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Journal articles on the topic 'Victorian architecture'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Kaufman, Edward N. "Architectural Representation in Victorian England." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 46, no. 1 (March 1, 1987): 30–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990143.

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Victorian architectural theorists believed that buildings were capable of conveying meanings in a direct and precise way, rather like books, paintings, or even orators. These meanings were understood to refer to things outside the building: architecture was thus conceived to be a representational form of art. This essay explores some of the consequences of this view. What subjects did Victorian buildings represent, and how did they do so? What criteria determined a building's adequacy as a representation? How, finally, did the demand for representational content shape the central Victorian concept of architectural truth?

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2

Dobraszczyk, Paul. "Victorian Market Halls, Ornamental Iron and Civic Intent." Architectural History 55 (2012): 173–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00000095.

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This article focuses on the relationship between ornamental iron and the civic in British market halls, a subject which has been overlooked in the existing literature on their architectural development. Like many other forms of nineteenth-century retail architecture — shops, bazaars, arcades and department stores — market halls embraced the new architectural possibilities suggested by iron: increased floor-spans were made possible by wrought-iron joists, which could span greater distances than timber ones; the strength of cast-iron columns allowed larger openings in the external walls; and the increased availability and lower cost of glass meant that these openings could be glazed, allowing greater visibility of commodities. Yet, unlike much Victorian retail architecture, which was usually privately financed, market halls were explicitly articulated as public spaces. As such, there were problems in assimilating iron-and-glass structures into established notions of public architecture. In 1878, The Building News, in a discussion of London’s market buildings, argued that they should be ‘different from huge railway sheds and Crystal Palaces’ because their status as public buildings required some form of ‘artistic’ treatment. For many architects of market halls — in common with other new building types in the Victorian period, such as pumping stations, railway stations, exhibition halls and warehouses — the solution lay in a dual architectural identity: an exterior structure built in conventional building materials such as stone and brick, harmonizing with existing urban architecture; and an interior space supported by an independent iron-and-glass structure.

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3

Valen, Dustin. "On the Horticultural Origins of Victorian Glasshouse Culture." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 75, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 403–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2016.75.4.403.

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Designed to protect and propagate exotic plants from around the world, the nineteenth-century glasshouse was a topos for environmental concerns. While historians have pointed to the confluence of glasshouse horticulture and the rise of environmental thought in architecture, how and why these transfers took place is not well understood. In On the Horticultural Origins of Victorian Glasshouse Culture, Dustin Valen examines how gardening informed architectural production in nineteenth-century England by transmitting Victorian science into building culture. He explores how gardening periodicals and books served as vehicles for environmental and scientific thought, and how “artificial climates” made by horticulturalists were reinscribed in debates over human health and transformed into “medical climates” in architecture. Bridging these disciplinary boundaries, the glasshouse played a key role in the emerging environmental paradigm in architecture by crossbreeding building practices with scientific knowledge and illustrating how mechanical solutions could be applied to living problems.

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4

Holden, Roger N. "Victorian and Edwardian British Industrial Architecture." Industrial Archaeology Review 38, no. 2 (July 2, 2016): 147–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03090728.2016.1248535.

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5

Armstrong, James P., Jeffrey M. Coleman, Charles T. Goodsell, Danielle S. Hollar, and Keith A. Hutchseon. "Social Meanings of Public Architecture: A Victorian Elucidation." Public Voices 3, no. 3 (April 11, 2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.369.

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A theoretical framework for social interpretation of public buildings is proposed. Seven types of social meaning attributable to such structures are identified, by which we mean forms of Ullderstanding apart from those associated with the standard architectural criteria of aesthetic quality and programmatic functionality. These types are named after John Ruskin's Seven Lamps of Architecture: Sacrifice, Truth, Power, Beauty, Life, Memory, and Obedience. Utilization of this analytic framework is illustrated by applying it to the State, War and Navy Building in Washington, D.C., now known as the Old Executive Office Building (OEOB).

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6

De Celis, David T. "The Charms of an American Queen Anne: Rediscovered a-lá COVID-19." Interiority 3, no. 2 (July 30, 2020): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/in.v3i2.97.

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This moment, the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic, has provided an opportunity—sometimes forced via crisis, or via moments of quiet reflection—to consider the inside, interior time and space, in new ways. In America, like other countries, architectural styles have come to us from foreign lands. Numerous domestic structures were influenced by British events from the 1700s–1800s. These styles—these architectures—were transformed by local/regional/national influences and events—events like this current international pandemic—that push the proverbial pause button, and cause us to re-think design. The author, who now resides and works (along with his family) in an 1886 Queen Anne style home, contemplates the various attributes and transformations of domestic architectures and the influences that shape them over time, asking: Why Queen Anne in America? How was it Victorian? And why is it relevant today? Empirical methods include observations and precedents-analysis, design work, the study of technological advances and interior-architecture history of the Victorian era. Emphasis on domesticity acknowledges both past and present by recognizing the importance of domestic architecture from the late 1700s through the 1800s, and into the present. Thus, we better understand how/why the Queen Anne style became ubiquitous in New England, and how its attributes of innate flexibility may help us today.

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7

Meacham, Standish, and Deborah E. B. Weiner. "Architecture and Social Reform in Late-Victorian London." American Historical Review 101, no. 2 (April 1996): 491. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170460.

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8

McMordie, Michael. "Crinson, Mark. Empire Building: Orientalism and Victorian Architecture." Urban History Review 27, no. 1 (October 1998): 74–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1016628ar.

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9

Stamp, Gavin. "High Victorian Gothic and the Architecture of Normandy." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 62, no. 2 (June 1, 2003): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3592477.

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High Victorian Gothic in England was an exotic style, and the importance of Italian Gothic precedents in its development has long been recognized, as has the interest in thirteenth-century French Gothic in the 1850s. What has received much less attention is the influence of the medieval buildings of Normandy. In this article, I examine the historical and cultural connections between England and Normandy, which were stimulated by the Napoleonic Wars and the threat of invasion, and were further encouraged by the ease of crossing the English Channel. Seeking the origins of English Gothic and Romanesque architecture, antiquaries and artists explored Normandy in the decades after Waterloo, anticipating the interest of architects. Whether the results of travel or study of a growing number of publications on the medieval architecture of Normandy, numerous midcentury buildings show intimate acquaintance with thirteenth-century churches in Normandy-old village churches with saddleback towers or distinctive spires, which, paradoxically, resemble High Victorian designs in their rugged austerity.

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10

Muthesius, Stefan. "Victorian Architecture: Diversity and Invention (review)." Victorian Review 36, no. 1 (2010): 235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vcr.2010.0011.

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11

Dobraszczyk, Paul. "Historicizing Iron: Charles Driver and the Abbey Mills Pumping Station (1865-68)." Architectural History 49 (2006): 223–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x0000277x.

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Victorian architects and architectural theorists made a clear distinction between ‘building’ and ‘architecture’; for them, a building became architecture when historical references were invoked. The development of new constructive materials, in particular cast iron, directly challenged this perceived distinction. A new material possessed no history; how, therefore, could it be architectural? This paper will address this question by focusing on the treatment of cast iron in a particular building – the Abbey Mills pumping station, of 1865–68 (Fig. 3) – assessing, for the first time, the contribution of its architect Charles Driver (1832-1900). By also referring to Driver’s published writings, this paper will assess how he sought, in this building, to invest cast iron with architectural, and therefore historical, meaning.

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12

Hall, Michael. "What Do Victorian Churches Mean? Symbolism and Sacramentalism in Anglican Church Architecture, 1850-1870." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 59, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 78–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991563.

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In a challenging but little-studied article published in Architectura in 1985, David B. Brownlee argued that the religious concept of the development of doctrine influenced the belief of architects in the Anglican Church in the 1840s that they should attempt to "develop" architecture in a radical new direction. The result was the style we now call "High Victorian." This article takes up Professor Brownlee's argument in two ways. First, it looks at how architects in the 1850s sought to create a progressive style by drawing on ideas and images from contemporary science, specifically geology, for which development was also a key word. Second, it addresses the question of why the idea of development fell so suddenly from favor in avant-garde architectural circles in the 1860s. It argues that as science and religion withdrew into their separate spheres, architects turned instead to an ideal based not on historical development but on the imitation of a stylistic paradigm. This approach was influenced by High Church belief that the sacraments, most importantly the Eucharist, were the material realization of a timeless supernatural reality. Changing attitudes to time and precedent had important consequences for the way architects viewed restoration, archaeology, and the use of historical models.

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13

Agazarian, Dory. "A Victorian Wrenaissance: Historical Narrative at St. Paul's Cathedral." Victorian Literature and Culture 49, no. 3 (2021): 389–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150319000408.

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The condition of St. Paul's Cathedral was central to concerns about the perception of London over the course of the nineteenth century. Designed by Sir Christopher Wren, it faced public criticism from the start. Unlike gothic Westminster Abbey, St. Paul's was an eclectic amalgam of gothic and neoclassical architecture; its interior was never finished. Efforts to decorate were boxed in by the strictures of Victorian architectural revivalism. This is the story of how academic historiography resolved a problem that aesthetic and architectural theory could not. Throughout the century, cathedral administrators sought to improve the cathedral by borrowing tools from historians with varying success. In the 1870s, a solution emerged when historians reinvented the Italian Renaissance as a symbol of liberal individualism. Their revisionist Renaissance provided an alternative to pure gothic or neoclassical revivalism, able to accommodate Wren's stylistic eclecticism. Scholars have traditionally plotted disputes about St. Paul's within broader architectural debates. Yet I argue that these discussions were framed as much by historical discourse as aesthetics. Turns in Victorian historiography eventually allowed architects to push past the aesthetic limits of the Battle of the Styles. New methods in Victorian historical research were crucial to nineteenth-century experiences of urban space.

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14

Porter, Bernard. "Was Laing Right?" Albion 23, no. 2 (1991): 285–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050608.

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I found Professors Wohl's and Schmiechen's replies informative and stimulating. Unfortunately I do not think they would upset the dreadful Laing. Before I go on to explain why, however, I should correct two misunderstandings.Firstly: I offered “Laing's theorem” as a hypothesis, not necessarily as my view. Nowhere in my original article did I indicate my “acceptance” of it (Wohl). It is simply an idea to be tested, as a possible explanation for what I do regard as high Victorian Britain's artistic poverty, of which more in a moment. Secondly: I do not regard myself as a “basher” of Victorianism, of the kind that used to be common a few years ago. That is Professor Schmiechen's charge. As I understand and indeed remember it, the old bashers deplored Victorian taste. I on the contrary have a consuming passion for it. In particular, I have a high regard for Victorian architecture, which is one of the two areas I specifically exempted (though Professor Wohl has missed this) from my strictures against the quality of the high Victorians' cultural achievement. For what it is worth — and it is not worth much, being only my own personal opinion, but I feel I need to establish my credentials here — I would place All Saint's, Margaret Street, London, by Butterfield, high on my list of the most inspiring buildings anywhere in the world, and St. Mary's Church, Studley Royal, Yorkshire, by Burges, among the half-dozen most beautiful. There is dedication for you. This may lower one or two philo-Victorians' hackles. I hope so.

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15

Sokolova, Maria. "“Italian Theme” in Victorian Country House Architecture of England." Actual Problems of Theory and History of Art 6 (2016): 508–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18688/aa166-6-54.

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16

Rupke, Nicolaas A., and Carla Yanni. "Nature's Museums: Victorian Science and the Architecture of Display." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 33, no. 2 (2001): 336. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053413.

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17

Lawrence, Ranald. "Halls, lobbies, and porches: transition spaces in Victorian architecture." Journal of Architecture 25, no. 4 (May 18, 2020): 419–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602365.2020.1767176.

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18

Haran, B. "Homeless Houses: Classifying Walker Evans's Photographs of Victorian Architecture." Oxford Art Journal 33, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 189–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/kcq015.

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19

McCarthy, Christine. "Against ‘Churchianity’: Edmund Anscombe’s Suburban Church Designs." Architectural History 52 (2009): 169–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00004184.

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Edmund Anscombe (1874-1948) was an important New Zealand architect, well known for his design of the 1925 New Zealand and South Seas International Exhibition (Logan Park, Dunedin) and the 1940 New Zealand Centennial Exhibition (Rongotai, Wellington), as well as for his art deco buildings in Hawkes Bay (especially Hastings), and in Wellington.This article explores Anscombe’s contribution to New Zealand’s early twentieth-century church design by presenting new archival research and examining his distinctive use of secular imagery, notably the architectures of the house and schoolhouse. The article locates these designs simultaneously within traditions of Nonconformist architecture and within a Victorian interest in the home as productively informing a spiritual understanding of church building. While some architectural examples of this thinking were apparent in late nineteenth-century America, there are no other known examples in New Zealand. Anscombe’s use of this secular and domestic imagery in his church design enabled fashionable and theologically-informed architectures to co-exist.

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20

Bremner, G. Alex. ""Some Imperial Institute": Architecture, Symbolism, and the Ideal of Empire in Late Victorian Britain, 1887-93." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 62, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 50–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3655083.

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This article explores the relationship between architecture and imperial idealism in late Victorian Britain. It traces the development of the Imperial Institute in the South Kensington section of London from conception to completion, considering the proposals that surrounded the scheme in relation to the sociopolitical context within which it emerged. Sources such as letters, guidebooks, newspapers, journal articles, official publications, and government documents are drawn upon; from them an interpretation of the building is offered that moves beyond issues concerning style and patronage to broader cultural implications. The institute evolved as a consequence of the changing circumstances then affecting British foreign and imperial affairs, and commonly held beliefs relating to empire were reflected in the building's architecture. Analysis of the leading ideas that shaped the scheme formally and spatially reveals that the edifice was intended to stand literally as an emblem of the apparent strength and unity of the British empire. The importance of the institute as an architectural idea, therefore, lies not only in its attempt to give symbolic form to a concept of empire that was at the heart of late Victorian concerns, but also in the way it sought to mark and distinguish London as the center and capital of that empire.

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21

Jackson, Neil. "Review: John Ruskin and Victorian Architecture by Michael W. Brooks." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 47, no. 4 (December 1, 1988): 419–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990390.

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22

Sokolova, Maria V. "National Heritage and Style in Late Victorian Country House Architecture." Actual Problems of Theory and History of Art 10 (2020): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18688/aa200-1-11.

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23

Townsend, Lucy. "Iowa Historic Schools Highlighting Victorian Influence: Photo Study of Architecture." Annals of Iowa 74, no. 3 (July 2015): 333–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0003-4827.12221.

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24

Çelik, Zeynep. "Review: Empire Building: Orientalism and Victorian Architecture by Mark Crinson." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 56, no. 4 (December 1, 1997): 511–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991325.

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25

Dotson, Emily A. "Jody Griffith, Victorian Structures: Architecture, Society, and Narrative." Victoriographies 14, no. 1 (March 2024): 86–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/vic.2024.0522.

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26

Barringer, T. J. "Nature's Museums: Victorian Science and the Architecture of Display, and: On Exhibit: Victorians and Their Museums (review)." Victorian Studies 45, no. 1 (2002): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2003.0040.

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27

Crinson, Mark. "The Uses of Nostalgia: Stirling and Gowan's Preston Housing." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 65, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 216–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25068265.

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James Stirling and James Gowan's Preston housing scheme (1957-61) has been largely neglected by architectural historians. The Preston housing demonstrates that Victorianism had an earlier and far stronger role in Stirling's movement toward a skeptical engagement with modernism and a more reconciliatory approach to architectures of the past. This article casts new light on the scheme through a close examination of the buildings themselves, the architects' statements, and Stirling's photographs. The architects brought two new resources to the work on these buildings: an interest in the regional aspects of the "functional tradition" and a willingness to use elements of the then-depised Victorian city, especially the typology of its bylaw streets. Critical response centred on the scheme's alleged "nostalgia," but the architects anticipated this reaction by adopting a positive understanding of nostalgia that enabled them to reconsider the possibilities of a retrospective and place-specific architecture in postwar Britain.

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28

Somerville, Kirsten. "Walls have mouths." Groundings Undergraduate 6 (April 1, 2013): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.36399/groundingsug.6.230.

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Architectural sculpture may often be overlooked or dismissed as mere aesthetic embellishment, but on closer examination, important messages may be contained within it. Specifically, it can be used in a uniquely emblematic way to project certain ideologies of power. This emblematic process involves the recombination of various fragmented signs and allusions into new forms by the viewer to arrive at a meaning. It is argued that such a process is employed extensively in the architectural sculptures of the Glasgow City Chambers building as a powerful tool to communicate Victorian ideals of power and value. The power of the emblem in architecture can only be appreciated through a multi-disciplinary approach, incorporating architectural, historical and literary methodologies.

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29

Mariner, Wendy K. "Toward An Architecture of Health Law." American Journal of Law & Medicine 35, no. 1 (March 2009): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009885880903500102.

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In 1894, John Drinkwater, the befuddled, searching architect in John Crowley’s compelling fantasy, Little, Big, built his own home, Edgewood, “as a kind of compound illustration” of Victorian architectural styles.1 Rounding each corner, the visitor sees a different façade and interior – Italianate villa, Tudor manor house, neo-classical, country cottage – complete in itself, its attachment to the others invisible from a single perspective.Reading a small flurry of articles from the past few years attempting to describe the field of health law, one feels like a visitor to Edgewood. The different perspectives are pleasing in themselves, without necessarily revealing the whole. This essay examines what I call the “architecture” of the health law field. By this I mean, without pressing the metaphor too far, the framework of beams and studs in which interior spaces can be designed, furnished and accessorized in different ways.

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30

Wonders, Karen. "Nature's Museums: Victorian Science and the Architecture of Display Carla Yanni." Public Historian 23, no. 1 (January 2001): 102–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3379401.

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31

Weiner, Deborah E. B. "THE ARCHITECTURE OF VICTORIAN PHILANTHROPY: THE SETTLEMENT HOUSE AS MANORIAL RESIDENCE." Art History 13, no. 2 (June 1990): 212–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8365.1990.tb00389.x.

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32

MacLeod, Roy. "Book Review: Nature's Museums; Victorian Science and the Architecture of Display." Public Understanding of Science 9, no. 4 (October 2000): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096366250000900407.

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33

Nyhart, Lynn K. "Nature's Museums: Victorian Science and the Architecture of Display. Carla Yanni." Isis 92, no. 1 (March 2001): 190–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385116.

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34

Elaine Jackson-Retondo. "Building Power: Architecture and Surveillance in Victorian America (review)." Buildings & Landscapes: Journal of the Vernacular Architecture Forum 17, no. 1 (2010): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bdl.0.0033.

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35

Woodson-Boulton, Amy. "The Victorian Art School: Architecture, History, Environment by Ranald Lawrence (review)." Victorian Studies 65, no. 1 (September 2022): 166–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/victorianstudies.65.1.34.

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36

Woodson-Boulton, Amy. "The Victorian Art School: Architecture, History, Environment by Ranald Lawrence (review)." Victorian Studies 65, no. 1 (September 2022): 166–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2022.a901312.

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37

MCCLELLAND, ANDREW G. "A ‘ghastly interregnum’: the struggle for architectural heritage conservation in Belfast before 1972." Urban History 45, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 150–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926816000870.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the creation of the system for the conservation of architectural heritage in Northern Ireland, evidencing the struggle for convergence within the UK before 1972. The agency of networked individuals, close state–civil society interrelationships and the innovative actions of conservationist groups in response to legislative and practice inadequacies in the 1960s are discussed. In particular, a series of ‘pre-statutory lists’ are introduced, highlighting the burgeoning interest in industrial archaeology and Victorian architecture in Belfast and the prompt provided to their creation by redevelopment. The efforts of conservationists were eventually successful after the collapse of Devolution in the early 1970s.

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38

Bontempo, Eric. "Converting Byron in Victorian Devotional Poetry Collections." Essays in Romanticism 29, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 187–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/eir.2022.29.2.6.

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This essay examines the variety of religious remediations of Byron’s poetry in the Victorian period, arguing that the poet’s specialized inclusion in Victorian devotional poetry anthologies signals the logic and politics of evangelical Christianity. Carefully anthologized selections of Childe Harolde’s Pilgrimage and Hebrew Melodies in devotional poetry collections like The Pious Minstrel (1831), Beauties of Modern Sacred Poetry (1862), and The Sunday Book of Poetry (1864) allowed publishers, editors, and readers to claim Byron as either a converted, saved Christian poet or as a lost soul who occasionally expressed the pious insights of someone on the brink of conversion. Byron’s posthumous reception in Victorian evangelical discourse is an understudied phenomenon that parallels other forms of Victorian Byromania that attempt to “convert” the poet and his works. I argue that the remediation and circulation of Byron’s anthologized devotional poetry offers insights into Victorian conceptions of Christian living, prayer, devotion, and piety.

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39

BORSAY, PETER. "Why are houses interesting?" Urban History 34, no. 2 (June 20, 2007): 338–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926807004671.

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Shortly into his path-breaking study of The Small House in Eighteenth-Century London, Peter Guillery remarks that ‘houses are principally interesting because people live in them’ (p. 10). To urban historians the observation might seem unexceptional, even banal. To many architectural historians his comment would be incomprehensible. Therein lies the difficulty for the urban historian with a concern for housing, public buildings and planning. There is a wealth of serious academic studies of architecture, but the majority are written in a language which can seem arcane to the uninitiated and address an agenda which appears little interested in those who inhabited the buildings. At the heart of the problem lies the requirement to treat the built form primarily as a work of art, so that what is studied has to justify itself as an object worthy of aesthetic consideration, and has to relate to an established stylistic canon and chronology. Judged in this light, considerations of user and usage are largely irrelevant, and can appear an invitation to slip into the sort of popular architectural discourse, common in the Victorian and Edwardian periods, in which dwellings are valued primarily for the celebrities and anecdotes associated with them. People are germane only to the extent that they designed buildings, as architects, or commissioned them, as patrons of the arts. Among the two most influential figures in developing and in particular disseminating the art-history perspective on architecture in twentieth-century Britain were Nikolaus Pevsner and John Summerson. Today their presence is felt not only in the world of scholarship, where it has not gone unchallenged, but also and more importantly in popular perceptions of architecture, as mediated through guide literature, the amenity societies (like the National Trust, the Georgian Group and the Victorian Society) and the conservation movement. It is an influence which has been ambivalent. On the one hand, it has led to a far deeper popular understanding and appreciation of architectural form and its history, and has saved many fine buildings. On the other hand, it is has led to a dissociation of form and human usage, a devaluation of structures and traditions not defined as canonic and a blindness to the subjective and ideological nature of architectural history itself.

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40

St Clair Wade, Ralph. "The Roots of Scottish Baronial: Drawings for David Bryce’s Book Project, 1827–36." Architectural History 66 (2023): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/arh.2023.5.

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ABSTRACTThis article re-evaluates an unfinished book project by the celebrated Edinburgh architect David Bryce (1803–76). It demonstrates that a group of drawings in the British Architectural Library hitherto attributed to Bryce’s employer William Burn (1789–1870) was in fact the work of the young Bryce, who executed them between 1827 and 1831. This corpus emerges as the first stage of Bryce’s book project, of which only one volume, ‘Sketches of Scotch and Old English Ornament’ (c. 1831–36), was compiled but not published. Bryce’s initiative, in turn, emerges as the preparatory effort for one of Victorian Scotland’s great sourcebooks, The Baronial and Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Scotland (1845–52) by Robert William Billings. In itself, Bryce’s unpublished work represents a notably early engagement with the architecture of early modern Scotland; in its relation to the work of Billings, it played an appreciable role in the revival of Scotland’s national architecture.

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41

Pechenkin, Il'ya E. ""THE ENGLISHNESS" IN I.V. ZHOLTOVSKY'S ARCHITECTURE. HORSERACING SOCIETY HOUSE." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Philosophy. Social Studies. Art Studies, no. 2 (2020): 111–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6401-2020-2-111-137.

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I.V. Zholtovsky’s name as well as his architecture are imagined as fully associated with Italian influences. Meanwhile, by the beginning of the 20th century, Italy was by no means the most significant country of palladianism: this stylistic movement had been developed much more in England, in addition the first monograph on Palladio was published in London (1902). Having studied the biographical documents of Zholtovsky, one can conclude that the “English theme” in his life was no less significant than the “Italian”. Moreover, this relation was not limited to the sphere of political or cultural preferences, but strongly affected the architect professional activities. By the example of Zholtovsky’s first independent work, the Horseracing Society house in Moscow, one can trace how the creative credo of Zholtovsky-neoclassicism was formed; how from imitation of the British Victorian style, through the study of English architectural books, he came to his own version of neoclassic style (that was so far from the patriotic-nostalgic features of the pre-revolutionary decades of Russian architecture).

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Zonaga, Anthony, and Marcus Carter. "The Role of Architecture in Constructing Gameworlds: Intertextual Allusions, Metaphorical Representations and Societal Ethics in Dishonored." Loading 12, no. 20 (November 20, 2019): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1065898ar.

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In this article, we present a close analysis of the role that the steampunk industrial Victorian architecture in Dishonored (2012) has in constructing the player’s experience and knowledge of the gameworld. Through various intertextual allusions and metaphorical representations, we argue the architecture works as an important storytelling element, contextualizing information that the player learns and conveying information about the game’s main characters, similar to the ways that architecture is utilized in other visual media such as television and film. In addition, we also argue that the architecture in Dishonored plays a crucial role in conveying to the player information about the morals and values of the fictional society, key to the game’s moral-choice gameplay.

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Phillips, Mike. "Digital Ectoplasm and the Infinite Architecture of the Fulldome." Architectural Design 94, no. 4 (July 2024): 110–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ad.3082.

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AbstractSuggesting a curious comparison between the Victorian séance and the contemporary world of immersive virtual environments, Mike Phillips, Professor of Interdisciplinary Arts at the University of Plymouth, and Director of Research at i‐DAT.org, describes the new capabilities of the fulldome, which uses notions of the automatic movements of the planchette, the wooden token that traverses the alphanumeric surface of the notorious Ouija board, as a model for the development of a quasi‐participatory audience interface he dubs the ‘phage’. Clusters of phage can be manipulated by the viewer‐occupiers of the dome to instigate all manner of formal, scalar and conceptual transpositionings.

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Preston, Jennifer, and Naomi Stead. "Edward Bell and the Interdisciplinarity of Engineering and Architecture in Victorian Sydney." Fabrications 23, no. 2 (December 2013): 182–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10331867.2013.860673.

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SEED, J. "Art and Architecture in Victorian Manchester. Ten illustrations of patronage and practice." Oxford Art Journal 9, no. 2 (January 1, 1986): 80–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/9.2.80.

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Carter, Thomas. "Traditional Design in an Industrial Age: Vernacular Domestic Architecture in Victorian Utah." Journal of American Folklore 104, no. 414 (1991): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/541549.

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Sokol, David M. "Building Power: Architecture and Surveillance in Victorian America by Anna Vemer Andrzejewski." Journal of American Culture 33, no. 1 (March 2010): 71–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734x.2010.00734_3.x.

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Whelan, Debbie. "Snippets from the north: Architects in Durban and their response to identity, common culture and resistance in the 1930s." VITRUVIO - International Journal of Architectural Technology and Sustainability 4, no. 1 (June 18, 2019): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/vitruvio-ijats.2019.11774.

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<p class="Abstracttext-VITRUVIOCxSpFirst">Previously colonized by both Holland and Britain, South Africans have always borrowed; many taking aesthetic clues from memories of ‘home’. Applied seemingly irrelevantly, these ‘clues’ often border on the pastiche. Pre and post Union in 1910, the British-controlled colonies of Natal and the Cape absorbed imported architectural influences which not only introduced an Arts and Crafts layer to Victorian Gothic and Classical revivals, but introduced vital new ideas, namely Art Deco and Modernism.</p><p class="Abstracttext-VITRUVIOCxSpFirst">Somehow this polemic embraced another revival: a melange of Tudor and Elizabethan focusing on detail, craftsmanship and nostalgia. The ‘Tudorbethan’ Revival occurred at a vital point in the inter-war era, and it is contended that this style demonstrated a calculated resistance to the hybrid ‘Union Period’ architecture and its political role in forging a common diasporic identity and culture in the 1930s, rather than a mere application of fashion.</p><p class="Abstracttext-VITRUVIOCxSpFirst">This paper situates the Tudorbethan Revival within contemporary architectural themes in Durban, South Africa, and contextualises the socio-political production of buildings between the wars before examining the works of architects who conceived this well-crafted, nostalgic and irrelevant architecture. It concludes by comparing this complex aesthetic with the contemporary architectural thread of ‘Gwelo’ Goodman’s Cape Dutch Revival suggesting the degree to which domestic architecture is able to support political positions in contested societies.</p>

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Barringer, Tim. "BOOK REVIEW: Carla Yanni.NATURE'S MUSEUMS: VICTORIAN SCIENCE AND THE ARCHITECTURE OF DISPLAY. and Barbara J.ON EXHIBIT: VICTORIANS AND THEIR MUSEUMS." Victorian Studies 45, no. 1 (October 2002): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2002.45.1.151.

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Brittain-Catlin, Timothy. "Horace Field and Lloyds Bank." Architectural History 53 (2010): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00003944.

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In 1980, Andrew Saint told members of the Victorian Society that the Arts and Crafts architect Horace Field (1861-1948) was ‘frequently referred to but rarely discussed’. Thirty years later the situation is largely unchanged. Yet Field played an influential role in the architectural development of the twentieth-century English and Welsh high street. He was a significant figure in the process by which the architectural styles of bank premises were, by the late 1920s, transformed from ones very similar to those of commercial or municipal offices into a distinct and domestic interpretation of the style of Queen Anne. His contribution was two-fold: as the designer of a series of branches of Lloyds Bank, and as co-author (with his former assistant, Michael Bunney) of the widely read English Domestic Architecture of the XVII and XVIII Centuries, published in 1905.

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