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1

Kittler, Friedrich. "Auto Bahnen / Free Ways." Cultural Politics 11, no. 3 (November 1, 2015): 376–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-3341972.

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Taking issue with many official accounts, the essay traces the origins of the German autobahn back to the Battle of Verdun (1916). The military necessity to organize rigidly enforced, intersection-free two-way traffic becomes the model for the construction of the autobahn. Kittler further elaborates its martial character by connecting the movement of military equipment during war to the “tourist invasions” in peacetime.
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Simon, Dominique. "Medical care in the French army during the battle of Verdun: February 21 to December 18, 1916." Journal of Anesthesia History 4, no. 1 (January 2018): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.janh.2017.11.048.

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3

Filippucci, Paola. "Morts pour la France: Things and memory in the ‘destroyed villages’ of Verdun." Journal of Material Culture 25, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 391–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1359183520954515.

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This article considers the power of things to affect how the past is remembered in the aftermath of mass violence, through the case of the ‘destroyed villages’ ( villages détruits) of the battlefield of Verdun, theatre in 1916 of one of the most destructive battles of World War I. As well as causing mass military death, the battle also led to the ‘death’ of nine small villages, declared to have ‘died for France’ and incorporated into the post-war commemorative landscape of the battlefield. The article illustrates the 21st-century discourse and practices that surround the remains of these villages, from emplaced ruins to photographs and other documents. A century after the ‘death’ of the villages, people who identify as descendants of the original inhabitants gather at the sites and through these objects evoke their ancestors and the pre-war settlement, momentarily reconstituting a space that they can ‘inhabit’ physically, imaginatively and affectively. However, bids to restore a ‘village’ space and time are overwritten by the commemorative framework in which the sites and remains have been embedded for the past century, that identifies the ‘dead’ localities with the human Fallen and their history with the moment of their ‘death for France’. So, while the surviving traces of the former villages retain their power to affect and thus to evoke the pre-war, civilian past, their ability to produce a new memory for Verdun is limited by their incorporation into a memorial landscape dedicated to heroic military death for the nation. The physical expropriation of sites and vestiges during the post-war reconstruction of the battlefield and their preservation as tangible tokens of mass death has enduringly fixed and overdetermined their meaning, in a form of symbolic expropriation that limits their power to produce memory.
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Soms, Henrihs. "Daugavpils – „Sarkanā Verdena”: 1919–1920." Sabiedrība un kultūra: rakstu krājums = Society and Culture: conference proceedings, no. XXII (January 6, 2021): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/sk.2020.22.077.

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The battles near Daugavpils had an important role during the war for Latvia’s independence. Since 1918, the Soviet literature predominantly offered a version about Daugavpils as “Red Verdun” which had fought defence battles (for 129 days) against “the joint forces of Polish and Latvian white guards”. Objectively evaluating the historic events, the primary sources – Latvian press publications play an essential role. In this article, the materials from seven press editions have been employed. Regarding the press development, a new feature was the foundation of the Latvian Press Bureau (LPB) in March, 1919, and later – of Latvian Telegraph Agency (LETA). The task of the bureau was to inform the world’s news agencies and local media about the events happening in the territory of Latvia. The Soviet literature does not mention anything about the Red Terror which was carried out by so called commissioners for maintaining the order. On March 28, 98 people were shot dead near Daugavpils Fortress. This was the bloodiest crime committed by the Bolsheviks during the time of P. Stuchka’s Soviet government. These crimes became known to the wider society from the publications in the press only after Daugavpils was set free. The fight for Daugavpils took place in three phases: fights on the left bank of the river Daugava, capturing the outskirts of the town (August, 1919); the use of French tanks, Polish and Bolshevik armoured train, capturing the fortress bridgehead (September, 1919); Daugavpils occupation by Polish army and arrival of Latvian army (January 3, 1920). The press regularly published reports from the General Headquarters of Latvian, Lithuanian and Polish armies. When Daugavpils was set free, there were special correspondents of several newspapers who informed about the situation in the town. Though maintaining a lively interest in the events taking place in Daugavpils, in some cases the newspapers published unverified and false information, then trying to correct it or call it off.
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Farrar‐Hockley, Anthony. "The shock of battle’ 1914–1916." RUSI Journal 143, no. 1 (February 1998): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849808446232.

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6

Garton, Stephen. "The Last Battle: Soldier Settlement in Australia 1916–1939." Australian Historical Studies 48, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 456–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2017.1337484.

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7

KAUFFMAN, JESSE. "The Unquiet Eastern Front: New Work on the Great War." Contemporary European History 26, no. 3 (July 13, 2017): 509–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000194.

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In the introduction to their excellent survey of the First World War in Central Europe, Our War (Nasza wojna), Polish historians Włodzimierz Borodziej and Maciej Górny begin by wondering why the name of Przasnysz, a small Polish town north of Warsaw, carries today no connotations of misery or horror. In late 1914 and early 1915, they note, the Germans and Russians fought several ferocious battles in its vicinity, battles that ultimately claimed hundreds of thousands of casualties. And yet its name never became a part of the shared historical memory of the First World War. Przasnysz and its battles are long forgotten, not only, as might be expected, in Belgium, France and Great Britain, but also in Germany, Russia and the rest of Poland. This, Borodziej and Górny note, is symptomatic of the hold that the war's Western Front has exercised for generations on the imaginations of scholars and the wider public alike – even within the states that now occupy the territory on which the titanic clashes of the Russian, Austrian and German empires claimed millions of lives. To schoolchildren in Warsaw no less than to scholars in Great Britain and the United States, the First World War is synonymous with the trenches of Belgium and France, and with the haunted names of Ypres, Passchendaele and Verdun. But the evidence of Nasza wojna and the other three books under review here suggests that the Eastern Front is finally emerging as a subject of scholarly and popular interest. Moreover, these books illustrate that careful study of that Front has the potential to deepen our understanding of the war's complex dynamics and their impact on the states and societies that grappled with them. The sweeping conquests and extended occupations of ethnically, linguistically and religiously diverse populations; the migration of ethnic hostilities from the front lines to the home fronts of multinational states; the profound divide between urban and rural experiences of the war; the ways in which military institutions adapted to the industrialised brutality of modern warfare and the ways that venerable but sprawling imperial state systems tried to come to grips with the war's demands are just a few of the themes addressed by the books under review here. The history of the period, and of modern European history in general, stands to be greatly enriched by a renewed interest in ‘the forgotten Great War’.
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8

Leek, Michael. "36 Hours: Jutland 1916: The battle that won the war." Mariner's Mirror 104, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 113–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2018.1415846.

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Haggith, Toby. "Reconstructing the Musical Arrangement forThe Battle of the Somme(1916)." Film History: An International Journal 14, no. 1 (March 2002): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/fil.2002.14.1.11.

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Maillot, Agnès. "Uncommon Valour – 1916 and the Battle for the South Dublin Union." Études irlandaises, no. 35-2 (December 30, 2010): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesirlandaises.2097.

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Tennent, W. John, Stella Beavan, Huw Jones, and Geoff Martin. "A supplementary note to 'An historical note on butterfly collecting in France during The Great War (1914–1918)'." Entomologist's Gazette 70, no. 4 (October 25, 2019): 245–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31184/g00138894.704.1745.

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Following a short article regarding the collection of a specimen of Iphiclides podalirius (Linnaeus, 1758) by A. A. Tullett, in France during the Battle of the Somme in 1916, further personal and entomological data regarding Tullett and others is presented.
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Millman, Brock. "The Battle of Cory Hall, November 1916: Patriots Meet Dissenters in Wartime Cardiff." Canadian Journal of History 35, no. 1 (April 2000): 57–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.35.1.57.

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Reeves, Nicholas. "Cinema, spectatorship and propaganda: ‘Battle of the Somme’ (1916) and its contemporary audience." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 17, no. 1 (March 1997): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439689700260601.

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14

Richter, Donald C., and Paddy Griffith. "Battle Tactics of the Western Front: The British Army's Art of Attack, 1916-18." American Historical Review 101, no. 1 (February 1996): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169282.

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Morgan-Owen, David G. "Continuity and Change: Strategy and Technology in the Royal Navy, 1890–1918*." English Historical Review 135, no. 575 (August 2020): 892–930. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa194.

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Abstract This article presents a new interpretation of the relationship between technology and warfare at sea before and during the First World War. It challenges existing accounts which view technological innovations as the primary driver of naval strategy during this period, and argues for a more contingent, incremental and contextualised approach to the relationship between technology and strategy. It illustrates these points with a specific example: the highly controversial topic of the Royal Navy’s so-called ‘Battle Cruisers’, three of which suffered catastrophic explosions at the Battle of Jutland in 1916. In doing so it forwards a new interpretation of British naval policy between 1890 and 1918, the Anglo-German naval arms race, and elements of the First World War at sea.
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Sumida, Jon Tetsuro. "A Matter of Timing: The Royal Navy and the Tactics of Decisive Battle, 1912-1916." Journal of Military History 67, no. 1 (2003): 85–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2003.0075.

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Lambert, Nicholas A. ""Our Bloody Ships" or "Our Bloody System"? Jutland and the Loss of the Battle Cruisers, 1916." Journal of Military History 62, no. 1 (January 1998): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120394.

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18

McCarthy, Alan. "The censorship and suppression of Cork’s nationalist and loyalist newspapers during the Irish Revolution, 1916-1923." Boolean: Snapshots of Doctoral Research at University College Cork, no. 2015 (January 1, 2015): 108–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/boolean.2015.22.

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The Irish Revolution was an epochal period that saw the Irish nationalist movement seek to obtain independence from the British Empire. It has received extensive scholarly attention, particularly the century-shaping 1916 Rising, the guerrilla war campaign that coloured the War of Independence 1919-1921, and an implosive Civil War between those for and against the Anglo-Irish Treaty, that raged between 1922-1923 and continues to shape present-day politics in Ireland. Key to understanding Cork, the epicentre of revolutionary activity post-1916, is an engagement with its widely-read newspapers of the time. During this period West Cork's Southern Star and Skibbereen Eagle, and Cork City institutions, the Cork Examiner and Cork Constitution, acted as central actors, in conjunction with their role as reporters, in the equally significant battle for hearts and minds. The consequence of the key propaganda role played by these papers would be intense censorship and suppression by both Crown Forces and ...
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Collombier-Lakeman, Pauline. "Prophesying Revolution: The Example of 'The Battle of Moy' (1883)." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 2, no. 2 (October 24, 2018): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v2i2.1885.

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In Voices Prophesying War: Future Wars 1763-3749 (1992), I. F Clarke contends that 1871 inaugurated the emergence of a new type of predictive literature, which, in the next decades, became more ‘violent’, ‘vindictive’, and often ‘nationalistic’. The 1916 Rising was prepared in secret but the months and years immediately preceding it witnessed the publication of several well-known works of fiction clearly anticipating the armed revolution that was to come. Patrick Pearse’s plays such as The King (1914) or The Master (1915) have been interpreted as texts exploring the notions of redemptive self-sacrifice and violence as a means to achieve national independence. Similarly, The Revolutionist, a slightly earlier play by Terence MacSwiney (1912), may be read as a rejection of mere Home Rule and a plea for action and self-sacrifice. However, the idea that only an armed revolution could work as a viable solution to obtain Ireland’s independence was clearly toyed with decades earlier, notably in the anonymously published The Battle of Moy (1883). This article will examine this lesser known text in order to show how this example of 19th-century nationalist science fiction might have fostered the idea that only violent action and war could turn Ireland into a nation.
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20

Scotland, Tom. "Henry Gray and John Fraser: Scottish surgeons of the Great War." Res Medica 24, no. 1 (December 31, 2017): 96–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2218/resmedica.v24i1.2508.

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Between 1914 and 1918, the British Expeditionary Force fighting in France and Flanders sustained 2.7 million battle casualties. Just over one quarter (26.1%) were never seen by the medical services. These were men who had been killed (14.2%), were missing (5.4%), or were prisoners of war (6.5%). Most of those who were missing had been killed and their bodies never recovered. Just under three-quarters of the wounded (73.9% or 1 988 969) were seen and treated by the medical services and 151 356 died.[i] The worst single day in British military history was Saturday 1 July 1916, the first day of the Battle of the Somme, when there were 57 470 casualties, of whom 20 000 were killed or died from their wounds. In nearly a quarter of a million admissions dealt with by the medical services, 58.5% of wounds were caused by high-explosive shellfire, 39% by bullets (mostly from machine guns), 2% were caused by grenades, and 0.5% from bayonets.
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Williams, Chris. "A Question of 'legitimate Pride'? the 38th (welsh) Division at the Battle of Mametz Wood, July 1916." Welsh History Review / Cylchgrawn Hanes Cymru 28, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 723–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/whr.28.4.6.

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Ellenbogen, Josh. "Review of Joe Sacco, The Great War: July 1, 1916: The First Day of the Battle of the SommeJoe Sacco. The Great War: July 1, 1916: The First Day of the Battle of the Somme. New York: W. W. Norton, 2013. 54 pp." Critical Inquiry 41, no. 3 (March 2015): 705–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/680199.

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23

Stojanova, Christina. "The Great War: Cinema, Propaganda, and The Emancipation of Film Language." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Film and Media Studies 14, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 131–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ausfm-2017-0006.

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AbstractThe relation between war and cinema, propaganda and cinema is a most intriguing area, located at the intersection of media studies, history and film aesthetics. A truly tragic moment in human history, the First World War was also the first to be fought before film cameras. And while in the field, airborne reconnaissance became cinematic (Virilio), domestic propaganda occupied the screen of the newly emergent national cinemas, only to see its lucid message challenged and even subverted by the fast-evolving language of cinema. Part one of this paper looks at three non-fiction films, released in 1916:Battle of Somme, With Our Heroes at the Somme(Bei unseren Helden an der Somme) andBattle of Somme(La Bataille de la Somme), as paradigmatic propaganda takes on the eponymous historical battle from British, German and French points of view. Part two analyses two war-time Hollywood melodramas, David Wark Griffith’sHearts of the World(1918) and Allen Holubar’sThe Heart of Humanity(1919), and explains the longevity of the former with the powerful “text effect” of the authentic wartime footage included. Thus, while these WWI propaganda works do validate Virilio’s ideas of the integral connections between technology, war and cinema, and between cinema and propaganda, they also herald the emancipation of post-WWI film language.
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Greenhalgh, Elizabeth. "The Experience of Fighting with Allies: The Case of the Capture of Falfemont Farm during the Battle of the Somme, 1916." War in History 10, no. 2 (April 2003): 157–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0968344503wh267oa.

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McCartney, Innes. "The Opening and Closing Sequences of the Battle of Jutland 1916 Re-examined: archaeological investigations of the wrecks of HMSIndefatigableand SMSV4." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 46, no. 2 (May 23, 2017): 317–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1095-9270.12236.

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Morosoli, Boris P. "Chinesische Sprachreform." Language Problems and Language Planning 22, no. 2 (January 1, 1998): 182–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.22.2.05mor.

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SUMMARY Chinese Language Reform: Esperanto as Provocation and Inspiration Between 1916 and 1919, Esperanto's claim to the position of a common international language was hotly debated in the avant-garde Chinese journal Xin Qingnian. Closer analysis reveals a number of complex subtexts underlying the Utopian visions put forward by Chinese linguists and language planners like Qian Xuantong. As a linguistic model, Esperanto helped to catalyze new approaches to Chinese phonetical transciption and writing reform, and to the shaping of a common Chinese language. The Esperanto debate was also part of the wider battle over the Chinese classical tradition: Qian's provocative call for the abolition of the Chinese language must be regarded as a direct attack on the conservative Chinese literati. RESUMO Reformo de la ĉina lingo: Esperanto kiel provokilo kaj stimulilo Inter 1916 kaj 1919 ardis debato en la avangarda cina revuo Xin Qingnian pri la pretendoj de Esperanto kiel internacia lingvo. Pli detala analizo montras, al kiaj komplikaj motivoj kaj ideoj respondis la ŝajne utopiaj proponoj de ĉinaj lingvoreformistoj kiel Qian Xuantong. Interalie, Esperanto kiel lingva modelo helpis katalizi novajn alirojn al la fonetika transskribo kaj skribsistema reformo de la ĉina lingvo, same kiel al ĝia socia funkciado. Aliflanke, la tuta Esperanto-debato nur eris en pli vasta batalo pri la klasika literatura tradicio: tiukadre necesas konsideri la provokan alvokon de Qian por abolo de la ĉina lingvo kiel rektan atakon al la konservativuloj.
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Wessels, A. "The rhetoric of conflict and conflict by rhetoric: Ireland and the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902)." Literator 20, no. 3 (April 26, 1999): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v20i3.501.

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This article investigates the historical context of Irish involvement in the Anglo- Boer War, but focuses on the literary products - mainly popular ballads and partisan historiography - of this involvement. Irish soldiers participated on both sides of the war, not so much because of identification with South African issues as because it afforded them the opportunity of fighting Irish fights on a displaced battle-field. The war thus presages the explosion of Irish/British strife in 1916 and the subsequent Irish Civil War by more than a decade. As in most wars, the struggle was conducted by the pen and by the sword and the popular Irish verse of the time reveals the sentiments of fervent Irish imperialists, defending the causes of Empire, fervent Irish nationalists espousing the Boer cause, as well as movingly suggesting the dilemma of the majority of Irish combatants, fighting for England while sympathizing with the Boers.
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McGaughey, Jane. "Blood-debts and Battlefields: Ulster Imperialism and Masculine Authority on the Western Front 1916–1918." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 20, no. 2 (September 15, 2010): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044397ar.

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Men’s bodies were one of the more notable sites of conflict in Northern Ireland after the 1918 armistice. Long before the war was over, Ulstermen had become part of a public legacy of blood-sacrifice and the epic mythology of warrior manliness surrounding the 36th (Ulster) Division. The predominantly Protestant north-east of Ireland revelled in heroic language and romantic sentiment about their losses and the consequences of their sacrifice. For years after their most famous battle at the Somme on the 1st of July 1916, Unionists maintained a vibrant communal memory that pointedly excluded the achievements and sacrifices of the 16th (Irish) and 10th (Irish) Divisions, to the detriment of northern Nationalist veterans. More importantly, the ramifications of northern society’s understanding of soldiering masculinities directly led to some of the more infamous physical events of The Troubles from 1920 to 1922. These episodes included the violent shipyard expulsions in Belfast, the intimidation of shell-shocked ex-servicemen, membership in vigilante paramilitary societies, and government-mandated floggings of Catholic veterans in a society that prized service in the Great War as the greatest hallmark of modern Irish masculinity. The language of sacrifice within the public sphere, witnessed in public discourse and literally imprinted upon the bodies of those deemed unworthy and unmanly, mythologized one group of men at the expense of another, making the legacy of the Great War and the actions of and upon male bodies highly significant and influential factors in Northern Ireland for the rest of the twentieth century.
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Asato, Noriko. "Mandating Americanization: Japanese Language Schools and the Federal Survey of Education in Hawai'i, 1916–1920." History of Education Quarterly 43, no. 1 (2003): 10–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2003.tb00113.x.

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Under the policies of the United States, it will be very difficult to prohibit schools of this kind unless it were definitely proven that they were teaching treasonable things.—P. P. Claxton, U. S. Commissioner of EducationThis article critically examines how the 1919 Federal Survey of Education in Hawai'i, under the guise of a scientific study to guide educational reform, was used as the means to implement colonial policies over the territory's largest ethnic group, the Nikkei, people of Japanese ancestry. Furthermore, the survey was also used by various other political and religious parties and individuals to further their own objectives. Although there were many facets to the federal survey, this study focuses only on the debate surrounding Japanese language schools, the most sensational issue of the survey. The battle over the control of Japanese language schools among the white ruling class, educational authorities, and the Nikkei community in Hawai'i created the foundation for an anti-Japanese language school movement that spread to the West Coast of the United States. The survey was also a catalyst for Nikkei in redefining their Japanese language schools and a battleground concerning their future and identity. Despite numerous studies on Japanese Americans in Hawai'i, and studies of the Japanese language schools, neither the process, results, nor effects of the survey have been critically examined to date. This paper analyzes the process of how the federal survey evolved and how it arrived at its conclusions through an examination of the Education Bureau's files in order to illuminate the origins of the Japanese language school control movement and its chapter of ethnic American educational history.
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McCartney, Innes. "The Armoured Cruiser HMS Defence: a case-study in assessing the Royal Navy shipwrecks of the Battle of Jutland (1916) as an archaeological resource." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 41, no. 1 (February 17, 2012): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.2011.00331.x.

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Ağaoğlu, Sami. "Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda Gazze Muharebeleri / The Battles of Gaza in World War I." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 2 (April 6, 2017): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i2.637.

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<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>According to Germany’s demand, Ottoman Empire opened Canal Front which is one of the most important front lines of WWI to pass the Suez Canal and attack Egypt. There were two massive attacks between Ottoman and British. The first clash occured in 1915 and second took place in 1916. Result of Ottoman forces struggle with the British troops, Ottoman Empire were defeated but then Ottoman Empire counter attacked. They tried to prevent British attacks in the campaigns of Sinai and Palestine.</p><p>The paper deals with the First and the Second Battle of Gaza that repelled English forces, the third Gaza Battle and its result, Yildirim Army Group (or Thunderbolt Army Group) of the Ottoman Empire that was formed in order to prevent advance of attackers and siege and fall of Jerusalem. Therefore, subsequent failures of the campaign and retreating to the Anatolia started. The research paper was based on archival documents, primary&amp;secondary sources and memoirs.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Osmanlı Devleti, Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nın önemli cephelerinden olan Kanal cephesini Almanların isteği doğrultusunda Süveyş kanalının geçmek ve Mısır’a taarruz etmek amacıyla açmıştı. Osmanlı Ordusunun I. Kanal Seferi ve II. Kanal Seferi başarısız olunca, karşı saldırıya geçen İngiliz birlikleri Sina ve Filistin cephesinde, Gazze muharebeleri ile durdurulmaya çalışılmıştır.</p><p>Araştırmamızda, İngiliz birliklerinin püskürtüldüğü I. ve II. Gazze muharebeleri, Birüssebi ve Gazze’nin elden çıktığı III. Gazze muharebesi, Osmanlı Devleti’nin bu yenilgiyi durdurabilmek için kurduğu Yıldırım Orduları Gurup Komutanlığı ve Kudüs’ün elden çıkışı ele alınmıştır. Böylelikle birbiri ardına gelen yenilgiler zinciri ile Osmanlı Ordularının Anadolu’ya çekilişi arşiv belgeleri, birinci elden kaynaklar ve hatıratlardan yararlanılarak işlenmiştir.</p>
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Todman, Daniel. "World War I Battles and StrategyPyrrhic Victory: French Strategy and Operations in the Great War, by Robert A Doughty. Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard University Press, 2005. xiii, 578 pp, $39.95 US (cloth).German Strategy and the Path to Verdun: Erich von Falkenhayn and the Development of Attrition, 1870-1916, by Robert T. Foley. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2005. xiv, 301 pp. $70.00 US (cloth).The Battle of the Somme: The Heroism and Horror of War, by Martin Gilbert. Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 2006. xix, 332 pp. $32.99 Cdn (cloth).The Somme, by Robin Prior and Trevor Wilson. New Haven, Connecticut, Yale University Press, 2005. viii, 358 pp. $35.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 42, no. 1 (April 2007): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.42.1.71.

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33

Haas, Allison. "Two 1916s: Sebastian Barry’s A Long Long Way." Humanities 8, no. 1 (March 23, 2019): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8010060.

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As Paul Fussell has shown, the First World War was a watershed moment for 20th century British history and culture. While the role of the 36th (Ulster) Division in the Battle of the Somme has become a part of unionist iconography in what is now Northern Ireland, the experience of southern or nationalist Irish soldiers in the war remains underrepresented. Sebastian Barry’s 2005 novel, A Long Long Way is one attempt to correct this historical imbalance. This article will examine how Barry represents the relationship between the First World War and the 1916 Easter Rising through the eyes of his politically-conflicted protagonist, Willie Dunne. While the novel at first seems to present a common war experience as a means of healing political divisions between Ireland and Britain, this solution ultimately proves untenable. By the end of the novel, Willie’s hybrid English–Irish identity makes him an outcast in both places, even as he increasingly begins to identify with the Irish nationalist cause. Unlike some of Barry’s other novels, A Long Long Way does not present a disillusioned version of the early 20th century Irish nationalism. Instead, Willie sympathizes with the rebels, and Barry ultimately argues for a more inclusive Irish national identity.
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Çiçek, M. Talha. "Visions of Islamic Unity: A Comparison of Djemal Pasha’s al-Sharq and Sharīf Ḥusayn’s al-Qibla Periodicals." Die Welt des Islams 54, no. 3-4 (December 2, 2014): 460–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05434p07.

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During the First World War, the Ottomans undertook a pan-Islamism propaganda campaign through the newspaper al-Sharq (published by Djemal Pasha in Damascus) to motivate its Arab subjects to support the Ottoman struggle against the Entente powers. To this end, many articles and news items appeared in al-Sharq to inspire Muslim unity around the figure of the caliph. Unity was presented as a crucial part of saving Muslims; disasters were predicted should the Ottoman Empire fall to the ‘infidels’. Sharīf Ḥusayn and his followers were explicitly or implicitly accused of splitting the umma and rendering the Ḥijāz and the remainder of independent Muslim territories vulnerable to British and other European imperialists. In 1916, Sharīf Ḥusayn launched a revolt in Mecca against the Ottoman Caliph and established a periodical, al-Qibla, to target the same audience. In al-Qibla, Ḥusayn presented the Committee of Union and Progress as amoral and irreligious usurpers of the caliph’s authority, and therefore undeserving of allegiance. In this article I analyse the discourse of the two competing sides by examining their propaganda on issues such as loyalty to the caliph, the unity of the Muslims and the formation of alliances with the Great Powers. I argue that Islam shaped the propaganda battle between the Ottomans and the sharīf to a greater extent than did Arabism or Turkism.
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Maciąg, Kazimierz. "W kręgu problematyki pamiętników z podróży po Europie Franciszka Salezego Gawrońskiego." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 15, no. 2 (2020): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2020.2.2.

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Franciszek Salezy Gawroński (1787–1871), a soldier in the Napoleonic army and a participant in the November Uprising, is the author of an extensive diary covering the period from his childhood to 1869, some of which was published in 1916, most of which remains in the original manuscripts. In the first half of the nineteenth century Gawroński was also an important figure in Polish political and cultural life in Krakow. He was a member of many societies, and was also elected to the Senate of the Republic of Cracow. Among his friends and acquaintances there were representatives of great aristocratic families. He witnessed important historical events, including the Spring of Nations. The article presents his unpublished diary from his travels around Europe in the years 1839–1841. During this period the diarist visited Italy, Switzerland, German countries, Belgium, France and England and Austria. During his journey, Franciszek Gawroński met with many of his colleagues – soldiers, politicians, writers. Among other things, he visited the site of the Battle of Waterloo, and in Paris he attended the second funeral of Emperor Napoleon. His interlocutors include Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski, Adam Mickiewicz and Jan Skrzynecki. Researchers highly value this diary as a source of information. This work contains important information on the life of the Polish emigration community in France and England, and has hardly been used in academic research so far. The article contains information on the biography of Franciszek Salezy Gawroński, a general characteristic of his autobiographical work, and presents several excerpts from the diary with commentary.
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Ramsay, M. A. "Paddy Griffith. Battle Tactics of the Western Front: The British Army's Art of Attack, 1916–18. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. 1994. Pp. xvi, 286. $30.00. ISBN 0-300-05910-8." Albion 27, no. 2 (1995): 345–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051571.

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STRACHAN, HEW. "THE FIRST WORLD WAR." Historical Journal 43, no. 3 (September 2000): 889–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99001399.

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The arming of Europe and the making of the First World War. By David G. Herrmann. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996. Pp. xiii+307. ISBN 0-691-03374-9. £29.50.Armaments and the coming of war: Europe 1904–1914. By David Stevenson. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. Pp. xi+463. ISBN 0-19-820208-3. £48.00.Authority, identity and the social history of the Great War. Edited by Frans Coetzee and Marilyn Shevin-Coetzee. Providence and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 1995. Pp. xxii+362. ISBN 1-57181-017-X. £40.Dismembering the male: men's bodies, Britain and the Great War. By Joanna Bourke. London: Reaktion Books, 1996. Pp. 336. ISBN 0-948462825. £19.95.Passchendaele: the untold story. By Robin Prior and Trevor Wilson. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1996. Pp. xv+237. ISBN 0-300-066292-9. £19.95.Battle tactics of the western front: the British army's art of attack, 1916–1918. By Paddy Griffith. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1996 (paperback edition). Pp. xvi+286. ISBN 0-300-06663-5. No price given.Government and the armed forces in Britain, 1856–1990. Edited by Paul Smith. London, Hambledon Press, 1996. Pp. xviii+324. ISBN 1-85285-144-9. £35.Whether or not arms races cause wars was a historiographical preoccupation of the Cold War era. The issue was then of more than academic concern. Those opposed to the proliferation of nuclear weapons saw previous arms races as having destabilized the international system at best and as having led ineluctably to war at worst. Their critics countered that arms races possessed the capacity to increase terror and so promote more effective deterrence.
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Dibaranjan Mondal. "Re-reading Tagore’s The Home and the World: A Study of Contesting Modernities." Creative Launcher 6, no. 3 (August 30, 2021): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2021.6.3.07.

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The present paper attempts to focus the model of contesting modernities dealing with conceptual problems rather than the importance of logic and science. The Home and the World (1916), written by Rabindanath Tagore, a fictional autobiographical novel can be read as the model of contesting modernities. In the research article, it is an attempt to explore the textual responses to contesting forms of modernity in abstract ideas about the issues of nation and gender in the context of Swadeshi Bengal in the early decades of twentieth century. After re-reading the text, it can be applied to the larger question of formation of nation and true nationalist and liberty of women. The novel grows out of the anti-partition Swadeshi movement, the issues of the home and the world, the tradition and the modern approach of life. The novel focuses the battle of ideas between western culture and revolution against the western culture in colonial period. Two protagonists of the novel such as Nikhilesh and Sandip in the novel represents two kinds of ideas in the light of the spirit of the Modern age as revealed in Sabuj Patra. From their ideas reveal two types of nationalists’ project. Nationalism always can be viewed as a process of cultural invention. Nikhilesh is a logical man and supports for non-violence. He likes true mental freedom that can be achieved by the projects of nationalism full of humanism. At the other hand, Sandip prefers to aggressive political freedom and power after grabbing over other nations and national resources. Bimala, third protagonist, is ultimately disillusioned to the nationalist project of Sandip about the emancipation of gender. So Modernity, the recreated form of culture can be viewed with humanistic features such as love, co-operation, sympathy, sacrifice etc.
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Anufriev, А. V., and D. V. Kozlov. "The Adventures of Feldkurat Karl Drexel in Siberia (According to Archival Sources). Part 2." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 34 (2020): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2020.34.6.

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We can analyze the fate of one of these priests – the ober- feldkurat of the Austro – Hungarian army Karl Drexel. To describe his activities, the article uses a variety of new archival sources, as well as the diary of a priest. During the Russian offensive operation, the priest was taken prisoner in the battle of RabbaRusskaya. In 1915 K. Drexel came under the operational supervision of the Intelligence Department of the Amur military district. He was suspected of creating a secret organization of officers of the Austro-Hungarian army to escape and espionage. At the same time, the gendarmerie also monitored him. K. Drexel falls under the operational supervision of two serious departments at once: the Intelligence Department of the headquarters of the Irkutsk military district and the Irkutsk provincial gendarmerie Department. During the joint operation, the role of K. Drexel as the organizer of the escapes of prisoners of war and the coordinator of illegal assistance to prisoners, both through the Red Cross and the diplomatic mission in China, was revealed. According to the results of the investigation, appropriate decisions were made. Drexel was arrested and his diary was seized. It contains a synopsis of memories. According to the decision of the Main Directorate of the General staff of 1916, September 21 K. Drexel was sent to the Amur military district and was escorted to Khabarovsk on September 26. It should be emphasized that the historical sources analyzed in the article, help to develop a new approach to the analysis of such an interesting topic as the transformation of the manifestations of loyalty and patriotism of PoW. In this case, it is possible to analyze such manifestations both in relation to the homeland and in relation to the country of captivity. The article is divided into two parts based on the internal logic of the presentation of the material. The second part of the article examines Drexel's stay in the PoW camps in Eastern Siberia, the history of his arrest and investigation of his “espionage” activities, and his subsequent fate.
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Travers, Tim. "Book Reviews : Battle Tactics of the Western Front: The British Army's Art of Attack 1916-1918. By Paddy Griffith. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 1994. xvi + 286 pp. £20.00 boards. ISBN 0 300 05910 8." War in History 2, no. 1 (March 1995): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096834459500200109.

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Brown, Martin. "‘Remember Me To All’: the archaeological recovery and identification of soldiers who fought and died in the battle of Fromelles 1916. By Louise Loe, Caroline Barker, Kate Brady, Margaret Cox and Helen Webb. 300mm. Pp 288, many ills, some col. Oxford Archaeology monogr 23, Oxford Archaeology, Oxford, 2014. isbn9780904220759. £26 (hbk)." Antiquaries Journal 95 (August 6, 2015): 420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581515000402.

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Wåhlin, Vagn. "Folk, dannelse og styreform: En anmeldelse af Ove Korsgaard, Kampen om folket (2004)." Grundtvig-Studier 55, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v55i1.16463.

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Folk, dannelse og styreform: En anmeldelse af Ove Korsgaard “Kampen om folket” (2004).[People, Education and Government: A Review of Ove Korsgaard ‘The Battle over the People’ (2004) ]By Vagn WåhlinOve Korsgaard, Kampen om folket. Et dannelsesperspektiv på dansk historie gennem 500 år [The Battle over the People: A Perspective of Education through 500 years of Danish History] (Gyldendal, Copenhagen, 2004), 672 p.From the day of its publication, Ove Korsgaard’s brilliant dissertation has had much influence on the Danish understanding of Denmark’s 500-year process of establishing the concepts of individual, society, people, and democracy. The author distinguishes between demos, the general population of the state, and ethnos, that part of the population which has inherited and accepted rights and obligations as far as and beyond a constitution and written laws. These latter are folket, the people.This primary division leads to a similar distinction between state and nation as well as a parallel distinction in government between representative government and democratic, self-organization of the citizens. A special focus of the book is the interaction and mutual dependency of the specified categories in an historical perspective of change from a late feudal society to a modem democratic welfare state. Essential institutions in this long societal process have been (a) the Lutheran Church; (b) from 1814, the municipal local schools for all, including girls; (c), for centuries, the patriarchal household; and (d) the rising centralized power of king and state. These four institutions formed the ideological and practical base of society until, through the slow effect of the Enlightenment, the individual and the people as such, within a national and democratic framework, took over in the period 1870-1900 and became the ideological basis of society with special and defined rights and duties attaching to every adult male and, from 1920, female. After the pre-1814 ethnic and cultural Danish-Norwegian-German conglomerate state finally broke down with the loss (1814) of Norway to Sweden and (1864) the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein to Pmssia, Denmark became the most ethnically and linguistically homogeneous state of Europe. Not until then could the ethnic concept of ‘the p e o p l folket, finally take over the indisputable role as the rock of the Danish society - a role which was further strengthened by the German occupation of Denmark 1940-45.Before 1870, 75% of all cultivated land was worked by the owners of medium-sized family farms, and some 75% of the population made their living in the agrarian sector of society. Agriculture produced the necessary surplus to pay for Denmark’s imports. From 1870, when the farmers began to organize effectively, they gained a higher economic, cultural and political status in Danish class-structured society which they were able to maintain for a hundred years. Up to 1870-90 Copenhagen was the only urban-industrial centre of any great significance, and from the 1890s the organized industrial capital and its workforce rose in influence; but not until the 1960s and 70s did these succeed in outdoing the fundamental influence of the agrarian sector on a national scale. Regrettably, this economic perception of the lower middle-class appearance of Danish society has been under evaluated in Korsgaard’s book, and the reader may thus miss a vital factor in the development of the democratic understanding of the Danish ethnos.The labour unions and the labour movement in politics never became revolutionary to any great extent and from 1916-29 renounced any such tendency and won a national position as a trustworthy partner in a coalition with other political and social forces. They graduated from expressing purely class interests to representing the whole population of Denmark. This led to the formation of a general welfare state for all after the Second World War. All political parties and national movements took part in building a welfare provision from cradle to grave, covering 80-90% of the population, which led to an embracing of both ethnos and demos.From the post-industrial and post-modern society of 1970 until today no leading classes in coalition with other groups have been able to formulate a common ideology and political guidelines for the future. So the Danes collectively are insecure about the future, and divided as to whether they want globalisation, Muslim newcomers, the EUconstitution etc.All in all, this book is a fascinating and well-written contribution to the current debate: Where do we come from? Who are we? And where are we heading?
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Ostapenko, Anna. "FROM THE PLEYADA OF ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR I. LVIV’S STUDENTS." Visnyk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Pedagogy, no. 1 (7) (2018): 50–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-3699.2018.7.13.

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The article briefly analyzed the biography of the students of I.P.Lviv, the associate professor of the Chernihiv Pedagogical Institute. The purpose of our article was to show the biography of the students of the lecturer I.P.Lvov, who was known all the world. Our graduates were born and grew up in the Chernihiv region. We briefly wrote about the graduates of I.P.Lvov, and there are P. Tychyna, H. Verevka, F. Los and V. Dyadychenko. All of them grew up and lived in difficult times, when Ukraine was part of the Soviet Union. I. P. Lvov’s students made an outstanding contribution to science, culture of pedagogy in Ukraine. P. Tychyna was a famous Ukrainian poet, interpreter, public activist, academician, and statesman of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. He was born in a big family. His father was a village deacon and a teacher in the local grammar school. In 1900, he became a member of an archiary chorus in the Troitsky monastery near Chernihiv. Simultaneously P. Tychyna studied in the Chernihiv theological school. In 1907−1913 P. Tychyna continued his education in the Chernihiv Theological Seminary. In 1913−1917, he was studying at the Economics department of the Kiev Commercial Institute. At the same time, he worked on the editorial boards of the Kiev newspaper Rada and the magazine Svitlo. In the summer, he worked for the Chernihiv statistical bureau. In 1923, he moved to Kharkiv, entering the vibrant world of early post-Revolution Ukrainian literary organizations. Later he started to study Georgian, and Turkic language, and became the activist of the Association of Eastern Studies in Kyiv. P. Tychnya printed many works, but we viewed only Major works Clarinets of the Sun, The Plow, Instead of Sonnets or Octaves, The Wind from Ukraine, Chernihiv and We Are Going into Battle, Funeral of a Friend, To Grow and Act. H. Veryovka was a Ukrainian composer, choir director, and teacher. He is best known for founding a folk choir, and he was director it for many years, gaining international recognition and winning multiple awards. Veryovka was also a professor of conducting at the Kyiv Conservatory, where he worked alongside faculty including B. Yavorsky, M. Leontovych. H. Veryovka was born in town of Berezna. In 1916, he graduated from the Chernihiv Theological Seminary. In 1918−21 H. Veryovka studied at the Lysenko music school studying a musical composition by B. Yavorsky. In 1933, he received an external degree from the institute. Since 1923 Veryovka continued to work at the Lysenko institute and later Kiev Conservatory. In 1943 in Kharkiv, H. Veryovka organized his well-known choir and until his death was its art director and a main conductor. In 1948-52 he headed the National society of composers of Ukraine. F. Los was born in the village of Pivnivchyna. He studied at the Chernihiv Institute of Social Education. He taught at the secondary school of Volochysk then at the Gorodiansky Pedagogical College of the Chernihiv Region. In 1935, he was a post-graduate student to the Institute of History of the All-Ukrainian Association of Marxist-Leninist Institutes. He researched on the rural community of the early twentieth century. F. Los worked in institutes at such departments: the head of the Department of History of the USSR and Ukraine of the Kiev Pedagogical Institute, the lecturer of the Higher Party School by the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevik), Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, and the professor of the History Department. He published over 200 scientific papers, such as: 15 textbooks on the history of Ukraine co-authored about 20 collective monographs, collections of articles, collections of materials and documents. He buried in Kiev. V. Dyadychenko was a researcher, lecturer and methodologist. He was born in Chernihiv in a family of statistician. He graduated from the Chernihiv Institute of Public Education. Having received a diploma of higher education, he taught at the Mykolaiv Pedagogical Institute. Later V. Dyadychenko moved to Kiev and worked at the Institute of History of Ukraine Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR. In the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv V. Dyadychenko worked at such chairs: the Department of History of the USSR, the history of the Middle Ages and the ancient history, archeology and museology. Professor V. Dyadychenko collaborate in the writing of school-books on the history of Ukraine for students in grade 7-8. V. Dyadychenko was social and political active worker. In 1973, he died.
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Militaria, Editorial Team. "THE BATTLE OF DELVILLE WOOD July 1916." Scientia Militaria - South African Journal of Military Studies 17, no. 1 (February 28, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5787/17-1-422.

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Militaria, Editorial Team. "THE BATTLE OF DELVILLE WOOD July 1916." Scientia Militaria - South African Journal of Military Studies 17, no. 1 (February 28, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5787/17-1-439.

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46

"The 1916 Battle of the Somme: a reappraisal." Choice Reviews Online 30, no. 08 (April 1, 1993): 30–4561. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.30-4561.

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Cushman, Keith. "Lawrence in Cornwall, 1916-1917: The Battle of the Biographies." Études Lawrenciennes, no. 50 (August 29, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lawrence.889.

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"Battle tactics of the Western Front: the British Army's art of attack, 1916-18." Choice Reviews Online 32, no. 05 (January 1, 1995): 32–2892. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.32-2892.

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McKinnon, Duncan P. "M. R. Harrington and the Lost Mound in Hempstead County, Arkansas." Index of Texas Archaeology Open Access Grey Literature from the Lone Star State, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21112/.ita.2012.1.11.

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In the early months of 1916, Mark R. Harrington, under the auspices of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, visited a mound site at the Battle Farm in Hempstead County, Arkansas. Harrington describes the location of the Hempstead County mound being three miles west of Fulton “on the brink of a low terrace of the Red river bottoms, perhaps half a mile north of that stream and a quarter of a mile east of Little River, which empties into the Red at this point.” Using historical maps and archaeological site reports, this paper explores the area around the confluence of the Red and Little Rivers in search of the Lost Mound at the Battle Farm in Hempstead County. Results demonstrate that while the actual mound at the Hempstead County Battle Farm likely no longer exists on the landscape, the archaeological site 3HE413 is a likely candidate for the location of the mound site based on topographic location and the artifact assemblage recorded from the site.
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Istre, Logan Stagg. "Bench over Ballot: The Fight for Judicial Supremacy and the New Constitutional Politics, 1910–1916." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, August 3, 2020, 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000079.

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Abstract The nature of American constitutional politics was forever changed during the Progressive Era. In the nineteenth century, the process of constitutional interpretation was a vague and decentralized enterprise balanced between the courts and the public square. The meaning of the Constitution was decided as much at the polls or on the battlefield as in court opinions. This balance started to give way at the turn of the century as federal courts began asserting greater authority in the definition of constitutional bounds. “Bench over Ballot” illustrates how the assertion of judicial supremacy in the Progressive Era precipitated a fight that upended the traditional dynamic of American politics. Populist-progressives championed the people's ultimate right to correct judicial decisions while traditionalist-conservatives stood for judicial supremacy to ensure a “government of laws.” The outcome of the political battle in 1912 was a consensus between Wilsonian progressives and Taftian conservatives in favor of judicial supremacy that banished the notion of popular supremacy and transformed the nature of constitutional politics from a popular, decentralized process to a vicious battle over the personal composition of the bench—a phenomenon deeply familiar over a century later.
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