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1
THAM, SHIAO WEI. "Change of state verbs and result state adjectives in Mandarin Chinese." Journal of Linguistics 49, no. 3 (October 17, 2013): 647–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226713000261.
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This paper investigates the derivational relationship between adjectives and verbs in Mandarin Chinese describing related state, change of state (COS) and caused COS meanings. Such paradigms have been observed in various languages to fall into two categories: One in which a word naming a property concept state constitutes the derivational base for the related COS verbs, and another in which a COS verb forms the basis from which the stative word – a ‘result state’ predicate – is derived. I show that in Mandarin, the distinction between morphological paradigms based on property-concept words versus eventive verbs is also found, but the actual derivational relations between verbs and adjectives are influenced by language-particular morphological properties of Mandarin. Specifically, I argue that a gradable property concept adjective systematically alternates to a related COS verb. This alternation, which can be tapped by degree modification and negation contexts, distinguishes adjectives from stative verbs, which do not have consistent COS counterparts, and from underived intransitive COS verbs, which do not have systematic stative counterparts. That is, I show that COS verbs do not lend themselves to the systematic derivation of result state adjectives. Rather, I argue that result state adjectives in Mandarin arise from conceptual-pragmatic factors: The nominal modified by such a result state adjective should be understood as describing a culturally or contextually salient class of entities.
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Wright, Saundra K. "Transitivity and Change of State Verbs." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 28, no. 1 (August 14, 2002): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v28i1.3849.
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In this paper, I argue that semantic and pragmatic properties—as opposed to syntactic properties—are responsible for the variability found with transitive uses of change of state verbs. In particular, a variety of factors combine together to determine the argument expression options associated with an individual verb. These factors include controllability (the degree to which an event can be externally manipulated), causer type (whether the event is human driven or nonhuman driven), and subject-modification (whether the causer is in a modified or unmodified form). Finally, I argue that it is possible to predict how acceptable a verb sounds in a transitive construction by a statistical model that combines and weights these different factors.
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Norvik, Miina. "Change-of-state predicates and their use for expressing the future: the case of Livonian." Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics 5, no. 1 (July 1, 2014): 117–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/jeful.2014.5.1.07.
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The present article considers change-of-state predicates in Livonian and their possible development into future copulas. The focus is on the verbs īedõ ‘remain, stay; become’, sǭdõ ‘get; become’, and līdõ (synchronically a future copula), but also the verbs tūlda ‘come’ and lǟdõ ‘go’ are included for comparative purposes. The results show that all five verbs can be used for expressing change of state, but it depends on the particular verb and underlying construction, whether conveying the sense ‘become’ is a central or only a marginal function. This study shows that Courland Livonian fits well to the general picture of Northern Europe where the present tense form of a verb with meaning ‘become’ can be used for marking the future time reference, and at least one verb – līdõ – also appears as a future copula.Kokkuvõte. Miina Norvik: Muutust väljendavad predikaadid liivi keeles ning nende kasutamine tuleviku väljendamisel. Siinne artikkel analüüsib muutust märkivaid verbe liivi keeles ning nende võimalikku arengut tulevikukoopulaks. Põhirõhk on verbidel līdõ (sünkrooniliselt tulevikukoopula), sǭdõ ‘saada’ ja īedõ ‘jääda, saada’, kuid võrdluseks on vaadeldud ka verbe tūlda ‘tulla’ ja lǟdõ ‘minna’. Artiklis näidatakse, et kuigi kõik need viis verbi võivad esineda muutust väljendavana, on verbiti ja ühtlasi konstruktsiooniti erinev, kas muutuse väljendamine on esmane või üksnes marginaalne funktsioon. Uurimusest selgub, et kõige rahvapärasem ning üldisema tähendusega muutusverb liivi keeles on īedõ ‘jääda, saada’, mis siseneb translatiivsesse muutuskonstruktsiooni. Teine sage muutusverb on sǭdõ ‘saada’, kuid selle kasutamises võib vähemalt osaliselt tunda kontaktkeelte mõju, näiteks eelistatakse verbi sǭdõ ‘saada’ tarvitada muutuse väljendamiseks usulistes tekstides. Edasist arengut tulevikoopulaks näitab siiski vaid līdõ, mis ennekõike väljendab tulevikus olemist, kuigi tagaplaanil on sageli tunda ka muutuse tähendust ning ajaline tähenduselement põimub üldjuhul modaalse tähenduselemendiga.Märksõnad: seisundimuutus, koopulad, tuleviku väljendamine, Kuramaa liivi keelKubbõvõttõks. Miina Norvik: Mȭitõksvärbõd līvõ kīelsõ ja nänt kȭlbatõmi tulbiz āiga ulzkītõmiz pierāst. Se kēra tuņšlõb mȭitõksvärbidi līvõ kīelsõ ja nänt tultõkst tulbiz āiga kopulaks. Pǟažālistõz um vaņţõltõd värbidi līdõ, sǭdõ ja īedõ. Nēḑi um tazāntõd värbõdõks tūlda ja lǟdõ. Amād vīž värbõ võibõd ulzkītõ mȭitõkst. Vȱldantõs värbstõ ja konstruktsijst, või se um pǟtǟtõks agā set kūorali tǟntõks. Tuņšlõks nägțõb, ku amā rovvīți mȭitõksvärb um īedõ, mis sōb kȭlbatõd konstruktsijs translatīvõks. Tuoi sagdi mȭitõksvärb um sǭdõ, bet se um lieudtõb emmit vaimližis tekstis. Võib vȱlda, ku se um kontaktkīeld mȯj. Kazāndõkst mȭitõks > tulbiz āiga kopula nägțõb set līdõ. Se kītõb pakāndim vȯlmizt, bet vel võib se kītõ mȭitõkst ja modālizt tǟntõkst.
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Gurevich, D. L. "Correlation of grammatical and semantic parameters in portuguese change-of-state verbs." Philology at MGIMO 7, no. 2 (July 6, 2021): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2021-2-26-38-52.
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Verbs denoting change of state are a semantic-syntactic universal as they share common patterns in languages of different types. One of such patterns is their ability to take part in causative-inchoative alternation when one and the same situation codified by certain language units can be seen both from the viewpoint of the actor vs recipient (transitive model) and from the viewpoint of the recipient only, provided that the recipient is the only agent in the verb’s structure (inchoative model), unlike in passive constructions. In causative-inchoative alternation situations these verbs choose one of the three alternation types: a) suppletive (matar – morrer), b) anticausative, when the inchoative meaning is codified morphologically with the help of the pronominal particle se (espantar – espantar-se) and c) labile, when the inchoative meaning is optionally marked by se without any change in grammaticality or semantics. The present paper argues that the choice of pronominal or non-pronominal form of the verb in the inchoative meaning with an inanimate subject (A janela (se) quebrou) depends on the parameter of animate / inanimate subject in the corresponding transitive construction and, to a certain extent, on the graduality inherent to the verb’s semantics (the acceptability of quantification). It is also shown that Brasilian Portuguese reveals the tendency to realize the labile type of alternation when the subject of the inchoative verb is inanimate; in Old Portuguese, on the contrary, the anticausative type (marked by se) was more frequent.
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Chen, Jidong. "“He killed a chicken, but it didn’t die”." Chinese Language and Discourse 9, no. 2 (December 13, 2018): 136–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cld.17007.che.
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Abstract Mandarin contrasts typologically with English in its lexicalization of state change (Talmy 2000). The majority of Mandarin monomorphemic verbs is moot about or implies a state change, whereas English has many monomorphemic verbs (e.g. kill) that entail a state change. This study investigates empirically the nuanced lexicalization of state-change implicature in Mandarin monomorphemic verbs and its implications for the linguistic typology of encoding state change. Two experiments were conducted with adult native Mandarin speakers: a rating task about the acceptability of sentences that expressed a failure of fulfilment of a state-change (e.g. Zhangsan sha le ji, ke shi ji mei si ‘Zhangsan killed a chicken, but it didn’t die’) and a multiple-choice task that probed the preferred interpretation of monomorphemic state-change verbs. The results of both studies reveal a significant effect of verb types and post hoc comparisons show a cline of state-change implicature in the target verbs.
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Labelle, Marie. "Change of state and valency." Journal of Linguistics 28, no. 2 (September 1992): 375–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700015267.
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The goal of this article is twofold. First, I explore the hypothesis that a number of regularities in the distribution of the two types of inchoative constructions with verbs of change of state in French, the superficially intransitive construction and the reflexive construction (illustrated in (1)–(3)), can be captured by an analysis whereby monovalent verbs of change of state may project the Patient argument to the subject or to the object position. When the Patient argument is projected to the subject position (as in (1a) and (3a)), the construction is unergative. When it is projected to the object position, the construction is unaccusative (as in (1b)–(3b)). Verbs of change of state in French diner as to whether they may enter an intransitive inchoative construction (1), a reflexive inchoative construction (2) or both (3).
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Eddington, David. "Disambiguating Spanish Change of State Verbs." Hispania 85, no. 4 (December 2002): 921. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141261.
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Willim, Ewa. "On Scalarity in the Verbal Domain. The Case of Polish Psych Verbs. Part 1: Polish Perfective Psych Verbs and Their Prefixes." Studies in Polish Linguistics 15, no. 4 (December 22, 2020): 221–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.20.010.13163.
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Polish perfective psych verbs are generally analyzed as inceptive predicates focusing the beginning of an emotional state holding of an experiencer. However, a perfective psych verb can also denote an event of gradual scalar change. In this paper, I argue that on the inceptive reading a perfective psych predicate denotes a transition from a state in which p does not hold to a state in which p holds of an experiencer. In events of gradual change, there is an increase in the degree on the scale of intensity of a given psych state or on the (abstract) extent scale contributed by a verb’s argument. As the internal temporal structure of the events denoted by perfective psych predicates can depend on elements of syntactic context outside the verb, the domain of aspectual composition in Polish is not the verb, pace Rothstein (2020), but VoiceP/vP.
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Norvik, Miina. "The expression of change-of-state in the Finnic languages." Open Linguistics 6, no. 1 (June 7, 2020): 171–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opli-2020-0013.
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AbstractThe present article studies verbs that are used to convey change-of-state in the Finnic languages: “to come”, “to go”, “to remain/stay”, “to get”, “will be”, “to make/do”, and “to be born/give birth”. These are polysemous core verbs, which can be expected to be integrated in constructions with (new) generalized grammatical meaning. As will be shown, in order to convey change-of-state typically they occur in constructions that either mark the goal and the source or leave both unmarked. In addition, change can be associated with experiential, existential, and possessive constructions, which also enable to shed more light on the development of the above-mentioned verbs, including the possible development change-of-state → future. The article demonstrates that each Finnic language uses several verbs from the list presented above, but there are differences in what are the most commonly used ones and in what kind of constructions they occur. In some languages, there is a general change-of-state verb, which also appears as a future copula if there is no competing future copula. In the case of Estonian, Finnish, and Livonian, the results of previous studies on change-of-state predicates were used; for the other Finnic languages, a separate data set was compiled using various collections of texts.
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Harris, Alice C. "Light verbs as classifiers in Udi." Diachrony of Complex Predication 25, no. 2 (September 8, 2008): 213–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.25.2.05har.
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In Udi, most verbal lexemes are composed, in all tense-aspect-mood categories, of a light verb and an ‘initial’. It is argued here that in the first stage of this development, simplex verbs were juxtaposed with focused constituents. In the second stage, initials and verbs formed compounds, and this pattern spread beyond those that had once involved focus. In the third stage, the subject of this paper, light verbs become classifiers, classifying the verb type — inchoatives, other unaccusatives, unergatives, transitive verbs of inherently directed motion, transitive change-of-state verbs, other transitives. I argue also that the classes identified by (some of) the light verbs have not become less semantically motivated; rather the semantics has shifted from a relatively narrow meaning to one of the three major classes.
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Li, Wenchao. "Multi-verb constructions in Old Chinese and Middle Chinese." Asia-Pacific Language Variation 4, no. 1 (September 17, 2018): 103–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aplv.16013.li.
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Abstract Multiple verb constructions have been studied intensively in Chinese. However, given the typological differences between the Indo-European languages and Chinese, it is no surprise that the application of a ‘Western’ notion, namely ‘serial verb construction’ (SVC), has caused much debate. This study provides a working definition of ‘SVC’ in Old Chinese and then turns to diachronic issues, for example, the combinatorial possibilities of multiple verbs in Old Chinese, pre-Middle Chinese, and Middle Chinese, clarifying which kind of complex constructions may be regarded as verb serialising and which as verb compounding. With this in place, the study approaches an understanding of the evolution of multiple verb formations in Chinese. The finding reveals that multiple verbs in Old Chinese are combined via verb serialisation. Six combinatorial possibilities are confirmed: (a) unergative V + unergative V; (b) transitive V + unaccusative V; (c) unaccusative V + unaccusative V (change of state); (d) unergative V + unaccusative V; (e) transitive V + transitive V; (f) unaccusative V + unaccusative V (motion). These can be further classified into two groups: Group I: (a)–(d) are successive SVCs; Group II: (e)–(f) are coordinate SVCs. In pre-Middle Chinese, there are signs of verb compounding. The occurrence of disyllabic word roots in the Early Han Dynasty as well as (de)grammaticalisation may be responsible for this. In Middle Chinese, the grammaticalisation of transitive change-of-state verbs, and the degrammaticalisation of motion verbs, led to three different lexical categories: (a) partial intransitive change-of-state verbs turned into resultative complements (resulting in [transitive V + unaccusative V] SVC transiting into predicate-complement V-V (change-of-state)); (b) partial motion verbs degrammaticalised and turned into directional complements (resulting in [unergative V + unaccusative V] SVC transiting into predicate-complement V-V (motion)); and (c) the first verb in [coordinate SVC] receives preverbalisation (giving rise to modifier-predicate V-V).
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CHEN, JIDONG. "When transparency doesn't mean ease: learning the meaning of resultative verb compounds in Mandarin Chinese." Journal of Child Language 44, no. 3 (April 14, 2016): 695–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000916000192.
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AbstractChildren have to figure out the lexicalization of meaning components in learning verb semantics (e.g. Behrens, 1998; Gentner, 1982; Tomasello & Brooks, 1998). The meaning of an English state-change verb (e.g. break) is divided into two portions (i.e. cause and result), respectively encoded with a separate verb in a Mandarin resultative verb compound (RVC). The majority of Mandarin monomorphemic verbs do not specify any realization of a state change (like hunt), or only imply it (like wash) (Talmy, 2000). This study examines the acquisition of the constructional meaning of RVCs and the semantic division of labor between the component verbs. Four groups of Mandarin-learning children (aged 2;6, 3;6, 4;6, and 6;1) participated in an elicitation experiment. The results reveal that, although transparency in form facilitates their learning of the state-change meanings of RVCs, Mandarin children have difficulties in unpacking the meanings of individual verbs, revealing language-specific learning issues.
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Fábregas, Antonio. "Los verbos adimensionales." Revue Romane / Langue et littérature. International Journal of Romance Languages and Literatures 55, no. 1 (March 29, 2018): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rro.17018.fab.
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Abstract The goal of this article is the analysis of the empirical properties of change of state verbs which do not specifiy lexically the dimension where change operates – such as aumentar ‘increase’, reducir ‘reduce’, acrecentar ‘increase’ –, and also to examine the theoretical consequences that this class has for our understanding of argument structure, the distinction between light and non-light predicates and the interconnection of structural and conceptual semantics. We will show that these verbs, which we label ‘adimensional predicates’ are sharply different from prototypical change of state verbs, and we argue that their existence supports a distinction between the syntactic structure of a verb of change of state and the conceptual operation that anchors the change to a specific cognitive domain.
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Li, Wenchao. "On Middle Construction in Japanese." International Journal of English Linguistics 7, no. 6 (September 16, 2017): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v7n6p47.
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This study uncovers Japanese middle constructions based on the approach of “distributed morphology”. The findings reveal that adjunct is obligatory in Japanese middles. Two types of grammatical elements contribute to the adjunct: suffix and adverbs. The suffix yasui corresponds to English “able”. The case of the subject must be nominative, i.e., が. Once verbs are attached by the suffix yasui, their part of speech transits from verb into adjective. The new lexicon predicates an inherent property of the subject. Regarding middles with adjuncts rendered by adverbs, two subtypes are confirmed: the na-adjective formed adverb 簡単に kantan ni, and the i-adjective formed adverb よく yoku. The former is produced by the na-adjective 簡単 with the copular に. The latter is formed by the i-adjective よい with the predicate く ku. The mechanisms of the constructions rendered by the two are similar. Furthermore, unlike English middles, where non change-of-state verbs are ruled out, there is no distinct lexical category of middle verb Japanese. Rather, six groups of verbs are compatible: (a) motion verbs; (b) change-of-state verbs; (c) action verbs; (d) perception verbs; (e) stative verbs; and (f) accomplishment verbs. Crucially, such generosity does not result from the adjuncts. It is the “potential form” of verbs that enables psychological and perception verbs to be licensed in Japanese middles.
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Prendushi, Gjilda Alimhilli. "Verbal Groups of Telic Action in Albanian Language." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 3 (January 21, 2017): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v4i3.p43-48.
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In this article I introduce and analyze the syntactic behaviour (compatibility and restrictions) of achievement and accomplishment verbs in standard Albanian, according to Aktionsart. The Aktionsart is a system of classification of verbs into verbal classes morphologically distinct from each other, in which at the basic meaning of the verb are added different values of space, quality, etc. The accomplishments and achievements in Albanian have comparable action meaning and syntactic behavior, such as to justify their inclusion in the class of telic verbs. A telic verb is that one which presents an action or event as being completed in some manner. On the other hand, these two subclasses of telics are also characterized on the basis of a series of distinctive elements that lead us to lay a certain distinction between them. An accomplishment verb is a form that expresses that something or someone has undergone a change in state as the result of the completion of an event. On the other side an achievement verbs express an instant action that changes the state of the subject. By using the categories and procedures of textual linguistics I focus on the semantic and syntactic features of some groups of verbs.
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Mijeeva, Natalia A. "Semantic peculiarities of the verbs in the syntactic constructions used to describe emotional states in Spanish." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 3 (September 28, 2016): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-3-79-88.
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This article is dedicated to investigation of the syntactic constructions describing emotional state of a person in Spanish: constructions with verba sentiendi, constructions with change of the empathy, causative constructions. These constructions have a determinate semantic structure which includes a predicate name of emotion and a verb. Different classifications of the verbs used in the above mentioned syntactic constructions are expounded and their semantic peculiarities are analysed in the article.
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Luo, Han. "English transitive particle verbs." Cognitive Linguistic Studies 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 330–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cogls.00008.luo.
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Abstract Adopting the Cognitive Linguistic (CL) framework, this study focuses on the particle placement phenomenon of English transitive particle verbs and its relationship with idiomaticity. Construal is argued to play a key role in determining which order a transitive particle verb should take. When a caused motion event or state change event is construed sequentially, the discontinuous order is taken to emphasize the final resultant state of the object. When the holistic construal is taken to view the same situation, the continuous order is adopted to profile the object or the interaction between the subject and the object. The holistic construal requires two conditions. First, the particle has a dynamic sense. It can designate both the process and the endpoint of motion. Second, the final state denoted by the particle is directly caused by the action denoted by the verb. In contrast, the sequential construal is allowed as long as a causal link can be established between the two participants under discussion or between the verb and the state change of one participant. In addition, the present study argues that the particle placement of idiomatic particle verbs depends on the processes in which the particle verb has developed its idiomaticity. If the idiomatic meaning develops from the inference associated with the sequential construal, the discontinuous order is preferred. On the other hand, if the idiomatic meaning is based on the holistic construal, the continuous order is then preferred. Moreover, item-by-item analyses of particle verbs that only allow one order listed in the Collins COBUILD Dictionary of Phrasal Verbs provide corpus-based support to the CL view of the relationship between construal, particle placement, and idiomaticity proposed in this study.
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Vera, Gabriel. "On Derived Change of State Verbs in Southern Aymara." Languages 6, no. 1 (February 6, 2021): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6010028.
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There are two main approaches to change of state verbs. One adopts an approach in terms of a total change (becomeP, for base predicate P), i.e., a change from not being in the extension of the base predicate to being in it. The other adopts an approach in terms of a relative change (becomemore P, for base predicate P), i.e., a change for a theme in which it increases in the extent to which it holds the property denoted by the base predicate. Different languages have been analyzed using one or the other approach. I argue that both proposals are actually appropriate for analyzing related but not (completely) overlapping phenomena in the domain of derived change of state verbs in the very same language. This proposal is based on the discussion of change of state verbs in Southern Aymara that are derived with the suffixes -pta and -ra. I show that verbs with -pta convey the meaning of total change and that verbs with -ra convey the meaning of relative change. I further discuss how expressions with -pta and -ra interact: expressions with -ra implicate that the theme does not change from not being in the extension of the base to being in it. I propose an account in terms of scalar implicatures in which -pta and -ra are lexical alternatives, thus extending the domain of linguistic phenomena for which the computation of scalar implicatures is relevant.
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McKoon, Gail, and Talke Macfarland. "Externally and Internally Caused Change of State Verbs." Language 76, no. 4 (December 2000): 833. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417201.
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Henderson, Robert. "Quantizing scalar change." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 23 (August 24, 2013): 473. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v23i0.2674.
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This paper provides a new analysis of N-BY-N adverbials that captures their previously unrecognized close connection to verbs of scalar change. After providing a series of arguments that N-BY-N modification requires the VP to provide a scalar interval it can measure, we use this as novel evidence that incremental theme verbs, as well as inherently directed motion and change of state verbs, must make reference to scales. The analysis thus supports a unified scalar account of verbs of variable telicity (e.g., Hay, Kennedy & Levin 1999; Kennedy & Levin 2008; Kennedy 2012). Finally, we show that our analysis avoids empirical problems for previous approaches to these adverbials in both English (Beck & von Stechow 2007; Brasoveanu & Henderson 2009) and Russian (Braginsky & Rothstein 2008).
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Ibarretxe-Antuñano, Iraide, and Fátima Cheikh-Khamis. "“How to become a woman without turninginto a Barbie”: Change-of-state verbconstructions and their role in Spanish as a Foreign Language." International Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching 57, no. 1 (February 25, 2019): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iral-2018-2008.
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AbstractPseudo-copulative change-of-state (PCOS) verbs are predicates that involve a change in the composition of an entity undergoing a particular event. Due to their complex linguistic nature, these verbs are not easy to be accounted for and consequently, they represent a real challenge to language teachers and learners. First, this paper critically examines the specialized L1 and L2 literature on PCOS verbs in Spanish. Then, it is shown that previous studies are unable to provide a unanimous theory, but rather offer heterogeneous explanations that are full of exceptions and overlook semantic nuances. The second part of this work presents a corpus-based constructional study of the PCOS verbal structure [Vcl+NP] in two PCOS verbs,hacerse‘make.cl’andvolverse‘turn.cl’. It is argued that a multi-level family of PCOS constructions captures both the specificity of fully-saturated constructions (María se hizo mujer‘María became a woman’), as well as the more general abstract patterns ([Subject PCOS-verb Object]). This constructional approach offers a unified and motivated explanation for these PCOS verbs that can be very useful for Spanish as a Foreign Language (SFL).
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Yuan, Boping. "How are Lexical-Semantic Differences Represented in L2 Syntax? A Study of the Unaccusative/Unergative Distinction in L2 Chinese." EUROSLA 6 55 (January 1, 1996): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ttwia.55.16yua.
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It has been proposed that intransitive verbs can be divided into two subgroups, unaccusative verbs, such as break and arrive, and unergative verbs, such as laugh and swim. The former type has an internal argument, but no external one, whereas the latter type has an external argument but no internal one. Unaccusative verbs are verbs of change of state or location, while unergative verbs are a set of agentive monadic verbs including verbs of manner of motion. In English, the internal argument of the unaccusative verb has to move to subject position to be Case-marked. In Chinese, however, the internal argument can remain in object position and get inherent partitive Case as long as it is an indefinite NP. External arguments of unergative verbs in both English and Chinese are in preverbal position whether they are definite or indefinite. The study reported in this paper was aimed at finding out whether the lexical-semantic distinction between the unaccusative verb and the unergative verb could be properly represented in English-speaking learners' L2 syntax of Chinese and whether the learner would only allow the single argument of the unaccusative verb but disallow that of the unergative verb to be in object position. The results indicate that the unaccusative/unergative distinction is acquired very late by English-speaking learners, and that the acquisition does not proceed in a linear fashion.
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Engberg-Pedersen, Elisabeth. "Expressions of causation in Danish Sign Language." Sign Language and Linguistics 13, no. 1 (August 20, 2010): 40–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sll.13.1.03eng.
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The paper presents lexical and syntactic means of expressing causation in Danish Sign Language (DTS). Labile verbs are verbs that can be used both intransitively with an inchoative meaning and transitively with a causative meaning without a change in form and irrespective of the type of classifier predicate that they may relate to. Labile verbs in DTS denote common, well-known types of events, often of direct causation. DTS also has a syntactic causative construction with a general causative verb arbejde ‘make, do’ followed by a stative verb denoting the resulting state. forandre ‘change’ can also be used to express causation, but with a more specific meaning than arbejde and also followed by dynamic verbs. In narrative style signers describe sequences of events without explicitly coding any causal relation between the events. The causal relation is left to pragmatic inference in accordance with the narrative style’s emphasis on vivid representation rather than explanation.
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Kelly, Donna J. "Patterns in verb use by preschoolers with normal language and specific language impairment." Applied Psycholinguistics 18, no. 2 (April 1997): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716400009978.
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ABSTRACTPreschoolers with specific language impairment (SLI) and two groups of children developing language normally (age-equivalent and MLU-equivalent) described motion and change-ofstate scenes while viewing a video program in a controlled experimental setting.Patterns of verb use were then analyzed across the three groups of children. Two findings were of particular interest. First, while the children with SLI relied heavily on the use of general all-purpose (GAP) verbs while describing the video scenes, the normally developing children produced an even higher percentage of CAP verbs. Second, the children with SLI made significantly more semantic errors in verb use. Unlike the normally developing children, the children with SLI were much more likely to produce a change-of-state verb. Hence, they produced cross-domain errors for motion-eliciting scenes (e.g., a moving figure was said to be “cracking” or “changing color”) and within-domain errors for change-of-state-eliciting scenes (e.g., a figure changing shape was said to be “changing to green”).
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Rappaport Hovav, Malka, and Beth Levin. "Change of State Verbs: Implications for Theories of Argument Projection." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 28, no. 1 (August 14, 2002): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v28i1.3842.
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Recent work in argument expression has focused on verbs showing multiple argument projection options, often with concomitant shifts in aspectual classification or assignment of so-called "aspectual roles" (e.g., measure or incremental theme). Theories of argument projection generally adopt one or both of the following hypotheses: (1) argument projection is aspectually determined; (2) argument expression is not lexically determined. Although much recent work incorporates the conjunction of the two hypotheses, they represent two distinct issues: whether argument expression is aspectually driven and whether argument expression is lexically or syntactically determined. It is possible to argue that argument projection is lexically determined and aspectually driven (e.g., Tenny 1987, 1992, 1994) or to argue that projection is not completely lexically determined but not completely aspectually driven either (e.g., Jackenoff 1990). We argue against each individual hypothesis, as well as against their conjunction. We do this through a close examination of the argument expression properties of change of state verbs and a comparison of these properties with those of aspectually-related verbs.
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Li, Wenchao. "Productivity and Constraint on Multi-Verb Constructions in Old Japanese." International Journal of Linguistics 11, no. 4 (August 7, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v11i4.15002.
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Old Japanese is a dead language from the Asuka and Nara periods (7th - 8th century AD). Its writing system, case system and word order make it distinct from Modern Japanese in many respects. This study presents a quantitative linguistic analysis to the patterns of multiple verb combining in Old Japanese. To this end, two databases were built: multi-verb construction in the Early Nara Period written in variant Chinese (AD. 712) and purely classical Chinese (AD. 720), and multi-verb construction in the Late Nara Period written by man’yōgana (AD. 759).The findings reveal that, in the Nara period, the formation of multi-verb constructions is an issue of verb serialisingand is facilitated at a syntactic level. Grammaticalisation of unaccusative change-of-state verbs and motion verbs results in tighter integrity of multiple verbs, which, in turn, inspires the device of verb compounding.The entropy ofthe Vfinal unaccusative reveals that the formation via verb serialising is more productive than the formation via verb compounding.
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Murphy, AJ, Stanley Dubinsky, and Mark Beck. "Semantic and syntactic demarcations of Classical Greek object cases: An object(ive) study." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 5, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v5i1.4690.
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In Classical Greek, many verbs take direct objects marked with genitive (GEN) or dative (DAT), rather than accusative (ACC) case. Traditional grammars (Smyth 1956, Boas et al. 2019) fail to offer principled descriptions or accounts of the distribution of ACC, GEN, DAT object case for transitive verbs. This paper analyzes a corpus involving case-assigning transitive verbs, and examines Luraghi’s 2010 Transitivity Hierarchy in this context. We find that, while her ranking of verbs’ transitivity is correct, the features used to determine the hierarchy are not. Our study demonstrates a highly significant correlation between a verb’s level of transitivity (as indicated by the case marking on its object) and the Proto-role Properties of Change of State and subject Volitionality (Dowty 1991).
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Li, Wenchao. "On the syntax of anticausativisation and decausativisation in Japanese and Chinese." JOURNAL OF ADVANCES IN LINGUISTICS 5, no. 3 (April 1, 2015): 805–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jal.v5i3.2867.
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This paper is dedicated to a comparison of transitive/intransitive verb alternation in Japanese and Chinese. Discussions are focused upon three grammatical elements: monosyllabic verbs, compound verbs and constructions. The findings reveal that the two languages share similarities in two aspects: (i). transitive and intransitive verbs share the same word form; (ii) transitive and intransitive verbs can derive from the same adjective stems. Significant distinctions are also seen between the two: anticausativisation and decausativisation in Japanese are mainly facilitated in morphological level, e.g. anticausativisation is realised through the morpheme and decausativisation is conveyed by . The morpheme can be used with both intransitive and transitive verbs. Regarding Chinese, lexical and syntax have a curial role to play in transitive/intransitive verb alternation. Decausativisation appears the most favourable strategy of the alternation. Two ways of decausativisation is observed: schema of [action + resultative state]; verb compounds (V-V). Three types of V-Vs are possible for this strategy, i.e. Predicate-Complement V-V, Modifier-Head V-V and Coordinative V-V. Among them, predicate-complement V-V has the largest token of decausativisation. Moreover, constraints on Chinese anticausativisation and decausativisation are seen. When a resultative complment predicate an internal argument, the higher the agentivity that implies manner of action, the greater the unlikelihood of anticausativisation. In decausativisation, the internal argument that accepts the change of state is limited to the ‘possessive relationship.
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Krisna Dewi, Desak Ayu, I. Nengah Sudipa, and Ni Wayan Sukarini. "THE TRANSLATION OF STATE VERBS IN GONE WITH THE WIND INTO LALU BERSAMA ANGIN : NATURAL SEMANTIC METALANGUAGE APPROACH." KULTURISTIK: Jurnal Bahasa dan Budaya 3, no. 1 (January 18, 2019): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/kulturistik.3.1.940.
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This writing aims to reveal what translation techniques are applied in translating state verbs and. to analyze how meanings are retained from source language text to target language text in the novel. It is also highlights the correlation between translation and semantic primes studies. The data focuses on the translation of state verbs taken from the novel Gone with the Wind into Lalu Bersama Angin written by Margareth Mitchell by applying the Natural Semantic Metalanguage approach. This study used a qualitative method means the data are collected by observation and note taking process. There are two main theories applied in this study they are the theory of the Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM) and the theory of translation techniques. NSM is used for a term of reference to break the concept or word down by using a small collection of semantic primes in order to make the differences clear among the meanings of state verbs in the form of paraphrases. The theory of translation techniques by Molina and Albir (2002) is applied in order to discuss the techniques of translation used in state verb lexicon. The result found literal translation is dominating the translation technique that indicates the direct transfer SL text word per word. There is also found translation by applying transposition involved the changes in word class. Another techniques found are modulation technique which change the point of view and discursive creation which deal with establishing a temporary equivalence that is totally unpredictable out of context and the last translation technique found: particularization technique. The findings of the meaning retained from SL text into TL text are based on the subtype of state verb and explicated comprehensively using NSM approach. The categorization of state verb including type of cognition (e.g believing), type of know (e.g remember), type of feel (e.g loved), type of see (e.g stared), type of want (e.g anxious to get). There is also found several phenomena caused by the translation process. The change of intensity of state verb is the one from a higher intensity of meaning to a lower in accordance with the context such as from SL text stared into TL text menatap. The change of type of state verb also found; from type of feel into the type of want such as anxious into menginginkan.
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Rasia, Maria Eugenia Mangialavori. "Stativity in the Causative Alternation? New Questions and a New Variant." Open Linguistics 5, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 233–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opli-2019-0014.
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AbstractThis paper discusses whether capacity to license an internal argument and eventivity are default properties of so-called change-of-state verbs.I draw attention to the claim that, in certain languages, the causative-inchoative alternation extends to a third, external-argument-only variant with stative behavior. Productivity and systematicity raise a host of problems for current generalizations on the Causative Alternation and change-of-state verbs for various reasons, starting from the long-held claim that unique arguments of change-of-state verbs are by default internal. Insofar as the causative component is independently realized in a noneventive, nonepisodic frame, this variant challenges (a) a widely agreed rule of event composition, whereby cause, if present, causally implicates process; (b) the claim that cause(r) interpretation of the external argument is a byproduct of transitivization. The present discussion: (a) brings out a crosslanguage contrast bearing on default (cause/undergoer) interpretation of unique arguments in equipollent alternations; (b) provides new empirical data supporting the stativity of the (causative) outer v head; (c) substantiates important predictions in the literature (e.g. that verbs of causation should have stative readings; that external-argument-only variants of Object-Experiencer verbs should be found); (d) captures further verb classes allowing the alternation; and (e) shows crucial contrasts with other transitive-(in/a)transitive alternations involving null/arb objects. Aspect and determination of different (a)atransitivity alternations are central throughout.
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Courtney, Ellen H. "Child acquisition of Quechua causatives and change-of-state verbs." First Language 22, no. 1 (February 2002): 29–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014272370202206402.
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Gabriele, Alison, Gita Martohardjono, and William McClure. "Why swimming is just as difficult as dying for Japanese learners of English." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 29 (January 1, 2003): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.29.2003.170.
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While both Japanese and English have a grammatic al form denoting the progressive, the two forms (te-iru & be+ing) interact differently with the inherent semantics of the verb to which they attach (Kindaichi, 1950; McClure, 1995; Shirai, 2000). Japanese change of state verbs are incompatible with a progressive interpretation, allowing only a resultative interpretation of V+ te-iru, while a progressive interpretation is preferred for activity predicates. English be+ing denotes a progressive interpretation regardless of the lexical semantics of the verb. The question that arises is how we can account for the fact that change of state verbs like dying can denote a progressive interpretation in English, but not in Japanese. While researchers such as Kageyama (1996) and Ogihara (1998, 1999) propose that the difference lies in the lexical semantics of the verbs themselves, others such as McClure (1995) have argued that the difference lies in the semantics of the grammatical forms, be+ing and te-iru. We present results from an experimental study of Japanese learners’ interpretation of the English progressive which provide support for McClure’s proposal. Results indicate that independent of verb type, learners had significantly more difficulty with the past progressive. We argue that knowledge of L2 semantics-syntax correspondences proceeds not on the basis of L1 lexical semantic knowledge, but on the basis of grammatical forms.
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Beavers, John, Michael Everdell, Kyle Jerro, Henri Kauhanen, Andrew Koontz-Garboden, Elise LeBovidge, and Stephen Nichols. "Two types of states: A cross-linguistic study of change-of-state verb roots." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 2 (June 12, 2017): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v2i0.4094.
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Event structural theories decompose verb meanings into an event template and idiosyncratic root. Many mainstream theories assume a bifurcation in the kinds of entailments contributed by roots and templates, in particular that lexical entailments of change of an individual in change-of-state verbs are only introduced by templates, not roots. We argue against such theories by comparing Levin's(1993) non-deadjectival vs. deadjectival change-of-state verb roots (e.g. crack vs. red roots). A broad-scale typological study reveals that red-type roots tend to have simple (e.g. non-deverbal) stative forms, but crack-type roots do not. Semantic studies of Kakataibo and English show that terms built on crack-type roots always entail change, while terms based on red-type roots may not. We thus suggest that crack-type roots entail change-of-state, contra Bifurcation.
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Timler, Geralyn R., Lesley B. Olswang, and Truman E. Coggins. ""Do I Know What I Need to Do?" A Social Communication Intervention for Children With Complex Clinical Profiles." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 36, no. 1 (January 2005): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461(2005/007).
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Purpose:Speech-language pathologists frequently address social communication difficulties in children with diverse clinical profiles. The purpose of this study was to investigate the feasibility of a social communication intervention for a school-age child with a complex cognitive and behavioral profile secondary to diagnosis of a fetal alcohol spectrum disorder.Method:A case study is presented to describe the implementation of the intervention targeting mental state verb production and social cognitive skills. The intervention included group role play of social scripts and a checklist to elicit the participant’s statements about others’ perspectives and strategies for completing the social script. Treatment data monitored the participant’s responses to the checklist questions. Probe sessions, consisting of theory of mind false belief tasks, were used to examine mental state verb use.Results:Treatment data demonstrated that the participant stated more strategies in response to checklist questions. The participant did not produce any mental state verbs during baseline probes, but did produce mental state verbs during the treatment phase.Clinical Implications:The results support use of this intervention to change children’s linguistic and social cognitive skills. Suggestions for extending this intervention to include a generalization plan targeting classroom social communication interactions are provided.
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Gropen, Jess, Steven Pinker, Michelle Hollander, and Richard Goldberg. "Syntax and semantics in the acquisition of locative verbs." Journal of Child Language 18, no. 1 (February 1991): 115–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000900013325.
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ABSTRACTChildren between the ages of three and seven occasionally make errors with locative verbs like pour and fill, such as * I filled water into the glass and * I poured the glass with water (Bowerman, 1982). To account for this pattern of errors, and for how they are eventually unlearned, we propose that children use a universal linking rule called OBJECT AFFECTEDNESS: the direct object corresponds to the argument that is specified as ‘affected’ in some particular way in the semantic representation of a verb. However, children must learn which verbs specify which of their arguments as being affected; specifically, whether it is the argument whose referent is undergoing a change of location, such as the content argument of pour, or the argument whose referent is undergoing a change of state, such as the container argument of fill. This predicts that syntactic errors should be associated with specific kinds of misinterpretations of verb meaning. Two experiments were performed on the ability of children and adults to understand and produce locative verbs. The results confirm that children tend to make syntactic errors with sentences containing fill and empty, encoding the content argument as direct object (e.g. fill the water). As predicted, children also misinterpreted the meanings of fill and empty as requiring not only that the container be brought into a full or empty state, but also that the content move in some specific manner (by pouring, or by dumping). Furthermore, children who misinterpreted the verbs' meanings were more likely to make syntactic errors with them. These findings support the hypothesis that verb meaning and syntax are linked in precise ways in the lexicons of language learners.
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Tsujimura, Natsuko. "Japanese enter/exit verbs revisited." Studies in Language 26, no. 1 (June 21, 2002): 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.26.1.06tsu.
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Kita (1999) compares Japanese and English Enter/Exit verbs in spatial expressions, and argues that Japanese Enter/Exit verbs lack semantic encoding of motion. He claims that this runs counter to the view which considers motion and location to be primitives in the semantics of spatial expressions; instead, he proposes that discrete change of state should be included in the set of primitives. In this reply,I will first show that Kita’s evidence does not support lack of motion in Japanese Enter/Exit verbs, but that instead these verbs do pattern with motion verbs in the language, where conflation of motion is not disputable. I finally demonstrate that Kita’s claim about change of state may be well taken, but it should be put in a larger context of regular polysemy.
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Clark, Eve V., Kathie L. Carpenter, and Werner Deutsch. "Reference states and reversals: undoing actions with verbs." Journal of Child Language 22, no. 3 (October 1995): 633–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000900009983.
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ABSTRACTThe purpose of these studies is to characterize children's conception of reversal and its relation to a reference state. A reversal is the move from one state to some prior state of affairs. For example, shoes that have been TIED can be UNTIED, parcels WRAPPED then UNWRAPPED, and dishes COVERED then UNCOVERED. The present studies were designed to find out how children (aged 1;0 to 5;0) describe reversals of action that restore objects to a prior, less constrained, state. In English, the prefix un- offers the most productive device for this, but, initially, children rely on a verb like open, on general purpose undo, and on particles like out and off, As they acquire un-, English-speaking children must learn that this prefix applies primarily to verbs for change-of-state, often for enclosing, covering and attaching. In German, there is no reversal prefix, but there are productive particles. German-speaking children also begin with a verb like open and then turn to verb particles on a course similar to that in English to express reversals.
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Essegbey, James, and Felix K. Ameka. "“Cut” and “break” verbs in Gbe and Sranan." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 22, no. 1 (April 6, 2007): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.22.1.04ess.
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This paper compares “cut” and “break” verbs in four variants of Gbe, namely Anfoe, Anlo, Fon and Ayizo, with those of Sranan. “Cut” verbs are change-of-state verbs that co-lexicalize the type of action that brings about a change, the type of instrument or instrument part, and the manner in which a change occurs. By contrast, break verbs co-lexicalize either the type of object or the type of change. It has been hypothesized that “cut”-verbs are unergative while breaks verbs are unaccusatives. For example “break” verbs participate in the causative alternation constructions but “cut” verbs don’t. We show that although there are some differences in the meanings of “cut” and break verbs across the Gbe languages, significant generalizations can be made with regard to their lexicalization patterns. By contrast, the meanings of “cut” and break verbs in Sranan are closer to those of their etymons in English and Dutch. However, despite the differences in the meanings of “cut” and “break” verbs between the Gbe languages and Sranan, the syntax of the verbs in Sranan is similar to that of the Eastern Gbe variants, namely Fon and Ayizo. We look at the implications of our findings for the relexification hypothesis.
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Kanijo, Ponsiano Sawaka. "The robustness of Botne and Kershner aspectual classes in Nyamwezi." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 74, no. 3-4 (September 1, 2021): 507–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2021-1043.
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Abstract The framework proposed in the works of Robert Botne and Tiffany Kershner has been widely used to classify verbs in Bantu languages. In this framework, verbs encode events which consist of maximally three phases: onset (represents the coming-to-be phase), nucleus (represents the state change itself; can also be represented as a coming-to-be phase if the verb lacks an onset) and coda (represents the result-state phase). Hence, verbs are defined depending on which phases they encode and whether particular phases are punctual or durative. The phasal structures of verbs can be diagnosed using various tests. The application of these diagnostics to Nyamwezi (a Tanzanian Bantu language, [nym]) produces three significant variations. First, Botne and Kershner’s conception of statives as events with no phasal structure is not tenable in Nyamwezi. The tests show that in Nyamwezi, statives have structure. Second, some classes described in Botne and Kershner do not occur in Nyamwezi. Third, in Botne and Kershner’s works, classes are described depending on whether particular phases are punctual or durative. In addition to this characteristic, the classes in Nyamwezi can also be described depending on whether particular phases are dynamic or static, and whether the result state is permanent or reversible.
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Kulczycka, Agata. "Old English Causative Alternation: The Transitivity of „openian” and „drỳgean”." Anglica Wratislaviensia 55 (October 18, 2017): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0301-7966.55.9.
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The aim of this paper is to take a position in an ongoing debate over the direction of the derivation in the causative alternation. Since the solutions offered by synchronic linguistics carry with them certain problems, the research presented here accounts for the issue from the diachronic perspective, thus combining methods of corpus and theoretical linguistics. The results obtained from the quantitative analysis of the frequency of occurence of two Old English ‘change of state’ verbs in transitive and intransitive structures seem to support the detransitivization claim for at least one of the verbs. The qualitative study of the nature of the Old English causative alternation, in turn, indicates two different patterns according to which ‘change of state’ verbs may have alternated in the past. On the basis of this observation, the paper suggests a hypothesis about the temporal and directional diversification among the members of the group of ‘change of state’ verbs. This initial hypothesis offers solutions to certain problems for synchronic approaches to the direction of the derivation in the causative alternation.
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Kratochvíl, František, David Moeljadi, Benidiktus Delpada, Václav Kratochvíl, and Jiří Vomlel. "Aspectual pairing and aspectual classes in Abui." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 74, no. 3-4 (September 1, 2021): 621–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2021-1046.
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Abstract This paper describes the aspectual classes in Abui, a Papuan language of the Timor-Alor-Pantar family. Abui innovated a system of aspectual stem pairing, realized by consonant mutation, vowel grading, and rime mutation. Although stem pairing is widespread (about 61% of the verbs alternate), about 38% of our 1,330 verb sample are unpaired and immutable. Abui verbal stems combine with aspectual affixes, adverbs and auxiliary verbs, whose distribution is used here together with the stem types to describe aspectual classes, which are understood as lexicalizations of transitional possibilities of lexical items (e.g. inchoative-stative vs. inchoative-gradual.inchoative-stative). The paper takes the bidimensional approach to aspect distinguishing between properties associated with the perfective-imperfective system and other aspectual marking (cf. Sasse, Hans-Jürgen. 2002. Recent activity in the theory of aspect: accomplishments, achievements, or just non-progressive state? Linguistic Typology 6(2). 199–271). Combining the features of both types of aspectual marking, we construct in a bottom-up fashion the aspectual classes in Abui and also show that these may be further refined if contextual features such as valency or degree of change (affectedness) were included. A characteristic feature of the Abui system is the elaborate system of stative-inchoative verbs sensitive to scalar and change properties (e.g. instant vs. gradual). Abui telic verbs show sensitivity to the properties of the resulting state and are formally associated with stem alternation.
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Hirakawa, Makiko. "L2 ACQUISITION OF JAPANESE UNACCUSATIVE VERBS." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 23, no. 2 (June 2001): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263101002054.
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This paper reports on an experimental study that investigates the acquisition of Japanese unaccusative verbs by English-speaking learners. Following Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1995), it is assumed that unaccusativity is syntactically represented but semantically determined. The experiment is devised specifically to examine whether L2 learners are sensitive to syntactic and semantic properties associated with unaccusative verbs in Japanese, which contrast with the properties of unergative verbs. In particular, the experiment involved picture tasks with two structures: the takusan construction as a syntactic test and the -teiru construction as a semantic test. Overall results of the experiment show that L2 learners generally know the properties investigated; that is, that subjects of unaccusative verbs originate in object position, and semantic notions such as telicity and change of state are aspects of meaning relevant to the classification of unaccusativity in Japanese. Based on these results, it is argued that the mapping of verb arguments to syntactic positions is not random, but rule governed, for most of the L2 learners in the present study.
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Nikitina, Tatiana, and Boris Maslov. "Redefining Constructio Praegnans: On the Variation between Allative and Locative Expressions in Ancient Greek." Journal of Greek Linguistics 13, no. 1 (2013): 105–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-13130107.
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In traditional Ancient Greek grammar, the term constructio praegnans refers to an apparent syntactic anomaly whereby the idea of motion is missing from either the verb or the prepositional phrase: a verb that does not express motion is combined with a directional prepositional phrase (e.g., ‘slaughter into a container’) or a motion verb combines with a static prepositional phrase describing a goal of motion (e.g., ‘throw in the fire’). This study explores such usages in the period from Archaic to Classical Greek and argues against treating constructio praegnans as a unitary phenomenon. The seemingly aberrant combinations of the verb’s meaning and the type of prepositional phrase are shown to be motivated by four independent factors: 1) lexical (some individual non-motion verbs select for a directional argument); 2) aspectual (static encoding of endpoints is allowed with perfect participles); 3) the encoding of results with change of state verbs; and 4) the archaic use of static prepositional phrases in directional contexts (the goal argument of a motion verb is described by a static prepositional phrase). The four types of “pregnant” use are paralleled by different phenomena in other languages. Based on statistical analysis, they are also argued to undergo different kinds of diachronic development. Some of these developments, nevertheless, fall into a more general pattern: Ancient Greek gradually moves toward a more consistent use of specialized directional expressions to mark goals of motion, conforming increasingly to the “satellite-framed” type of motion encoding.
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Li, Wenchao. "Subjectivity in Japanese: A Corpus-Linguistic Study." International Journal of English Linguistics 9, no. 5 (August 26, 2019): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v9n5p202.
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This paper provides a corpus-linguistic study on subjectivity in Japanese, in an effort to arrive at how subjectivity, transitivity and grammaticalisation are related. 899 lexicons from nine grammatical categories (suffixes and prefixes, adjectives, particles, auxiliaries, nouns, adnominals, adverbs, and transitive/intransitive verb pairs) are examined. The findings reveal that Japanese is a subjective/objective-split language, and that subjectivity in affixes is facilitated by phonology: voiced/voiceless consonant alternation. The data also show that consonant-voiced prefixes and suffixes yield a subjective reading, while consonant-voiceless prefixes and suffixes render an objective meaning. Split subjectivity in adjectives is realised by morphology: しい-ending adjectives tend to be subjective, while い-ending adjectives are mostly objective. The differentiation of subjectivity in adjectives is further tied to the constraints on personal pronoun and verbalisation possibilities. Intriguingly, objective/subjective readings of しい-ending adjectives andい-ending adjectives are switchable. Furthermore, among transitive/intransitive verb pairs, intransitive verbs are likely to get grammaticalised, while transitive verbs are likely to be lexicalised and thus render a subjective reading. This is confirmed by change-of-state verbs and motion verbs. This paper therefore puts forward the hypothesis that the interrelationship of grammaticalisation and lexicalisation is orthogonal.
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Fleischhauer, Jens, and Thomas Gamerschlag. "We’re going through changes: How change of state verbs and arguments combine in scale composition." Lingua 141 (March 2014): 30–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2013.01.006.
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Engerer, Volkmar. "Zur zeitlichen Evaluierung von Phasenverben. Das Problem der „leeren Mitte“ oder: Wie viele Intervalle braucht die Semantik von Phasenverben?" HERMES - Journal of Language and Communication in Business 23, no. 44 (October 23, 2017): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/hjlcb.v23i44.97327.
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On the temporal evaluation of phasal verbs. The problem of the ‘empty mid’ or: How many intervals does the semantics of phasal verbs need? In this paper I argue that the default view on phasal verb semantics, conceptualising them as change-of-state entities shifting from a proposition to its negated counterpart and, consequently, operating with points of time, has to be revised by considering intervals (and not points) as the fundamental semantic reference entities; perhaps more important, the study’s results make it necessary to take into account at least one more interval “in between”. This interval is, I am proposing, by no means marginal, as it constitutes a relevant evaluation interval where phasal meaning proper in terms of beginning, finishing and continuing unfolds. Constructions with phasal verbs in general allow, as will be shown, the possibility of adverbials modifying an interval situated between the interval before and after the moment of change-of-state, which is a strong argument in favour of the proposed third interval. - On the outset of this article it is argued that mainstream approaches to phasal semantics, working with two points of time, indirectly introduce two evaluation intervals, and thereby leave open the interpretation of the mid interval. After having presented and discussed the relevant data, Dowty’s influential work on verb semantics, Word meaning and Montague grammar, is discussed and it will be demonstrated that the ‘problem of the empty mid’ was recognised by Dowty, but not properly integrated into his conception of interval semantics.
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Crane, Thera, and Axel Fanego. "Constituency, Imbrication, and the Interpretation of Change-of-State Verbs in isiNdebele." Studia Orientalia Electronica 8, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.69025.
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This paper describes the interplay of lexical and grammatical aspect with other grammatical phenomena in the interpretation of the aspectual suffix ‑ile (which we analyse as Perfective) in isiNdebele, a Nguni Bantu language spoken in South Africa. Crucial other phenomena include constituency-related factors such as the conjoint-disjoint distinction and (related) penultimate lengthening, along with morphophonological conditions that trigger different forms of ‑ile. These factors appear to interact differently in isiNdebele than they do in closely related Zulu, suggesting two different paths of grammaticalization, which we argue can change the interpretation of markers of grammatical aspect as they interact with lexical aspectual classes.
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Bonnefille, Stéphanie, and Andrew McMichael. "The semantics of change-of-state verbs : « Going » but not « growing » bananas." Anglophonia/Caliban 9, no. 1 (2001): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/calib.2001.1414.
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Marín, Rafael, and Louise McNally. "Inchoativity, change of state, and telicity: evidence from Spanish reflexive psychological verbs." Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 29, no. 2 (April 23, 2011): 467–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11049-011-9127-3.
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Gonzalez, Becky Halloran. "The Syntactic Distribution of Object Experiencer Psych Verbs in Heritage Spanish." Languages 5, no. 4 (November 17, 2020): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages5040063.
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This paper contributes to our understanding of the grammatical architecture of heritage languages and, specifically, the role of lexical semantics, by examining the syntactic distribution of Spanish psych verbs. Object experiencer psych verbs in Spanish fall into two classes: Class II (e.g., molestar “to bother”) and Class III (e.g., encantar “to love”). Class II verbs allow numerous syntactic alternations, while Class III verbs are more restricted syntactically. The asymmetry under investigation here is attributed to a lexical semantic featural difference—Class II verbs can be [±change of state], while Class III verbs are always [−change of state]. Two groups of HSs, (intermediate (n = 21) and advanced (n = 18)), and a group of Spanish dominant bilinguals (n = 19) completed two judgment tasks, a standard proficiency measure, a vocabulary task, and a biographical questionnaire. Results reveal that the responses of both HS groups are consistent with the Spanish dominant bilinguals in nearly all conditions, indicating that HSs are highly sensitive to this syntactic distribution. These results also highlight the importance of considering the results of individual verbs in studies that focus on lexical semantics, as they not only help us understand aggregate trends, but also reveal, in this case, that even in cases of deviant underlying semantic representations, licensing restrictions at the syntax-lexical semantic interface remain intact, suggesting that this is an area of resilience in the Heritage Spanish grammar.