite their identical dative morphology, DOM objects display a different syntax to goal indirect objects. Based on the licensing of depictive secondary predication and on the absolutive marking of non-human and indefinite objects, it argues that DOM objects are generated in a direct rather than indirect object configuration. Moreover, given the tight relation between case and agreement in ditransitive constructions and the possibility to check Case in Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) contexts, it proposes that dative Case in DOM is structurally checked in an Agree relation against a functional head of the verbal agreement complex. The article thus identifies a different dative argument which has not been previously characterized in this manner: one that does not originate within an applicative or postpositional phrase and checks Case structurally.
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N. L. Ivanytska, N. B. Ivanytska ,. "Syntagmatic Dimension of Ukrainian and English Verbs: the Typology of Exponents of Correlation." Scientific Journal of National Pedagogical Dragomanov University. Series 9. Current Trends in Language Development, no. 17 (August 21, 2018): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/npu-nc.series9.2018.17.04.
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The paper focuses on the syntagmatic dimension of the Ukrainian and English verbs. The syntagmatics of the verbs is analysed from the cross-linguistic perspective. The approach to the bilateral contrastive study of the verbs is based on the essential notions of contemporary contrastive linguistics. The key factors determining the combinability of the word are analysed. The work contains a brief overview of the theories that differentiate syntactic, semantic and lexical syntagmatics. The factors proved that syntagmatic relations are of syncretic nature, especially within verbal classes. It is necessary to combine semantic and grammatical aspects of combinability. The work focuses on the concept of valency which is believed to be relevance for cross-linguistic analysis of syntagmatic parameters of the verbal systems. It was found out that the combinability potency of the verb determines the specificity and regularity of the syntagmatic relationships that arise in the process of functioning of the verbal systems of both the Ukrainian and English languages. The authors present typology of the formal exponents of correlation that seems promising for revealing isomorphic and allomorphic characteristics of the contrasted verbs. The exponent of correlation is believed to be an effective tool for building syntagmatic paradigm of the verbs from the contrastive perspective. The typology of the exponent of syntagmatic correlation contains non-verbalized (zero) and verbalized (non-predicative / predicative / semi-predictive, synthetic / analytic, simple / complicated, one-position / multi-positional) units that form the corresponding paradigmatic series in the comparable languages.
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Andrason, Alexander. "NOMINAL KAŊ FORM IN BASSE MANDINKA – ITS COGNITIVE MAPPING AND TAXONOMICAL STATUS (PART 1)." Lingua Posnaniensis 55, no. 1 (2013): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/linpo-2013-0001.
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Abstract The present study, divided into a series of two papers, provides a detailed empirical description and cognitive-grammaticalization analysis of the meaning of a Mandinka verbal expression compounded of the non-verbal predicator be ‘be’, a verbal noun expressing a given action and the postposition kaŋ ‘on, at’ (so-called the Nominal KAŊ form). Method: The author follows the cognitive approach to verbal semantics which consists first of determining the exact range of contextually induced senses and next of unifying such values into a consistent map based upon certain diachronic universals or grammaticalization paths. Results: The synchronic inventory of senses of the Nominal KAŊ form (i.e. progressive, continuous, progressive-iterative, iterative, habitual and durative values) shows that this construction can be mapped using the imperfective path as a template of chaining. This mapping, hypothesized on the ground of synchronic semantic evidence and typological diachronic laws, is next corroborated by the structural properties of the Nominal KAŊ locution, especially by its locative and nominal character. Conclusion: All the evidence enables the author to semantically define the NomKAŊ form as a nonadvanced imperfective path. Part 1: In the first article of the series, the author deals with methodological issues and with an empirical study where he determines the precise extent of the semantic potential of the Nominal KAŊ form.
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Andrason, Alexander. "Nominal KAŊ form in Basse Mandinka: Its cognitive mapping and taxonomical status (Part 2)." Lingua Posnaniensis 56, no. 2 (2014): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/linpo-2014-0010.
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Abstract Purpose: T he present study, divided into a series of two papers, provides a detailed empirical description and cognitive-grammaticalization analysis of the meaning of a Mandinka verbal expression compounded of the non-verbal predicator be ‘be’, a verbal noun expressing a given action and the postposition kaŋ ‘on, at’ (so-called the Nominal KAŊ form). Method: T he author follows the cognitive approach to verbal semantics which consists first of determining the exact range of contextually induced senses and next of unifying such values into a consistent map based upon certain diachronic universals or grammaticalization paths. Results: T he synchronic inventory of senses of the Nominal KAŊ form (i.e. progressive, continuous, progressive-iterative, iterative, habitual and durative values) shows that this construction can be mapped using the imperfective path as a template of chaining. This mapping, hypothesized on the ground of synchronic semantic evidence and typological diachronic laws, is next corroborated by the structural properties of the Nominal KAŊ locution, especially by its locative and nominal character. Conclusion: A ll the evidence enables the author to semantically define the NomKAŊ form as a nonadvanced imperfective-path gram. Part 1: In the second article of the series, the author designs the map of the semantic potential of the Nominal KAŊ locution and corroborates it by analyzing formal properties of this construction
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Mous, Maarten. "TAM-full object-verb order in the Mbam languages of Cameroon." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 57 (January 1, 2014): 72–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.57.2014.420.
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Nen and Nyokon are unique among the Bantu languages in allowing full nominal objects between the tense/aspect marker and the verb. Despite the fact that the two languages are neighbours and related they make different use of this positional option. In Nen the position is the default one for objects and the post-verbal position renders an object discrete and suitable for quantified objects and for contrast. In Nyokon the position before the verb is functionally equivalent to the one after the verb. The difference is related to the fact that Nyokon allows the preverbal object only in certain tenses whereas in Nen it is not restricted. But contrasted objects in Nyokon too appear after the verb. There is a construction in which both positions are filled with a constituent. This construction is modelled on a secondary predication construction.
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KRZYŻANOWSKA, MONIKA, and C. G. NICHOLAS MASCIE-TAYLOR. "BIOSOCIAL CORRELATES OF INTER-GENERATIONAL SOCIAL MOBILITY IN A BRITISH COHORT." Journal of Biosocial Science 45, no. 4 (2013): 481–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932013000035.
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SummaryThe relationship between inter-generational social mobility of sons and daughters between 1958 and 1991 and biosocial variables, i.e. birth order, number of children in family, father's social class, region, educational attainment of child and father, educational and cognitive test scores (reading, mathematics, verbal and non-verbal IQ tests), was studied in a large British cohort study. The data used were collected as part of the British National Child Development Study (NCDS). The extent of social class mobility was determined inter-generationally and was categorized as none (no change in social class between the father's and index child's social class), upwardly mobile (where the index child moved up one or more social classes compared with their father) or downwardly mobile (where the index child moved down one or more social classes compared with their father). All of the biosocial variables were associated with social mobility when analysed separately. Multivariate analyses revealed that the most significant predictor of mobility categories in both sexes was education of the cohort member, followed by social class of the father. In both sexes mathematics score was a significant predicator, while in sons reading and non-verbal IQ scores were also important predictors. In the light of these results, it appears that social mobility in Britain takes place largely on meritocratic principles.
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Savelyev, Victor S. "Indirect Speech Acts in the Speech of the Characters of the Tale of Bygone Years." Slovene 6, no. 1 (2017): 236–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2017.6.1.8.
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The article states that communication in Old Russian as well as in modern Russian discourse is characterized by the use of mono-functional and poly-functional indirect speech acts. Moreover, the important aspect that helps to specify the illocutive functions of indirect speech acts in Old Russian is their verifiability: the verbal or non-verbal response of the interlocutor as well as the frame constructions, which introduce direct speech (preposition). These constructions are also used in the middle of the utterance (interposition) or at the end of the utterance (postposition). The author of the chronicles observes the communicative purposes of both the speaker and the interlocutor, indicating that the given utterance should be regarded as an indirect speech act. By analyzing the use of mono-functional indirect speech acts in the original dialogue fragments of the Tale of Bygone Years, the author works out their typology. The groups of interrogative and non-interrogative indirect speech acts have been singled out, each of them having certain typical characteristics. The semantics of non-interrogative utterances in most cases is connected with the expression of indirect meanings of time and aspect of verbal forms. The use of interrogative utterances as indirect speech acts is mostly connected with the changes not only in the illocutive function, but also in the propositional meaning of the predicative unit: interrogative utterances with negations should be interpreted as affirmative non-interrogative utterances and vice versa. The author comes to the conclusion that the use of modern mono-functional indirect speech acts is traditional, since it is identical to their functioning in Old Russian.
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Willim, Ewa. "On inchoative states. Evidence from modification of Polish perfective psych verbs by degree quantifiers." Questions and Answers in Linguistics 3, no. 2 (2016): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qal-2016-0008.
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AbstractThe special properties that psych(ological) verbs manifest cross-linguistically have given rise to on-going debates in syntactic and semantic theorizing. Regarding their lexical aspect classification, while verbal psych predicates with the Experiencer argument mapped onto the subject (SE psych predicates) have generally been analyzed as stative, there is little agreement on what kinds of eventualities object Experiencer (OE) psych predicates describe. On the stative reading, OE psych predicates have been classified as atelic causative states. On the (non-agentive) eventive reading, they have been widely analyzed as telic change of state predicates and classified as achievements or as accomplishments. Based on Polish, Rozwadowska (2003, 2012) argues that nonagentive eventive OE psych predicates in the perfective aspect denote an onset of a state and that they are atelic rather than telic. This paper offers further support for the view that Polish perfective psych verbs do not denote a change of state, i.e., a transition from α to ¬α. The evidence is drawn from verbal comparison and the distribution of the comparative degree quantifier jeszcze bardziej ‘even more’ in perfective psych predicates. It is argued here that in contexts including jeszcze bardziej ‘even more’, the perfective predication denotes an onset of a state whose degree of intensity exceeds the comparative standard. While a degree quantifier attached to the VP in the syntax contributes a differential measure function that returns a (vague) value representing the degree to which the intensity of the Experiencer’s state exceeds the comparative standard in the event, it does not affect the event structure of the perfective verb and it does not provide the VP denotation it modifies with a final endpoint. As the perfective picks the onset of an upper open state, perfective psych predicates typically give rise to an atelic interpretation.
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Ufimtseva, Natalya V., and Olga V. Balyasnikova. "National Identity and the Associative-Verbal Network: on a Hypothesis of Yu.N. Karaulov." RUDN Journal of Language Studies, Semiotics and Semantics 12, no. 2 (2021): 238–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2299-2021-12-2-238-254.
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The article presents the results of the study dedicated to native speakers sites of memory associated with key images of the Russian national culture. The investigation was inspired by the work of French historians Les lieus de mmoire (1984), whose ideas Yuri Nikolayevich Karaulov applied to the Russian Associative Dictionary (RAD). The study was initiated with the hypothesis elaborated by Yu. N. Karaulov that the Russian national memory could be studied through associative dictionaries. This provision is based on the linguistic personality concept formulated by Yu. N. Karaulov that is regarded as a personality expressed in a language / text and can be reconstructed on the basis of linguistic means. The texts that a language personality produces reflect the peculiarities of a persons vision of the environment (worldview). The hypothesis is tested on associative fields of the toponym Moscow and the lexemes war and Sunday using the data of several associative dictionaries compiled from 1988 to the current moment, i.e., the Russian Associative Dictionary, and Yu. N. Karaulov among the authors, as well as a number of later dictionaries developed on the basis of massive associative experiments carried out in the regions of Russia. The content and structural analyses of the associative fields of stimuli Moscow , war , and Sunday show that the associative material largely reflects the discursive space of the language personality and its functioning in texts that reproduce these sites of memory in a precedent form. The latter, however, can be found as various types of reactions (predications) of a non-stereotyped nature. Therefore, the sought-for data exist in different guises, obviously depending on the historical time and the discursive experience of native speakers of a language/culture, as well as on the region of their residence. This study confirms the psycholinguistic concept of meaning (including the associative one) as a sociocultural phenomenon.
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SANTOS, JOSÉ GABRIEL TRINDADE. "FOR A NON-PREDICATIVE READING OF ESTI IN PARMENIDES, THE SOPHISTS AND PLATO." Méthexis 26, no. 1 (2013): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680974-90000612.
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The absence of grammatical subject and object in Parmenides' "it is/it is not" allows the reading of the verbal forms not as copulas but as names, with no implicit subject nor elided predicate. Once there are two only alternatives, contrary and excluding each other, sustaining that a 'no-name' does not grant knowledge implies identifying its opposite – "it is" – as the only name conducive to knowledge in itself, denouncing the 'inconceivability of a knowledge that does not know. If "it is" is the only [name] "which can be thought/known", and "what is" is the way in which 'thought/knowledge' can be accomplished, there is no need to postulate the existence of 'anything' that is, nor of anything that can be said of "what is". Being the only name which "can be thought of/known", the unifying synthesis of "knowledge, knowing and known" in one infallible cognitive state, it is unthinkable that "what is" does not exist.
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Déprez, Viviane, and Marie-Thérèse Vinet. "Predicative Constructions and Functional Categories in Haitian Creole." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 12, no. 2 (1997): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.12.2.03dep.
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This paper seeks to provide a unified analysis of the particle se in Haitian Creole, traditionally identified as an equality marker, a resumptive pronoun, or a focus marker. This study also serves to illustrate the role and the structural organization of functional projections in this non-inflected language. Under the proposed analysis, se (as well as ye, which has long been recognized as bearing a relation to se) is not a verbal copula; rather, it is a predicate forming aspectual head. A unified analysis based on general principles of UG is offered for se, appearing in predicative sentences, in nominal clefts, and in predicate cleft constructions. It is argued that in all these contexts, se always occurs with DP predicates or predicates headed by a functional head, such as CP predicates, not with any other type of predicates.
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Ranchhod, Elisabete. "Groupes nominaux négatifs issus de la réduction de verbes supports." Verbes supports 27, no. 2 (2005): 283–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.27.2.10ran.
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On the basis of general syntactic operations, within Z. S. Harris framework, we establish, for Portuguese, a syntactic relation between negative NPs, headed by a predicative noun (e.g. A não ratificação desse tratado por parte de alguns países; The non-ratification of that treaty by some countries), and negative support verb sentences (Não houve ratificação desse tratado por parte de alguns países; There was no ratification of that treaty by some countries). Support verb sentences, in turn, correspond to the nominalization of negative verbal (and adjectival) sentences (Alguns países não ratificaram esse tratado; Some countries did not ratify that treaty). Such an approach also clarifies the linguistic status of the element não (non) occurring in negative noun phrases, with predicative nouns, a linguistic fact mentioned sporadically by grammarians, and treated by lexicographers in a totally inconsistent way. Theoretical data were verified experimentally for Portuguese, English and French, on real text corpora, and the results confirm the consistency of the analysis.
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Wilmsen, David. "Croft’s cycle in Arabic: The negative existential cycle in a single language." Linguistics 58, no. 2 (2020): 493–535. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0021.
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AbstractThe negative existential cycle has been shown to be operative in several language families. Here it is shown that it also operates within a single language. It happens that the existential fī that has been adduced as an example of a type A in the Arabic of Damascus, Syria, negated with the standard spoken Arabic verbal negator mā, does not participate in a negative cycle, but another Arabic existential particle does. Reflexes of the existential particle šay(y)/šē/šī/ši of southern peninsular Arabic dialects enter into a type A > B configuration as a univerbation between mā and the existential particle ši in reflexes of maši. It also enters that configuration in others as a univerbation between mā, the 3rd-person pronouns hū or hī, and the existential particle šī in reflexes of mahūš/mahīš. At that point, the existential particle šī loses its identity as such to be reanalyzed as a negator, with reflexes of mahūš/mahīš negating all manner of non-verbal predications except existentials. As such, negators formed of reflexes of šī skip a stage B, but they re-enter the cycle at stage B > C, when reflexes of mahūš/mahīš begin negating some verbs. The consecutive C stage is encountered only in northern Egyptian and southern Yemeni dialects. An inchoate stage C > A appears only in dialects of Lower Egypt.
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IVOVA, Nadelina. "BIBLICAL PHRASEOLOGICAL UNITS IN BULGARIAN AND POLISH (A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS IN THE AREA OF NON-PREDICATIVE EXPRESSIONS)." Ezikov Svyat (Orbis Linguarum) 17, no. 2 (2019): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/ezs.swu.v17.i2.6.
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The paper presents a short contrastive analysis of phraseological units in the Bulgarian and the Polish language, which have Biblical origin. The text is focused on non-predicative expressions (i.e., it deals with semantic, formal and stylistic features of expressions with no verbal component) and observes their variation of the meaning following as a context their contribution in Bulgarian and Polish resources. In this respect, the first part of the article represents the similarities between Bulgarian and Polish Biblical Phraseological Units. The units under observation here are grouped in pairs, depending on the general element they contain. Mainly, that is an onomastic element with symbolic meaning and it is a kind of reference to the Old or New Testament. In the second part of the present text, Biblical expressions share one and the same symbolic element, but they have different semantics and structure. The compared constructions are based on different aspects of the symbol and they have different connotative potential. That part has a main function to highlight that both – Bulgarian and Polish language, using the same Biblical element could make completely different phraseological units. Despite the genetic relations of the two Slavic languages, the cited constructions are formed by Bulgarian and Polish cultural and religious experience.
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Wasak, Sebastian. "Structure constrains in Polish and English adjectival synthetic compounds." Linguistics Beyond and Within (LingBaW) 6 (December 30, 2020): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/lingbaw.11839.
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The subject matter of this paper is the external syntax of adjectival synthetic compounds in Polish (e.g. czasochłonny, ciepłolubny, opiniotwórczy, etc.) and English (life-giving, sleep-inducing, far-reaching, etc.). The primary objective of the study is to determine whether -ny/-czy/-ły compounds in Polish and adjectival -ing compounds in English, whose heads appear to be derived from verbs, are deverbal in the sense of Distributed Morphology; that is, whether their external syntax points to the presence of complex verbal structure in their syntactic representation. It is shown that adjectival synthetic compounds in Polish and English behave in a way typical of underived adjectives, being unrestricted in the predicative position and allowing degree modification with very; as such they are not deverbal in the morphosyntactic sense with their syntactic representation lacking the functional heads vP and VoiceP found in deverbal structures. The limited productivity of adjectival synthetic compounds further contributes to their non-eventive status.
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Galdi, Giovanbattista. "Verbi a supporto nel latino tardo: il caso di facio." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (2020): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.15.
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SummarySupport verb constructions are documented throughout the history of Latin. These syntagms are characterized by the presence of a support verb with a more or less reduced semantic force, and a predicative (abstract or verbal) noun that often constitutes its direct object. The present contribution deals, specifically, with the use of facio as a support verb (as in bellum facere, iter facere, insidias facere etc.), focussing on the post-classical and late period. Two main questions shall be discussed: (a) whether, and if so, how facio becomes more productive in later centuries in both non-Christian and Christian sources; (b) what type of semantic evolution the verb undergoes in later Latin and whether, in this respect, continuity or rupture should be assumed with regard to the earlier period. This last point will enable us to suggest a more convincing explanation of an often-quoted passage of Cicero (Phil. 3. 22), in which the expression contumeliam facere is found.
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GINZBURG, JONATHAN, and DIMITRA KOLLIAKOU. "Answers without questions: The emergence of fragments in child language." Journal of Linguistics 45, no. 3 (2009): 641–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226709990053.
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Non-sentential utterances (NSUs), utterances that lack an overt verbal (more generally predicative) constituent, are common in adult speech. This paper presents the results of a corpus study of the emergence of certain classes of NSUs in child language, based primarily on data from the Manchester Corpus from CHILDES. Our principal finding is the late short query effect: the main classes of non-sentential queries (NSQs) are acquired much later than non-sentential answers (NSAs). At a stage when the child has productive use of sentential queries, and has mastered elliptical declaratives and the polar lexemes ‘yes’ and ‘no’, non-sentential questions are virtually absent. This happens despite the fact that such questions are common in the speech of the child's caregivers and that the contexts are ones which should facilitate the production of such NSUs. We argue that these results are intrinsically problematic for analyses of NSUs in terms of a single, generalized mechanism of phonological reduction, as standard in generative grammar. We show how to model this effect within an approach of dialogue-oriented constructionism, wherein NSUs are grammatical words or constructions whose main predicate is a contextual parameter resolved in a manner akin to indexical terms, the relevant aspect of context being the discourse topic. We sketch an explanation for the order of acquisition of NSUs, based on a notion which combines accessibility of contextual parameters and complexity of content construction.
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Galdi, Giovanbattista. "On the use of facio as support verb in late and Merovingian Latin." Journal of Latin Linguistics 17, no. 2 (2018): 231–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/joll-2018-0011.
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Abstract Support verb constructions are documented throughout the history of Latin as well as other (typologically also irrelated) languages. As shown in several studies, such constructions are characterized by the presence of a support verb exhibiting a more or less reduced semantic force, and a predicative (abstract or verbal) noun that often constitutes its direct object. The present contribution deals, specifically, with the use of facio as support verb (as in bellum facere, iter facere, insidias facere, etc.), focussing on the post-classical and late period. In particular, three questions shall be investigated: (i) whether, and if yes, how facio increases its popularity in later centuries both in non-Christian and Christian sources; (ii) how is the spread of use of facio-support verb constructions in the Mulomedicina Chironis and in the Itinerarium Egeriae to be accounted for; (iii) what type of semantic evolution does the verb undergo in later Latin and whether, in this respect, continuity or rupture should be assumed with regard to the archaic and classical periods. This last point will enable us to suggest a more convincing explanation for an often-quoted passage of Cicero (Phil. 3,22), in which the construction contumeliam facere occurs.
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Koide, Goro. "Verbal and non-verbal communication." TRENDS IN THE SCIENCES 8, no. 3 (2003): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5363/tits.8.3_28.
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Fleischhauer, Jens, and Adrian Czardybon. "The role of verbal prefixes and particles in aspectual composition." Studies in Language 40, no. 1 (2016): 176–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.40.1.06hel.
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In this paper we provide an analysis of the function of Polish verbal prefixes and German verbal particles in aspectual composition of incremental theme predicates (ITP) such as eat and drink. Incremental theme verbs (e.g. eat, drink) are well known for the fact that the referential properties of the incremental theme arguments (ITA) affect the telicity of the whole predication. In the Slavic languages, only prefixed incremental theme verbs result in a telic predication. Since in many cases prefixed verbs are perfective, it is often assumed that telicity results from perfectivity. We argue that grammatical aspect is not necessary for achieving a telic ITP, since there are perfective ITPs that do not result in a telic predication. Rather (a)telicity is dependent on the semantic content of the verbal prefix.
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Tortora, Suzi. "Verbal and non-verbal communication in psychotherapy." Body, Movement and Dance in Psychotherapy 11, no. 4 (2016): 309–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17432979.2016.1181104.
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Talmon-Chvaicer, Maya. "Verbal and Non-Verbal Memory in Capoeira." Sport in Society 7, no. 1 (2004): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461098042000220182.
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Davidse, Kristin, and Nele Olivier. "English middles with mental and verbal predicates." English Text Construction 1, no. 2 (2008): 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/etc.1.2.02dav.
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In this article we investigate whether verbs of perception, affection, cognition and verbalization can be construed in the English middle voice against (at least partial) claims to the contrary such as Fellbaum (1986), Keyser and Roeper (1984), Quirk et al. (1985). We view the middle as a modal statement about the conduciveness of the subject entity to action on or with it by the implied agent in the way specified by the predication (Heyvaert 2003, Davidse and Heyvaert 2007). Examples with mental and verbal predicates that correspond to this definition were found in data extracted from the COBUILD corpus as well as from the Internet. We then propose that, on the basis of Halliday’s (1994) description of process types and their participant roles, mental and verbal middles can be classified into five subtypes, containing respectively: (1) verbal predicates, e.g. The stories narrate easily, (2) please-type mental predicates, e.g. You astonish easily, (3) like-type mental predicates, e.g. Two-line display sees easily, (4) perception predicates used in attributive mode, e.g. That cheese smells nice, and (5) verbal predicates used in identifying mode, e.g. Xitaqua pronounces chi-ta-qua. We also investigate to what extent these subtypes instantiate the characteristics of core middles, viz. letting modality, conducive subject and specification by the predication of the way the process is carried out