Journal articles on the topic 'Vietnam, Guerra de, 1961 1975'

El artista plástico argentino León Ferrari y el escritor Rafael Alberti se conocieron, en 1959, durante el exilio americano del poeta español. Desde 1962 Ferrari ilustró composiciones literarias de Alberti: en 1964 publican el libro conjunto Escrito en el aire. Ambos artistas mantuvieron una fluida correspondencia de fina amistad. Publicamos cinco cartas inéditas, dirigidas por Ferrari a Alberti, entre 1963 y 1965, en las que el argentino comenta varios asuntos de interés creativo del arte contemporáneo: la elaboración de obras pictóricas, montajes e instalaciones y los asuntos polémicos que las inspiran: la denuncia política y social. Ferrari se enfrenta con vehemencia a la guerra de Vietnam, a la Iglesia católica enajenante, reaccionaria y cómplice de injusticias y desequilibrios económicos que se perpetúan y al poder inicuo y capitalista.

Mal termina a II Guerra Mundial, já começa a guerra fria entre as duas grandes potências de então: EUA e URSS. A disputa de poderes político e econômico e a consequente tentativa de dominar o restante do planeta durante a década de 1960 culmina com a Guerra do Vietnã (1959-1975). Os Estados Unidos invadem o Vietnã para não deixar que o comunismo se propague para o restante da Ásia. A disputa entre capitalismo e comunismo gera outras circunstâncias, além da própria guerra, que contribuem para definir todo o contexto desse decênio tão revolucionário quanto transformador (...)

De entre todos los conflictos en los que ha tomado parte Estados Unidos durante el s. xx, la guerra de Vietnam ha sido la contienda que ha dejado una cicatriz más profunda en la sociedad del país. Anunciada como un conflicto en defensa de la democracia, los estadounidenses pronto se mostraron en desacuerdo con esta visión. Como reflejo de esta disconformidad, la sociedad se manifestó mediante diferentes vías tales como la literatura, el cine o la música. En esta última se aúnan las inquietudes de la generación beat, el movimiento hippie y aquellos que se oponían al conflicto a través de un género: la canción protesta.Este artículo plantea el análisis de este género a través de una selección de cantautores y canciones como fuente acompañada de una exhaustiva documentación bibliográfica sobre la cuestión. Con ellas pretendemos demostrar cómo afectó el conflicto a la sociedad estadounidense durante las décadas de 1960 y 1970 y cómo aquel fue objeto de crítica en materias tales como la industria armamentística, el reclutamiento, el movimiento antibélico y las muertes ocasionadas, estableciendo a partir de este esquema un retrato del conflicto y sus consecuencias. Del mismo modo, indagamos en la evolución posterior de un género que, si bien ha existido, parece haber languidecido después de este periodo de hiperactividad.

Nhat Tien, now in his early fifties and one of the best-known Vietnamese writers, lived in South Vietnam until a few years after the Communist take-over in 1975. He has published 16 books (14 novels and two collections of short stories) and received the Vietnamese National Literary Award in 1961 for his novel Them Hoang (‘The abandoned veranda’) in 1961. He was vice-president of the Vietnamese PEN club, director of the Huyen Tran Publishing Co, and editor of the weekly Thieu Nhi In the late 1970s he left Vietnam as a ‘boat person’ and he is now living in the United States. The following short story is reprinted from the collection Tieng Ken (‘ Sound of a clarinet’), published in 1983 by Van Hoc, San Diego, California.

Este trabalho se propõe a realizar uma reflexão acerca dos conceitos empregados pelos autores Pedro Pezarat, Marcelo Bittencourt e Zeferino Capoco para o estudo do processo de independência angolano, compreendido entre os anos de 1961 e 1975. A partir de dois livros e de uma tese de doutoramento, foi possível observar que para as diferentes metodologias e perguntas foram empregados conceitos distintos para um mesmo recorte temporal.Palavras-chave: Angola; Independência; Guerra Colonial.Abstract The present article aims to reflect upon the concepts used by the authors Pedro Pezarat, Marcelo Bittencourt e Zeferino Capoco for the study of the Angolan independence process, which happened between 1961 and 1975. From the analysis of two books and one doctoral thesis, it was possible to conclude that, for different methodologies and questions, distinct concepts for the same time period were used.Keywords: Angola; Independence; Colonial War.

A década de 1970 é considerada uma época de crises, mas que podem ser consideradas ressonâncias de crises profundas gestadas desde os anos de 1960. Pode-se citar a crise de maio em 1968 da França; a Guerra do Vietnã; a crise do Petróleo; a Guerra Fria entre duas superpotências, a saber, a ex-União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas e os Estados Unidos da América; os conflitos regionais do Oriente Médio que apresentaram um aumento considerável; a onda revolucionária da década de 1970 em diversas partes do mundo; a doutrina de segurança nacional do governo Nixon, aplicado nos países ditatoriais da América Latina e a consequente modificação em fins dos anos de 1970 para uma lenta abertura política influenciada pelo governo Carter. Neste cenário turbulento, no ano de 1978 foi assinado em Brasília, o Tratado de Cooperação Amazônica (TCA). Os países partícipes deste foram Bolívia, Brasil, Colômbia, Equador, Guiana, Peru, Suriname e Venezuela. Dentre os objetivos deste estão a promoção e o desenvolvimento da região amazônica, que para ocorrer, dependeria da integração dos países partícipes, bem como a utilização consciente dos recursos naturais e consequentemente preservação deste, o que garantiria a defesa da soberania sobre seus respectivos territórios. O presente artigo visa analisar, compreender e explanar acerca do conceito de soberania; para tal fim, tem como objeto a análise do Tratado de Cooperação Amazônica (TCA).Palavras-Chave: Amazônia; Integração Regional; Soberania.

The Communist Party's propaganda plays an important role and holds a special position for the development paths of the people's war. In the Southern revolutionary war, the Propaganda Unit of the Central Office for South Vietnam or the Southern Propaganda Unit is the specialized agency of the Central Office for South Vietnam, responsible for giving advise and assisting the Central Office for South Vietnam in directing political, ideological and cultural activities for the implementation of the political, ideological, cultural arts and education in the war against America in the south of Vietnam from 1961 to 1975 to implement the goal of liberating the Southern Vietnam to unify the country. This paper presents the organizational system of the Propaganda Unit through the development stages of the resistance war against America. Thereby, the paper highlights the process of formation, changes and development of the Propaganda Unit through different stages; at the same time, evaluating the important roles of the propaganda in the leadership of the Central Office for the South Vietnam in the resistance war against America.

Este ensaio examina a forma como as práticas artísticas contemporâneas têm contribuído para uma descolonização epistémica e ético-política do presente através da investigação crítica de vários tipos de arquivos coloniais, quer públicos, quer privados, quer familiares, quer anónimos. Tomando como estudos de caso obras dos artistas Ângela Ferreira, Kiluanji Kia Henda, Délio Jasse, Daniel Barroca e Raquel Schefer, este ensaio indagará até que ponto a estética destas práticas videográficas, fotográficas e escultóricas implica uma política e uma ética da história e da memória relevantes para pensar criticamente as amnésias coloniais e as nostalgias imperiais que ainda caracterizam uma condição pós-colonial marcada por padrões neo-coloniais de globalização e por relações difíceis com comunidades migrantes e diaspóricas. Será prestada atenção às histórias e às memórias da ditadura portuguesa e do império colonial, das lutas de libertação / guerra “colonial” combatidas em Angola, Moçambique e Guiné-Bissau entre 1961 e 1974, da Revolução dos Cravos de 1974, da independência das antigas colónias portuguesas entre 1973 e 1975 e do “retorno” massivo de colonos portugueses de Angola e Moçambique em 1975, sem perder de vista o apartheid na África do Sul e a forma como a Guerra Fria se desenrolou no continente africano.

A presença de mulheres angolanas em São Paulo é narrada a partir das trajetórias migratórias das gerações anteriores, que também vivenciaram situações análogas a de refúgio. Suas experiências no Brasil como angolanas (não necessariamente lusófonas) e seus relatos acerca de deslocamentos entre Angola e República Democrática do Congo (RDC) no período da Guerra de Independência de Angola (1961-1974) e da Guerra Civil Angolana (1975-2002) são entrelaçadas pelas suas trajetórias educacionais e familiares. É relatada a permanência de dinâmicas educacionais coloniais no ensino dos idiomas francês e português em detrimento dos idiomas nacionais vinculados a grupos étnico-linguisticos, no contexto de formação de identidade nacional angolana no período pós-independência. O produto lingüístico de seu pouco domínio do idioma português é relacionado à sua dificuldade de inclusão no mercado de trabalho e o não reconhecimento de suas habilidades e certificações profissionais, situação que reforça sua posição como migrantes/refugiadas africanas no mercado de trabalho brasileiro.

Este artigo tem como objetivo discutir alguns elementos que marcaram a geração de jovens norte-americanos dos anos 1960 e do início dos anos 1970, a qual, após o final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, experimentou um período de insatisfação política e social, que levou a inúmeras contestações frente aos comportamentos conservadores estabelecidos até então. Desta forma procuraremos, a partir da análise de alguns trechos de obras autobiográfica e biográfica dos músicos Marky Ramone e Joey Ramone, identificar como os jovens, antes de se tornarem astros do rock mundial, enfrentavam os dilemas políticos e culturais dos Estados Unidos, como a repulsa à Guerra do Vietnã, os atritos com a geração dos seus pais e a negação ao movimento hippie. Discutiremos que o surgimento da contracultura apresentou diversas vertentes e, que em contradição aos que apenas queriam paz e amor, havia nos subúrbios urbanos algo mais agressivo, que veio posteriormente a se estruturar como o movimento punk. Todos esses elementos perpassam as incertezas dos anos de juventude dos nossos personagens, que são o centro do objeto da pesquisa, e com a utilização de análises biográficas como fontes de pesquisa histórica, procuraremos explorar as possibilidades metodológicas deste campo teórico para consolidar a argumentação desta pesquisa.

O trabalho apresenta-se como um estudo preliminar sobre a representação das mulheres negras em Portugal durante os anos da guerra colonial (1961-1975). Seguindo as sugestões dos actuais movimentos globais das mulheres (Ni una menos, Women's March, Non una di Meno…) o artigo quer investigar a dupla hirarquização sofrida das mulheres negras e ao mesmo tempo analisar como e se as resistências contra o fascismo e o colonialismo português influíram nas representações. As imagens das mulheres negras em Portugal ao longo do século revelam corpos sexualizados, objectos à disposição dos colonizadores. Porém, centrando a reflexão na a Banda Desenhada, é preciso lembrar com Luís Cunha (1995) como a representação dos homens negros na BD mudou ao longo do século e sobretudo durante a guerra colonial. O artigo analisa os desenhos de Augusto Cid publicados em Que se passa na frente (1973), no intento de verificar se a guerra e as resistências levaram algumas mudanças na representação das mulheres feitas pelos colonizadores. Estas análises permitem reflectir sobre como os estereótipos racistas e sexistas mudaram nos últimos anos no regime fascista português, construindo as bases para interrogar a sociedade do pós-25 de Abril e ver assim se os rastos destas violências chegam até hoje.

Abstract Mental health and its correlates were examined in U.S. Vietnam War veterans approximately fifty years after the War. The 2016-2017 VE-HEROeS (Vietnam Era Health Retrospective Observational Study) was a mail survey of the health of U.S. Vietnam War veterans who served between February 28, 1961 and May 7, 1975 and matched US non-veteran controls. ‘Veteran status’ represented wartime experience for three cohorts: ‘theater’ veterans with service in Vietnam, Cambodia, or Laos, non-theater veterans with service elsewhere, and non-veterans with no military service. Veterans and non-veterans, aged 58-99 years, were randomly selected from a veteran sampling frame (n=9.87 million) derived from the Department of Veterans Affairs’ USVETS dataset and a commercial address database, respectively. Questionnaires were mailed to 42,393 veterans and 6,885 non-veterans; the response rate for veterans was 45% (n=18,866) and 67% (n=4,530) for non-veterans. Weighted bivariate and multivariable analyses were conducted to examine poor overall mental health, via the SF-8TM Mental Health Component Summary score (MCS), and other mental health measures by veteran status and socioeconomic, health, and other military characteristics. Nearly 50% of all theater veterans reported poor overall mental health (MCS<50). Prevalence of mental health measures was greatest for theater veterans and successively decreased for non-theater veterans and non-veterans. Key correlates significantly (P< 0.02) associated with poor MCS included veteran status, race/ethnicity, income, physical health, health perception, trauma, distress, depression, posttraumatic stress disorder (Primary Care DSM-5 PTSD screen), and drug use. Results indicate a high burden of poor mental health among those who served in-theater.

Abstract Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) Veterans report stress (e.g., discrimination under Don’t Ask Don’t Tell policies) and mental health conditions (e.g., depression) that may increase risk for neurocognitive changes like dementia. Subjective cognitive decline (SCD) can be an early indicator of neurocognitive change – yet no known studies have examined SCD in LGB Veterans. Cross-sectional data from the Vietnam Era Health Retrospective Observational Study (VE-HEROeS) were examined for 260 LGB and 17,796 heterosexual Veterans. VE-HEROeS is the latest probability-based survey of Vietnam Era Veterans (1961–1975) as older adults (2016-2017). SCD was assessed using two subscales of the Functional Assessment of Cancer Therapy-Cognitive Instrument Version-3 (FACT-Cog). Good reliability was observed in this sample: Cronbach’s alpha =.94 for the 7-item Perceived Cognitive Abilities subscale and .88 for the 4-item Comments from Others. Analyses were weighted to account for the complex survey design. LGB Veterans were slightly younger (M=68.3, range 59-84) than heterosexual Veterans (M=69.1, range 58-99, p=.03); were more likely to be female (13% vs 3%, p<.01); and had fewer people living in the household (M=1.7 vs. M=2.1, p<.01). LGB Veterans were also more likely than heterosexual Veterans to report feeling depressed most or all of the time over the past 30 days (5.7% vs. 3.6%, respectively, p<0.01) on a single 5-point Likert-scale. SCD indicators did not vary by Veteran sexual orientation (M=19.69 and M=19.69; M=14.2 and M=14.1) and were elevated compared to published studies in healthy adult samples. More work is needed to examine neurocognitive risk factors in aging LGB Veterans.

RESUMENEl propósito de este artículo es analizar cómo las parias: tributos pagados por los musulmanes, en este caso de las taifas de Zaragoza, Lérida y Tortosa principalmente al conde de Barcelona, tienen un papel esencial a la hora de situar a este condado en un lugar preeminente en Cataluña durante el gobierno del conde Ramón Berenguer I (1035-1076). Después de una pequeña introducción veremos cómo mediante la inclusión de ciertas cláusulas en los juramentos de vasallaje el conde barcelonés se aseguraba el monopolio de los ingresos de parias y cómo formaba una red clientelarredistribuyendo el dinero que recibía. También utilizaba el dinero procedente de las parias para expandir su territorio: por un lado compraba condados de manera directa y por otro incentivaba el establecimiento de nobles en peligrosas zonas fronterizas.PALABRAS CLAVE: Parias, Barcelona, Siglo XI, Ramón Berenguer I, taifas.ABSTRACTThe aim of this article is to analyse how the parias, which are tributes paid by the Muslims, in this example from the taifas of Zaragoza, Lérida and Tortosa, mainly to the Count of Barcelona, played an essential role in establishing this county’s prominence during the government of Count Ramón Berenguer I (1035-1076). After an introduction, we will see how by including certain terms and conditions in the vows of vassalage the Count ensured the monopoly of the income produced by theparias and how he redistributed the money among his vassals, thereby creating patronage networks. The Count also used the money from the parias to expand his territory: on the one hand he bought counties directly, and on the other and he used the money to help nobles establish themselves in dangerous frontier zones.KEY WORDS: Parias, Barcelona, Siglo XI, Ramón Berenguer I, Taifas. BIBLIOGRAFÍA:Balañá i Abadía, P., Els musulmans à Catalunya (713-1153): assaig de síntesi orientativa, Sabadell, Ausa, 1993.Balari Jovany, J., Orígenes Históricos de Cataluña, San Cugat del Vallès, Instituto internacional de cultura románica, 1964, (1º ed. 1899).Baraut, C., “Els documents, dels anys 1051-1075, de l’Arxiu Capitular de la Seu d’Urgell” en Urgellia, 6 (1983), p. 239Bonnassie, P., La Catalogne du milieu du Xe a la fin du XIe Siècle, Croissance et mutations d’une sociètè, Tome II, Tolouse, Université de Tolouse-Le Mirail, 1975.Bonnassie, P. Cataluña mil años atrás (siglos X-XI), Barcelona, Península, 1988.Chesé Lapeña, R., Col·lecció diplomàtica de Sant Pere d’Ager fins 1198, Volum I, Barcelona, Fundación Noguera, 2011Dèbax, H., “Les feudalitats al Llenguadoc i Catalunya. Algunes observacions sobre les divergències de l’evolució”, L’Avenç, 202, 1996, pp. 30-35.Falqué, E. (trad,), “Chronicón Compostellanum”, Habis, 14 (1983), pp. 73-84.Feliú de la Peña, N., Puyol, J. y Sobrequés i Callicó, J., Anales de Cataluña, Barcelona, Base, 1999.Feliu i Montfort, G. y Salrach, J.M., Els pergamins de l’Arxiu Comtal de Barcelona de Ramon Borrell a Ramon Berenguer I, Lérida, Fundación Noguera-Pagés, 1999.Fité i Llevot, F. y González i Montardit, E., Arnau Mir de Tost: Un señor de frontera al segle XI, Lérida, Universidad de Lérida.Joranson, E., The Danegeld in France, Rock Island (Illinois), Augustana Printers, 1923.Kosto, A.J., Making agreements in medieval Catalonia: power, order and the written world, 1000-1200, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2001Laliena, C., La formación del Estado feudal: Aragón y Navarra en la época de Pedro I, Huesca, Colección de estudios Altoaragoneses, 1996.Mínguez Fernández, J. M., La España de los siglos VI al XIII: guerra, expansión y transformaciones, Nerea, Pamplona, 2004.Negro Cortés, A. E., “Las parias abonadas por el reino de Granada (1246-1464). Aproximación a su estudio”, Roda da Fortuna, 2, 1-1 (2013), pp. 382-396.Negro Cortés, A.E., “Las parias: una introducción general” en F. Sabaté y J. Brufal (ed.) Investigar l’edat mitjana, Lérida, Pagés Editors, 2018, pp. 43-53.Negro Cortés, A. E., “Las parias en la historia medieval española” en M. Urraco y S. López (ed.) Catálogo de Investigación Joven de Extremadura, Cáceres, Universidad de Extremadura, 2017, pp. 255-258.Negro Cortés, A. E., “Explotación económica de los musulmanes del valle del Ebro: parias y almotexenas abonadas a los reinos de Aragón y Navarra durante el siglo XI”, Aragón en la Edad Media, 28 (2018), pp. 4-17.Puig i Cadafalch, J., Falguera, A. y Goday i Casals, J., L’Arquitectura romanica a Catalunya, Vol II, Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barberà del Vallés, 2001, (ed. facsímil).Rosell, F. M., Liber Feudorum Maior: cartulario real que se conserva en el Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Barcelona, CSIC, 1945.Ruiz-Doménec, J. E., “Cataluña en 1025: los orígenes de una organización social”, Estudi General, 1-1 (1996), pp. 93-98.Ruiz-Domènec, J. E., L’Estructura feudal: sistema de parenitu i teoria de l’aliança en la societat catalana (c. 980-c. 1220), Edicions del Mall, Sant Boi de Llobregat, 1985.Sabaté, F., La feudalización de la sociedad catalana, Granada, Universidad de Granada, 2007.Sabaté, F., Història de Lleida. Volum 2: Alta Edad Mitjana, Pagès, Lérida, 2003.Salrach, J. M., Història de Catalunya, Volum II: El procés de feudalització (segles III-XII), Barcelona, Edicions 62, 1987.Sobrequés, S., Els grans comtes de Barcelona, Barcelona, Vincens Vives, 1961.Villanueva, J., Viage literario á las iglesias de España, Tomo 10, Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, 1821,Zimmermann, M., “Et je t’empouvoirrai (potestativum te farei), à propos des relations entre fidélité et pouvoir en Catalogne au XIe siècle”, Mediévales, 10, 1986, pp, 17-36.Zurita, J., Anales de Aragón, (ed. A. Canellas), Institución Fernando el Católico, CSIC, Zaragoza, 1976.

La Nueva Canción Chilena (ncch) contribuyó a expresar la solidaridad de la izquierda chilena hacia las revoluciones cubana y vietnamita antes y durante la Unidad Popular (1970-1973). Por la particularidad del caso chileno y su “vía pacífica” al socialismo, el apoyo a estas luchas revolucionarias no estuvo exento de conflictos. Aquí analizamos cómo estos artistas expresaron su solidaridad hacia ambas revoluciones y cómo sortearon o profundizaron dichos conflictos. Presentamos dos hallazgos principales. El primero destaca la relevancia de la NCCh en la denuncia del imperialismo estadunidense y como expresión de solidaridad Sur-Sur. El segundo documenta el uso de géneros, instrumentos e intertextualidad para apoyar a dichos pueblos y validar la “vía chilena”. El análisis de este repertorio bajo las nociones de solidaridad Sur-Sur es novedoso, puesto que permite develar las estrategias usadas tanto para expresar solidaridad como para insertar la “vía chilena” en el contexto de la guerra fría.

El CICR recibió con gran pesar la noticia de la defunción, el 3 de diciembre de 1989, del señor Olof Stroh, ex secretario general de la Cruz Roja Sueca. Con él desaparece una de las grandes figuras del Movimiento de los últimos treinta años.Olof Stroh nació en Uppsala, Suecia, el 7 de junio de 1918. Tras cursar estudios lingüísticos en la Universidad de su ciudad natal, siguió la carrera militar. Fue, sucesivamente, secretario militar en el Comité Parlamentario de Defensa (1955–1958), experto del Gobierno para la reorganización de la defensa civil (1956) y experto del Comité para la Reorganización del Alto Mando Militar (1958–1960).El año 1960, durante la epidemia de parálisis que se registró en la región de Mequínez (Marruecos), debida al consumo de aceite adulterado, desempeñó las funciones de delegado de la Organización Mundial de la Salud.A finales de 1960, fue nombrado secretario general de la Cruz Roja Sueca, puesto que ocupó hasta su jubilación, en 1978. Como tal, participó en numerosas reuniones internacionales del Movimiento y cumplió importantes misiones, que dieron a su carrera una dimensión internacional de primer piano.El mes de enero de 1967, fue delegado jefe de la Liga de Sociedades de la Cruz Roja en la República de Vietnam, en el marco de la acción internacional de socorro emprendida por la Liga a solicitud de la Sociedad Nacional de ese país en favor de la población civil. En octubre de 1972, tras el alto el fuego en Indochina, se le confió la misión de evaluar la situación de la zona, antes de ser nombrado, en diciembre de ese mismo año, director del Grupo Operacional para Indochina (GOI), cargo que desempeñó hasta marzo de 1974. Ese grupo, integrado por el CICR y la Liga, se ocupó de garantizar protección y asistencia a las personas menesterosas en las regiones de Indochina afectadas por la guerra.

The article summarizes the establishment and implementation of sovereignty over the two areas (archipelagoes) of Hoang Sa and Truong Sa by the State of Vietnam through the operation of the French colonial government - representing Vietnam simultaneously with activities the sovereignty exercise of the dynasties and government of Vietnam in important historical period: from the Patonot Treaty to April 30, 1975. The article affirms: the state of Vietnam, through during the periods, the two regions of islands (archipelagoes), Hoang Sa and Truong Sa, were actually, publicly and continuously occupied. Hoang Sa and Truong Sa have never been in Chinese territory. The Chinese occupation of the Hoang Sa and Truong Sa islands of Vietnam is a serious violation of international law, constituting an international crime, is worthless. Keywords: State of Vietnam, sovereignty enforcement, France, China, Paracel Islands, Truong Sa. References: [1] Hiệp ước Patenotre, https://ia802604.us.archive.org/19/items/laffairedutonkin00dipluoft/laffairedutonkin00dipluoft.pdf[2] Nguyễn Bá Diến, Yêu sách “đường lưỡi bò” phi lý của Trung Quốc và chủ quyền của Việt Nam trên Biển Đông, Sách chuyên khảo, NXB thông tin và Truyền thông, 2015, tr. 308-312[3] http://ict-hcm.gov.vn/tin-tuc;jsessionid=B6AAE49F8545508B4C9B92B452F8564C?chu-quyen-hoang-sa-va-truong-sa-cua-viet-nam-thoi-phap-thuoc&post=MTMg2ODA2OTk1NQ[4] Chemillier-Gendreau, Monique (2000) (Bản gốc tiếng Pháp 1996], Sovereignty over the Paracel and Spratly Islands (Chủ quyền đối với quần đảo Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa), Springer, ISBN 978-9041113818, [5] Journal Officiel de l'Indochine 25 Septempre 1933, trang 7784.[6] Chemillier-Gendreau, Monique (2000) [Bản gốc tiếng Pháp 1996], Sovereignty over the Paracel and Spratly Islands [Chủ quyền đối với quần đảo Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa], Springer, ISBN 978-9041113818, tr. 46[7] “White Paper on the Hoang Sa (Paracel) and Truong Sa (Spratly) Islands (1975). Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Republic of Vietnam. Truy cập ngày 7/9/2012. Lưu trữ bởi WebCite®http://www.webcitation.org/6BiTGZQB).[8] Trần Đăng Đại (1975), “Các văn kiện chính thức xác nhận chủ quyền Việt Nam trên hai quần đảo Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa từ thời Pháp thuộc tới nay”, Tập san Sử Địa, 29 (Sài Gòn: Nhà in Văn Hữu)[9] “Quần đảo Trường Sa thuộc tỉnh Bà Rịa (1933)”. Trang thông tin điện tử về Biên giới lãnh thổ. Truy cập ngày 15 tháng 8 năm 2012. Lưu trữ bởi WebCite® vào ngày 13 tháng 11 năm 2012 (http://www.webcitation.org/6BiTGZQB)[10] https://vi.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quần đảo Trường Sa[11] Hiệp ước San Francisco, https://treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%20136/volume-136-I-1832-English.pdf[12] Foreign Relations of the United States, Diplomatic Paper: The Conferences at Cairo and Teheran 1943, Washington D.C, United States, G.P.O, 1961, pp. 448-449; Lazar Focsaneanu: “Các hiệp ước hòa bình của Nhật Bản”, Niên giám luật quốc tế của Pháp, 1960, tr. 256.[13] Review of International Situation, China Publishing Co, Taipei 1956, pp 22-23.[14] The Conferences at Cairo and Tehran 1943, The Foreign Relations of the United States, Washington D.C, 1961.[15] Monique Chemillier- Gendreau, Chủ quyền trên hai quần đảo Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa, NXB. Chính trị Quốc gia, Hà Nội-1998, tr.136.[16] Công văn N 5454 của Cao ủy Pháp tại Đông Dương gửi Paris, ngày 3.6.1946. Lưu trữ Bộ Ngoại giao Pháp, AO 44 - 45, Hồ sơ 214 ( Tiếng Pháp), tr.1.[17] J.P. Ferrier, “Tranh chấp các đảo Hoàng Sa và vấn đề chủ quyền trên các đảo không người ở” ( Tiếng Pháp). Niên giám của Pháp về luật quốc tế, 1975, tr.191[18] Heinzig Dieter, Các đảo tranh chấp trên biển Nam Trung Hoa,Wesbaden, Otto Harrassowith và Viện các vấn đề châu Á ở Hamburg, 1976, tr.35.[19] Nguyễn Quang Ngọc, Chủ quyền của Việt Nam ở Hoàng Sa, Trường Sa tư liệu và sự thật lịch sử, NXB Đại học Quốc gia Hà Nội, 2017, tr. 299[20] https://vi.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quần đảo Trường Sa[21] Nguyễn, Nhã (2002), Quá trình xác lập chủ quyền của Việt Nam tại quần đảo Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa (Luận án tiến sĩ), Trường Đại học Khoa học Xã hội và Nhân văn (Đại học Quốc gia Thành phố Hồ Chí Minh), tr. 109[22] Conference for the Conclusion and Signature of the Peace Treaty with Japan, U. N. Treaty Series, Volume 136, p. 46.[23] Decree no.174-NV from the presidency of Ngô Đình Diệm, Republic of Vietnam (VNCH), redistricting the Paracel Islands as part of Quảng Nam Province effective 07-13-1961. Paracels were previously part of Thừa Thiên (Huế) Province since 03-30-1938, when redistricted by the government of French Indochina. Decree dated 07-13-61.[24] “Một số văn kiện xác nhận chủ quyền của Việt Nam trên hai quần đảo Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa từ thời Pháp thuộc đến trước 30/4/1975 - Kì 3”. Cục Thông tin Đối ngoại (Việt Nam) , 16 tháng 4 năm 2012. Truy cập ngày 31 tháng 10 năm 2012. Lưu trữ bởi WebCite® tại http://www.webcitation.org/6BiTGZQB.[25] Tuyên cáo của Bộ Ngoại Giao Việt Nam Cộng hòa về hành động gây hấn của Trung Cộng (19.1.1974) http://www.nguyenthaihocfoundation.org/lichsuVN/tuyenbo_vnch.htm[26] Tuyên bố của Chính phủ Việt Nam Cộng Hòa ngày 14 tháng 02 năm 1974). Nguồn: http://www.nguyenthaihocfoundation.org/lichsuVN/tuyenbo_vnch.htm [27] White Paper on the Hoang Sa (Paracel) and Truong Sa (Spratly) Islands, Republic of Vietnam, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Saigon, 1975, http://nguyenthaihocfoundation.org/lichsuVN/hsts1.htm.

Environment, whether directly or indirectly is a casualty of armed conflict. As occured in Vietnam War 1961-1975, Gulf War 1991, Cosovo Conflct 1999, Iraqi War 2003 and Israel-Lebanon War 2006. UNEP concluded that armed conflict arise dangerous consequences to the environment. Environmental damage after warfare is often irreversible because the states think that environmental damage is an unavoidable consequence in order to achieve military targets. This research aims are to search international treaty and general principles in international humanitarian law that regulated environment protection during the armed conflict. Based on the research result it can be known that environment protection during the armed conflict has already regulated completely in international humanitarian law, not only in general agreement of humanitarian law (hag laws and geneva laws) but also in special agreement on environment protection during armed conflict, in the form of restriction on means and weapons that can be used in armed conflict. The regulation and enforcement of environment protection can be rely on general principles of international humanitarian law.

Une préoccupation pour la réalisation empirique de la paix traverse le discours disciplinaire anthropologique. Ses racines sont profondes et multiples, mais convergent en un ensemble de questions situées à l’intersection entre la recherche de terrain, la philosophie politique et l’engagement pratique. A-t-il déjà existé des sociétés humaines vivant en paix? Quelles sont les conditions permettant, ou ayant permis, l’existence de cette paix? Est-il possible d’entrevoir un chemin vers la paix pour les sociétés contemporaines? On comprendra rapidement que ces questions sont indissociables de la définition même donnée au concept de paix. Intuitivement, nous pouvons comprendre la paix comme un « souhaitable » individuel et collectif. Bien entendu, une telle formulation est insatisfaisante pour l’analyse ou pour guider l’action. Mais avant de la préciser davantage il faut prendre la mesure de la puissance de la notion de paix en tant que référent vide, en tant que réceptacle dans lequel ont été versées les aspirations les plus diverses. La quête de la « paix » a été invoquée pour justifier tant les actions nobles que les actions exécrables de l’histoire. Ce constat pourrait facilement mener à penser que le terme est peu utile dans le cadre d’une discussion sérieuse portant sur les finalités humaines. Cependant, c’est justement le caractère polysémique du mot « paix », doublé du fort investissement normatif dont il fait l’objet, qui lui donnent sa prégnance politique. Comme n’importe quelle autre notion, celle de paix est l’enjeu de luttes de sens. Mais définir la « paix », c’est définir le domaine du souhaitable, du possible, du raisonnable; c’est intervenir directement sur l’horizon des aspirations humaines. Il n’est donc guère surprenant que les tentatives visant à fixer le sens de ce mot soient abondantes, souvent contradictoires entre elles et généralement convaincues de leur légitimité. L’ethnographie participe de diverses manières au travail de définition de la paix. Par exemple, l’ethnographie a joué – et semble parfois tentée de continuer de jouer – un rôle important dans la reproduction du paradigme édénique. Dans cette conception, la paix est comprise à la fois comme une absence de violence interpersonnelle et une régulation harmonieuse des conflits dans la société. Les représentations idylliques de telles sociétés dites « en paix » (Howell et Willis 1989) témoignent d’une tentation dans certains écrits ethnographiques d’idéaliser des sociétés traditionnelles, précoloniales, ou en résistance. Elles participent d’un travail de critique très ancien qui s’opère par contraste, procédé par lequel l’ « Autre » ethnographique est posé comme l’antithèse d’un monde (moderne, capitaliste, colonial, écocide, patriarcal, etc.) dénoncé comme aliéné et violent. L’anthropologie a souvent été prise à partie pour avoir employé une telle stratégie discursive opposant les « sociétés en paix » aux sociétés mortifères. Il faut noter, cependant, que ces remontrances participent elles aussi à la lutte de sens dont l’enjeu est la définition de la notion de paix. Les apologues du colonialisme, par exemple, utilisaient leur propre stratégie de critique par contraste : les lumineux principes (euro-centriques, libéraux, entrepreneuriaux) supposément aux fondements de la prospérité universelle viendraient supplanter les « ténèbres » locales dans ce que Victor Hugo (1885) a décrit comme la « grande marche tranquille vers l’harmonie, la fraternité et la paix » que serait pour lui l’entreprise coloniale en Afrique. Nous glissons ici dans une autre définition de la « paix » ayant joué un rôle important dans l’histoire de l’anthropologie, soit la pacification. Ici, la paix n’est pas un état observable dans les sociétés ethnographiées, mais plutôt un résultat à produire par une intervention politique, incluant militaire. La naïveté de la « grande marche tranquille » d’une Histoire par laquelle l’humanité cheminerait inéluctablement vers une convergence dans des valeurs euro-centriques communes se dissipe ici. Elle fait place à des positions qui établissent leur autorité énonciative en se présentant comme « réalistes », c’est-à-dire qu’elles rejettent l’image édénique de la paix et se rangent à l’idée que la violence est le fondement du politique. Dans cette perspective, la définition de la paix serait la prérogative de ceux qui peuvent l’imposer. La « paix » se confond alors avec l’ordre, avec la répression des conflits sociaux et, surtout, avec un acte de prestidigitation sémantique par lequel les violences faisant avancer les ambitions hégémoniques cessent d’être vues comme violences. Elles deviennent des opérations, des interventions, des mesures, voire des politiques entreprises au nom de la « paix sociale ». On le sait, l’anthropologie a fait plus que sa part pour faciliter les pacifications coloniales. Par son rôle dans des politiques nationales telles l’indigénisme assimilationniste, elle a également contribué à des « projets de société » visant l’unification de populations hétérogènes sous l’égide du nationalisme, du capitalisme et de la docilité aux institutions dominantes. Après la seconde guerre mondiale, il n’a pas non plus manqué d’anthropologues prêtes et prêts à s’associer aux entreprises de pacification/stabilisation par le développement et par l’intégration de populations marginales à l’économie de marché. Dans la plupart des cas, l’anthropologie a été instrumentalisée pour réduire le recours à la violence physique directe dans les entreprises de pacification, proposant des approches moins onéreuses et plus « culturellement adaptées » pour atteindre les mêmes objectifs d’imposition d’un ordre exogène à des sociétés subalternes. Un point tournant dans la critique de la pacification a été le dévoilement de l’existence du projet Camelot dans la seconde moitié des années 1960 (Horowitz 1967). Cette vaste opération mise sur pied par le gouvernement américain visait à engager des spécialistes des sciences sociales pour trouver des moyens d’influencer les comportements électoraux en Amérique latine. Cette initiative visait à faire passer à l’ère de la technocratie les stratégies « civiles » de pacification coloniales développées en Afrique dans les années 20-30 et en Indochine dans les années 50. Outre la dénonciation par les anthropologues nord-américains et européens de cette collusion entre les sciences sociales et impérialisme qui s’est encore illustrée dans le sud-est asiatique pendant la guerre du Vietnam (Current Anthropology 1968), la réponse critique face au dévoilement du projet Camelot fut, notamment, de déclencher une réflexion profonde en anthropologie sur la frontière entre la paix et la guerre. Même si le recours à la manipulation psychologique, économique, politique, et diplomatique n’impliquait pas nécessairement, en lui-même, de violence physique directe il devenait impératif de théoriser les effets de violence produits par cette stratégie (Les Temps Modernes 1970-1971). Si l’idée que certaines « paix » imposées peuvent être éminemment violentes fut recodifiée et diffusée par des chercheurs du Nord à la fin des années 1960, elle était déjà bien en circulation au Sud. Frantz Fanon (1952) mobilisait le concept d’aliénation pour désigner les effets des violences symboliques, épistémologiques et culturelles des systèmes coloniaux. Gustavo Guttiérez (1971), impliqué dans le développement de la théologie de la libération en Amérique latine, parlait pour sa part de « violence institutionnalisée » dans les systèmes sociaux inéquitables. Sous leur forme la plus pernicieuse ces violences ne dépendaient plus d’une application constante de force physique directe, mais s’appuyaient sur une « naturalisation » de la domination. Dans ce contexte, il devenait clair que la notion de paix demandait une profonde révision et exigeait des outils permettant de faire la distinction entre la pacification aliénante et une paix fondée sur la justice sociale. Travaillant à cette fin, Johan Galtung (1969) proposa de faire la différence entre la paix « négative » et la paix dite « positive ». La première renvoie à l’absence de violence physique directe. Elle est une condition considérée comme nécessaire mais de toute évidence non suffisante à une paix significative. Déjà, des enjeux définitionnels importants peuvent être soulevés ici. Une société en paix doit-elle éliminer les sports violents? Les rituels violents? Les représentations artistiques de la violence? Qu’en est-il de la violence physique directe envers les non-humains? (Hébert 2006) La paix positive est une notion plus large, pouvant être rapprochée de celle de justice sociale. Les anthropologues ont tenté de la définir de manière inductive en proposant des études empiriques de deux types. Dans un premier temps, il s’est agi de définir diverses formes de violences autres que physique et directe (telles les violences structurelles, symboliques, épistémiques, ontologiques, etc.) et poser la paix positive comme le résultat de leur élimination. Par contre, les limites de cette « sombre anthropologie » (Ortner 2016) ont appelé des recherches complémentaires, plutôt centrées sur la capacité humaine à imaginer et instituer de nouvelles formes sociales dépassant les violences perçues dans les formes passées. L’idée d’une paix stable, définitive et hors de l’histoire – en d’autres mots édénique – disparaît ici. Elle est remplacée par des processus instituants, constamment examinés à l’aune de définitions de la violence qui, elles-mêmes, sont en transformation constante. La définition de la paix demeure l’enjeu de luttes de sens. Ces dernières se résolvent nécessairement dans des rapports politiques concrets, situés historiquement et sujets à changement. Les travaux anthropologiques ne font pas exception et sont pleinement engagés dans la production politique de ces définitions. Mais l’anthropologie de la paix participe également de la réflexivité que nous pouvons avoir tant face aux définitions cristallisées dans nos institutions que face à celles qui se proposent des les remplacer.

Le terme « missionnaire » renvoie au terme chrétien : « missio », envoyé. Le missionnaire désigne dans la tradition chrétienne celui qui est envoyé par l’Esprit Saint annoncer l’Évangile en dehors des terres de chrétienté. Par extension, ce concept traduit la figure d’un prosélyte institué par une religion. En anthropologie, le mot renvoie à une pluralité de contextes et de sens. C’est avec la Renaissance et la « découverte du Nouveau Monde » que plusieurs récits missionnaires acquièrent le statut de véritables textes ethnologiques. À cette époque, alors qu’un nombre croissant de récits sont publiés ou traduits en Europe ayant pour thèmes les coutumes des peuples non évangélisés, la découverte des Amériques et de populations qui ne figurent pas dans les textes bibliques obligent les théologiens, les écrivains, les chroniqueurs et autres voyageurs, à repenser l’altérité et à formuler de nouvelles interprétations à partir des catégories existantes. Les récits d’André Thevet, de Jean de Léry, par exemple, attestent de cette révolution conceptuelle en ce sens que ces auteurs, pour la première fois, vacillent. Ils en appellent à la transformation de soi et à la conversion du regard. Cette ouverture restera toutefois de courte durée et assez marginale. Avec les conquêtes coloniales, en effet, les récits missionnaires se multiplient et s’ils se diffusent jusque dans le grand public où ils concurrencent les récits de voyage, leur contenu montre la ténacité de l’ethnocentrisme et surtout celle du complexe de supériorité des peuples européens. Il faut attendre le milieu du XXe siècle, sous les effets combinés de la décolonisation et du concile Vatican II pour que les esprits évoluent lentement vers une plus grande tolérance. Entre temps, un nouveau genre est apparu et s’est développé: celui des récits ethnologiques en bonne et due forme. Un peu partout sur la planète, les ethnologues sont rapidement partis en croisade contre les entreprises missionnaires, criant à la déculturation, à la contamination chrétienne et rappelant au monde la diversité des cultures et des traditions, mais sans interroger assez leur propre entreprise et le sens de leurs actions ou de leurs enquêtes. Sur ce point, de nombreuses chroniques missionnaires s’avèrent anthropologiquement très riches pour saisir la diversité des cultures et leurs caractéristiques. Pour se limiter aux Amériques et à une période plus ancienne, citons ces textes encyclopédiques que nous livrent Fray Bernardino de Sahagun (1981 [1730]; voir aussi León-Portilla 2002; José de Acosta (1979 [1590]); Fray Alonso de Benavides (1954 [1630]); ou encore, les monographies de Jean de Léry (1980 [1578]); d’André Thevet (1983 [1557]); de Martin Dobrizhoffer (1967 [1784]). La richesse de ces ouvrages dépasse le plan strictement ethnographique. Claude Lévi-Strauss (1955 : 84) ne s’y est pas trompé lorsqu’il considère L’histoire d’un voyage fait en la terre du Brésil, publiée par le pasteur genevois Jean de Léry, en 1578, comme « le bréviaire de l’ethnologue ». Comme l’illustre encore le cas du jésuite José de Acosta, c’est par l’expérience du voyage, par celle de la distance de soi et de l’altérité que des missionnaires ont découvert, bien avant Jean-Jacques Rousseau et les philosophes du XVIIIe siècle, l’universalité de la barbarie, de la guerre et de l’ethnocentrisme ou encore les limites de la pensée cartésienne. Fermin del Pino-Diaz (1992 : 323) cite avec raison une déclaration du père d’Acosta qui évoque celle de Montaigne dans Des Cannibales et dont, selon lui, tout anthropologue actuel pourrait s’enorgueillir: « La rudesse des barbares n’est pas produite par la nature mais par l’éducation et les coutumes ». En somme, c’est donc bien avant que l’ethnologie émerge comme discipline scientifique, que des missionnaires ont su conjuguer universalisme et relativisme. Rétrospectivement, chaque époque et chaque congrégation a son lot de missionnaires ethnologues. Leurs chroniques s’avèrent ethnographiquement beaucoup plus riches que les récits des voyageurs et des explorateurs. Alfred Métraux (1963) affirme que pour leurs observations méticuleuses sur les peuples du Brésil, les pères capucins Claude d’Abbeville (1614 [1963]) et Yves d’Évreux appartiennent à ceux qu’il nomme les « grands précurseurs de l’ethnographie française » qu’a connu le tournant des XVIe et XVIIe siècles. Les siècles suivants, de nombreux missionnaires ethnologues se retrouvent du côté des jésuites : Brébeuf en Nouvelle-France (Laflèche 1999; Reichler 2004), plusieurs jésuites au Paraguay (Saignes 1985), d’autres dans les Pays d’en Haut et au Canada (Servais 2005). Avec l’entreprise coloniale et l’époque du « réveil missionnaire », le XIXe siècle semble ouvrir une période de régression. Un examen plus attentif laisse pourtant apparaitre là encore des cas de missionnaires ethnologues et ce, dans la plupart des régions du monde : salésiens en Amazonie, missionnaires anglicans dans le Nord canadien, etc. Il n’en demeure pas moins vrai que la plupart des missionnaires de l’époque se détournent de l’ethnographie pour produire des récits de propagande où l’autre est réduit à un faire-valoir. Les récits de mission deviennent ainsi les pièces maitresses d’un travail d’édification et d’un système de propagande, d’un prosélytisme qui ne s’essoufflera vraiment qu’au milieu du XXe siècle, avec la promotion d’une pensée œcuménique et d’un respect des cultures. Plusieurs revues d’anthropologie du XXe siècle émanent encore d’œuvres missionnaires : il en va ainsi d’Anthropos, une revue fondée par le père Schmidt, d’Anthropologica, la revue canadienne d’anthropologie née en 1955, d’une collaboration entre des missionnaires oblats et des anthropologues, etc. Les missionnaires se montreront enfin de précieux experts sur le plan de l’étude des langues, produisant d’innombrables encyclopédies et dictionnaires. La décolonisation ne fera pas disparaitre pour autant les récits de missionnaires ethnologues. Les exemples de Philippe Chanson (2010) dans les Antilles, de Jacques Dournes (1955) au Vietnam et d’Éric de Rosny (1981) au Cameroun montrent, par ailleurs, comment le missionnaire peut être profondément transformé par l’expérience ethnographique (Burridge 1975; Laugrand et Servais 2013). Certains chercheurs ont tenté de problématiser ces contributions missionnaires en les comparant aux démarches ethnographiques et anthropologiques. Claude Blanckaert (1985: 12) a opposé « l’observation participante » des ethnographes à « la participation observante » des missionnaires, mais il faut bien admettre que les termes s’inversent à l’occasion. De nos jours, les anthropologues ne cessent de (re)découvrir toutes les ressources ethnohistoriques et ethnolinguistiques de ces journaux de bord tenus par les missionnaires européens ou indigènes, catéchistes ou évangélistes, répondant tantôt à la demande d’information de l’autorité institutionnelle de leur congrégation, tantôt à leur propre quête et curiosité. Souvent isolés, certains missionnaires ont sans doute obéi à leur passion personnelle, quitte à refouler leurs enquêtes ethnographiques comme l’illustre le cas du révérend E.J. Peck qui a préféré rester dans l’ombre mais répondre aux requêtes que lui faisait Franz Boas (Laugrand, Oosten et Trudel 2006). D’autres ont voulu suivre les incitations de leurs supérieurs et trouver des pierres d’attente ou des valeurs évangéliques dans les traditions qu’ils découvraient. Pour d’autres enfin, le décodage des cultures répondait à des stratégies de conversion et de communication interculturelle. On connait depuis longtemps la formule : « comprendre pour être compris ». De la traduction des catéchismes ou de la Bible en langue vernaculaire, à la production de traités savants sur la parenté ou la religion primitive, en passant par l’élaboration érudite de dictionnaires qui sont parfois de véritables encyclopédies, plusieurs missionnaires ethnologues ont apporté une contribution majeure à l’émergence de la discipline ethnologique. Même si la question des modes de lecture et des outils d’analyse de ces récits missionnaires fait encore débat méthodologique et épistémologique entre historiens, anthropologues et missiologues. Plusieurs missionnaires ont considérablement contribué aux débats anthropologiques : pensons à l’œuvre singulière du père Joseph-François Lafitau (1983 [1724]) sur la parenté (Duchet 1976; De Certeau 1985; Motsch 2001) ou encore aux travaux de Jacques Leenhardt (Naepels et Solomon 2007). Comme Leenhardt, d’autres figures missionnaires comme Aupiais et Leroy (Mary 2010) se sont mis à l’école des grands maitres de cette discipline savante et universitaire, et notamment de Marcel Mauss. En retour, leurs expériences du terrain et leur production écrite, en concurrence avec celles des administrateurs et d’autres observateurs, ont forgé bien des catégories de l’anthropologie religieuse et symbolique. Missionnaires et anthropologues partagent enfin une position de médiateurs, condamnés à devenir des transfuges ou à concilier les règles que leur groupe d’appartenance impose, avec les expériences et les catégories des autres souvent issus de mondes fort différents.

Apresentação do Dossiê - Biopolítica: a proliferação de um conceito raroO conceito de biopolítica tem sua estreia em 1974 em terras brasileiras, em conferência no Instituto de Medicina Social da UERJ (FOUCAULT, 1981 [1974]); desponta no início de 1976 em duplo nascimento, na conclusão da História da Sexualidade (FOUCAULT, 1988 [1976]) e do curso Em defesa da sociedade (2010 [1975-1976]) e praticamente desaparece no início de 1978 no curso Segurança, Território, População (FOUCAULT, 2006b [1977-1978]), tendo seu réquiem em 1979 no curso Nascimento da Biopolítica (FOUCAULT, 1997 [1979]; 2007 [1978-1979]). Apesar da sua curta existência e dos rápidos trânsitos de sentido em sua breve passagem, este conceito se tornou crucial nas diversas leituras que fazemos hoje em dia do legado de Foucault. Este conceito se tornou chave em vários domínios, sendo utilizado ainda nos dias de hoje por vários autores na abordagem dos mais variados fenômenos: da existência das ciências humanas e médicas, passando pela medicalização e chegando às pandemias recentes (para este último caso, cf. Tirado et alii, 2012; 2015).Cada vez mais em certos campos, como na Psicologia, é quase imediata a associação de Foucault ao conceito de biopolítica (seguramente tema dos mais diversos trabalhos e derivados). Ainda que a criação do neologismo não seja sua (de acordo com Esposito, 2011), é com este autor que o conceito tem seu máximo reconhecimento. Teses, dissertações, monografias e uma enorme quantidade de artigos, coletâneas e livros de comentadores carregam esse conceito como marco central do trabalho do pensador francês. Numa rápida consulta ao Google, ao acionarmos o item “Biopolítica”, são disparados mais de 641000 resultados imediatos. Igualmente importantes são as apropriações pelas quais esse conceito passou com outros pensadores, como Gilles Deleuze (1992), Nikolas Rose (2011), Giorgio Agamben (2002), Peter Pal Pelbart (2003), Achille Mbembe (2018), Byung-Chul-Han (2018) e Roberto Esposito (2011): sociedade de controle, molecularidade, vida nua, biopotência, necropolítica, psicopolítica, bíos - todos esses conceitos têm alguma derivação da proposta de biopolítica.Diante desta enorme expansão, o que dizer mais da biopolítica? O esforço aqui seria tentar ampliar ainda mais sua virtualidade, ao abrir outras leituras no campo da loucura (Raphael Pegden e os códigos penais no Brasil; Victoria Sedkowski e uma análise do Hospital Mental de Barcelona), de novos temas (o Self Científico com Diego Gonzales e Francisco Tirado; o Panoptismo de Gotham com Daniel Salvador e Iván Moreno Sanchez), na relação com interlocutores (Ricardo George e o diálogo com Hanna Arendt) e no entendimento da própria biopolítica (Arthur Leal Ferreira e Marcus Vinícius Santos com o percurso temporal do conceito nos cursos e Mateus Bayer com a discussão de conceitos próximos entrelaçados, como os de guerra, transgressão e dissidência). Nesta proposta, o dossiê funcionaria como uma espécie de acordeom, ampliando o uso do conceito para outros campos (e produzindo derivas dele na sua extensão), mas favorecendo recolocações das suas próprias proposições, supondo-o mais raro, e estranho a qualquer definição mais pacífica e consensual (o efeito dicionário). É nestas provas que envolvem esta sístole e diástole que queríamos trazer discussões junto ao conceito. Provas a que o próprio Foucault o submeteu no trânsito deste em sua curta existência. Pois, como destaca Goldman, (2001), é neste aspecto estratégico e no calor das batalhas que devemos entender a produção dos conceitos foucaultianos, sempre em sintonia com as questões e lutas contemporâneas. É algo deste movimento estratégico que gostaríamos de trazer à cena neste dossiê.Arthur Arruda Leal Ferreira; Marcus Vinícius do Amaral Gama Santos; Mateus Thomaz Bayer; Raphael Thomas Pegden ReferênciasAGAMBEN, G. Homo Sacer. Belo Horizonte: Editora UFMG, 2002. (Trabalho originalmente publicado em 1995).DELEUZE, G. Post-scriptum sobre as sociedades de controle. In: DELEUZE, G. Conversações. São Paulo: Editora 34, 1992.ESPOSITO, R. Bíos: Biopolítica e filosofia. Buenos Aires/ Madri: Amorrortu, 2011.FOUCAULT, M. O nascimento da medicina social. In: MACHADO, R. (Org.). Microfísica de Poder. Rio de Janeiro: Graal, 1982. [Conferência pronunciada em 1974].________. As malhas do poder. In: Barbárie números 4/5, 1981/1982. [Conferências pronunciadas em 1976].________. História da Sexualidade I. A vontade de Saber. Rio de Janeiro: Graal, 1988. [Livro originalmente publicado em 1976].________. Préface, in Folie et Déraison. Histoire de la folie à l’agê classique. In: DEFERT, D. e EWALD, F. (Orgs.). Dits et Ecrits I. Paris: Gallimard, 1994 [Prefácio retirado em 1972, mas escrito junto com o corpo da tese em 1961].________. 1978-1979: Nascimento da biopolítica. In: FOUCAULT, M. Resumo dos cursos. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 1997. [Resumo publicado originalmente em 1979].________. O poder psiquiátrico: curso no Collège de France (1973-1974). Trad. Eduardo Brandão. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2006a. [Curso ministrado originalmente de novembro de 1973 a fevereiro de 1974].________. Seguridad, Territorio y Población. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2006b. [Curso original de 1977-1978].________. Nacimiento de la biopolítica. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2007. [Curso original de 1978-1979].________. Em defesa da sociedade: curso no Collège de France (1975-1976). São Paulo: Editora WMF Martins Fontes, 2010. [Curso ministrado originalmente de janeiro a março de 1976].GOLDMAN, M. Objetivação e Subjetivação no último Foucault. Em: CASTELO BRANCO, G. & NEVES, L. F. B. (Orgs.). Michel Foucault: da arqueologia do saber à estética da existência. Rio de Janeiro & Londrina: Nau & CEFIL, 1998.HAN, Byung-Chul. Psicopolítica: O neoliberalismo e as novas técnicas de poder. Tradução de Maurício Liesen. Belo Horizonte: Editora Âyiné, 2018.MBEMBE, A. Necropolítica. São Paulo: n-1, 2018.MACHADO, R. Ciência e Saber: a trajetória arqueológica de Michel Foucault. Rio de Janeiro: Graal, 1982.PÉLBART, P.P. Vida Capital. São Paulo: Iluminuras, 2003.ROSE, N. The politics of life itself: biomedicine, power, and subjectivity in the twenty-first century. Princeton: PUP, 2007.TIRADO, F. et alii. Movimiento y regímenes de vitalidad. La nueva organización de la vida en la biomedicina. Política y Sociedad, Vol. 49. 3: 571-590, 2012.________. et alii. The global condition of epidemics: Panoramas in A (H1N1) influenza and their consequences for One World One Health program. Social Science& Medicine 129: 113-122, 2015.VEYNE, P. Foucault revoluciona a história. In: Como se escreve a história? Brasília: Universidade de Brasília, 1980.***Os estágios de pós-doutoramento têm constituído, nos últimos anos, um dos raros espaços-tempos em que se pode respirar e eventualmente conspirar; ou seja, no belo “achado” guattariano, respirar junto...A produção textual associada a esses estágios, contudo, não costuma ter ampla divulgação: os escritos resultantes, eventualmente longos, encontram pouca acolhida nos periódicos científicos que, mesmo quando virtuais, insistem em uma (dispensável) padronização do número máximo de páginas.A salvo de tais restrições – ao menos ainda a salvo delas –, Mnemosine publica, no presente número, um trabalho longo e intenso que, sugestivamente, fala do silêncio imposto pela psicanálise à voz e à escrita de Reich.Além disso, a seção Biografia, sempre heterodoxa, traz um ensaio que poderíamos chamar de “biografia do comum” e, nesse intuito, conta com referências biobibliográficas; já Deleuze comparece, cuidadosamente traduzido, por meio da última aula do curso sobre a subjetivação em Michel Foucault.Há mais, é claro, na Parte Geral, e as conexões com o dossiê Biopolítica são múltiplas.Que elas nos ajudem a re(x)istir na mesma medida em que editores associados, autores, pareceristas, secretária, UERJ... nos auxiliam a publicar. Obrigada pela parceria e amizade.Até breve, saúde.Heliana de Barros Conde Rodrigues

Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circumstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith & Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless homogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circumstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. Examples include the unconventional courtship narratives of blues singers Muddy Waters and Mississippi John Hurt, the ritualised storytelling tradition of country performers Doye O’Dell and Tommy Faile, and historicised accounts of the Civil Rights struggle provided by Ron Sexsmith and Tina Turner. References Argenti, Paul. “Collaborating With Activists: How Starbucks Works With NGOs.” California Management Review 47.1 (2004): 91–116. Althusser, Louis. “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses.” Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays. London: Monthly Review Press, 1971. Bridges, John, and R. Serge Denisoff. “Changing Courtship Patterns in the Popular Song: Horton and Carey revisited.” Popular Music and Society 10.3 (1986): 29–45. Carey, James. “Changing Courtship Patterns in the Popular Song.” The American Journal of Sociology 74.6 (1969): 720–31. Cashmere, Ellis. The Black Culture Industry. London: Routledge, 1997. “Coffee.” Theme Time Radio Hour hosted by Bob Dylan, XM Satellite Radio. 31 May 2006. Cooper, B. Lee, and William L. Schurk. “You’re the Cream in My Coffee: A Discography of Java Jive.” Popular Music and Society 23.2 (1999): 91–100. Crow, Sheryl. “Coffee Shop.” Beacon Theatre, New York City. 17 Mar. 1995. YouTube 1 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j_-bDAjASQI ›. Curry, Andrew. “Drugs in Jazz and Rock Music.” Clinical Toxicology 1.2 (1968): 235–44. Dawson, Michael C. “A Black Counterpublic?: Economic Earthquakes, Racial Agenda(s) and Black Politics.” Public Culture 7.1 (1994): 195–223. de Larios, Margaret. “Alone, Together: The Social Culture of Music and the Coffee Shop.” URC Student Scholarship Paper 604 (2011). 1 Feb. 2012 ‹http://scholar.oxy.edu/urc_student/604›. Englis, Basil, Michael Solomon and Anna Olofsson. “Consumption Imagery in Music Television: A Bi-Cultural Perspective.” Journal of Advertising 22.4 (1993): 21–33. Fox, Aaron. Real Country: Music and Language in Working-Class Culture. Durham: Duke UP, 2004. Fox, Aaron. “The Jukebox of History: Narratives of Loss and Desire in the Discourse of Country Music.” Popular Music 11.1 (1992): 53–72. Garofalo, Reebee. “Culture Versus Commerce: The Marketing of Black Popular Music.” Public Culture 7.1 (1994): 275–87. Habermas, Jurgen. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry Into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989. Hamilton, Andy. Aesthetics and Music. London: Continuum, 2007. Harris, Craig. “Starbucks Opens Hear Music Shop in Bellevue.” Seattle Post Intelligencer 23 Nov. 2006. 1 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.seattlepi.com/business/article/Starbucks-opens-Hear-Music-shop-in-Bellevue-1220637.php›. Harris, John. “Lay Latte Lay.” The Guardian 1 Jul. 2005. 1 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/music/2005/jul/01/2?INTCMP=SRCH›. Holt, Douglas. “Why Do Brands Cause Trouble? A Dialectical Theory of Consumer Culture and Branding.” Journal of Consumer Research 29 (2002): 70–90. Horton, Donald. “The Dialogue of Courtship in Popular Songs.” American Journal of Sociology 62.6 (1957): 569–78. Jameson, Fredric. Postmodernism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism. Durham: Duke UP, 1991. Juliano, Laura, and Roland Griffiths. “A Critical Review of Caffeine Withdrawal: Empirical Validation of Symptoms and Signs, Incidence, Severity, and Associated Features.” Psychopharmacology 176 (2004): 1–29. Koller, Veronika. “‘The World’s Local Bank’: Glocalisation as a Strategy in Corporate Branding Discourse.” Social Semiotics 17.1 (2007): 111–31. Lawson, Rob A. Jim Crow’s Counterculture: The Blues and Black Southerners, 1890-1945 (Making the Modern South). Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 2010. Love, Harold. “How Music Created A Public.” Criticism 46.2 (2004): 257–72. “Loxcel Starbucks Map”. Loxcel.com 1 Mar. 2012 ‹loxcel.com/sbux-faq.hmtl›. Lovett, Richard. “Coffee: The Demon Drink?” New Scientist 2518. 24 Sep. 2005. 1 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.newscientist.com/article/mg18725181.700›. Lynskey, Dorian. “Stir It Up: Starbucks Has Changed the Music Industry with its Deals with Dylan and Alanis. What’s Next?”. The Guardian 6 Oct. 2005: 18. 1 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/music/2005/oct/06/popandrock.marketingandpr›. Lyttle, Thomas, and Michael Montagne. “Drugs, Music, and Ideology: A Social Pharmacological Interpretation of the Acid House Movement.” The International Journal of the Addictions 27.10 (1992): 1159–77. McCracken, Grant. “Culture and Consumption: A Theoretical Account of the Structure and Movement of the Cultural Meaning of Consumer Goods.” Journal of Consumer Research 13.1 (1986): 71–84. McNeil, Legs, and Gillian McCain. Please Kill Me: The Uncensored Oral History of Punk. London: Abacus, 1997. “New Music News” 120 Minutes MTV 28 Sep. 1986. 1 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TnqjqXztc0o›. O’Neil, Valerie. “Starbucks Refines its Entertainment Strategy.” Starbucks Newsroom 24 Apr. 2008. 1 Feb. 2012 ‹http://news.starbucks.com/article_display.cfm?article_id=48›. Pincus, Steve. “‘Coffee Politicians Does Create’: Coffeehouses and Restoration Political Culture.” The Journal of Modern History 67 (1995): 807–34. Primack, Brian, Madeline Dalton, Mary Carroll, Aaron Agarwal, and Michael Fine. “Content Analysis of Tobacco, Alcohol, and Other Drugs in Popular Music.” Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine 162.2 (2008): 169–75. 1 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3004676/›. Ramsey, Guthrie P. Race Music: Black Cultures from Bebop to Hip-Hop. Berkeley: U of California P, 2003. Rojek, Chris. Cultural Studies. Cambridge: Polity P, 2007. Rosenbaum, Jill, and Lorraine Prinsky. “Sex, Violence and Rock ‘N’ Roll: Youths’ Perceptions of Popular Music.” Popular Music and Society 11.2 (1987): 79–89. Shapiro, Harry. Waiting for the Man: The Story of Drugs and Popular Music. London: Quartet Books, 1988. Singer, Merrill, and Greg Mirhej. “High Notes: The Role of Drugs in the Making of Jazz.” Journal of Ethnicity in Substance Abuse 5.4 (2006):1–38. Squires, Catherine R. “Rethinking the Black Public Sphere: An Alternative Vocabulary for Multiple Public Spheres.” Communication Theory 12.4 (2002): 446–68. Thompson, Craig J., and Zeynep Arsel. “The Starbucks Brandscape and Consumers’ (Anticorporate) Experiences of Glocalization.” Journal of Consumer Research 31 (2004.): 631–42. Thompson, Erik. “Secret Stash Records Releases Forgotten Music in Stylish Packages: Meet Founders Cory Wong and Eric Foss.” CityPages 18 Jan. 2012. 1 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.citypages.com/2012-01-18/music/secret-stash-records-releases-forgotten-music-in-stylish-packages/›.Tickle, Cindy. “Sheryl Crow Performs at Starbucks Annual Shareholders Meeting.” Examiner.com24 Mar. 2010. 1 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.examiner.com/starbucks-in-national/sheryl-crow-performs-at-starbucks-annual-shareholders-meeting-photos›.Tolson, Gerald H., and Michael J. Cuyjet. “Jazz and Substance Abuse: Road to Creative Genius or Pathway to Premature Death?”. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry 30 (2007): 530–38. Varma, Vivek, and Ben Packard. “Starbucks Global Responsibility Report Goals and Progress 2011”. Starbucks Corporation 1 Apr. 2012 ‹http://assets.starbucks.com/assets/goals-progress-report-2011.pdf›. Werder, Olaf. “Brewing Romance The Romantic Fantasy Theme of the Taster’s Choice ‘Couple’ Advertising Campaign.” Critical Thinking About Sex, Love, And Romance In The Mass Media: Media Literacy Applications. Eds. Mary-Lou Galician and Debra L. Merskin. New Jersey: Taylor & Francis, 2009. 35–48. Wilson, Jeremy “Desolation Row: Dylan Signs With Starbucks.” The Guardian 29 Jun. 2005. 1 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2005/jun/29/bobdylan.digitalmedia?INTCMP=SRCH›. Winick, Charles. “The Use of Drugs by Jazz Musicians.” Social Problems 7.3 (1959): 240–53.