Academic literature on the topic 'Views on civil service examinations'

RESUMO O presente artigo objetiva verificar a utilidade e a forma de aplicação do método do caso (case method) no ensino jurídico da responsabilidade civil. Trata-se de ramo marcadamente jurisprudencial, com textos normativos abertos e imprecisos. A partir da pesquisa bibliográfica, constata-se que o método do caso propicia o indispensável desenvolvimento da razão prática jurídica, empregada na atividade interpretativa voltada à decisão considerada justa para o caso concreto. Tal método prepara a capacidade reflexiva para percepção dos valores e interesses envolvidos no caso submetido a análise, mais necessária em face da insuficiência do direito legislado e da doutrina. Em perspectiva pragmática, o artigo traz indagações exemplificativas aptas a estimular a reflexão do discente em matéria de responsabilidade civil. Apresenta-se, ainda, roteiro ilustrativo de aula a respeito de um problema jurídico real: a possível responsabilidade do Estado por nomeação tardia em concurso público, tema enfrentado pelo STF no julgamento do Recurso Extraordinário n. 724.347/DF, em regime de repercussão geral. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Método Do Caso; Responsabilidade Civil; Ensino Jurídico; Didática; Razão Prática Jurídica. ABSTRACTThe present article aims to verify the feasibility and the means of applying the case method in legal education of tort liability. It is a niche markedly jurisprudential, with open and imprecise normative texts. Through bibliographical research, it is verified that the case method propitiates the indispensable development of juridical practical reason, used in the interpretive activity focused on the decision considered just for the concrete case. This method prepares the reflective capacity for understanding of the values and interests involved in the case submitted for consideration, which is more necessary in view of the insufficiency of statute law and doctrine. In a pragmatic perspective, this article lists exemplary questions capable of stimulating student’s reflection on tort liability. It also presents an illustrative lesson plan on a real juridical problem: possible State liability for late nomination in civil service examinations, a matter faced by Supreme Court in the judgment of Extraordinary Appeal no. 724,347/DF, under the system of general repercussion. KEYWORDS: Case Method; Tort Liability; Legal Education; Didactics; Juridical Practical Reason.

The whole question of the future of the East is full of interest, and is, perhaps, the greatest political question in the world.(Benjamin Jowett)… a corps of men specially selected, brought up in a rigour of bodily hardship to which no other modern people have subjected their ruling class, trained by cold baths, cricket, and the history of Greece and Rome …(Philip Mason)In his essay ‘Comparativism and references to Rome in British imperial attitudes to India’, Javed Majeed shows how Greek and Latin figured prominently in the examinations for the Indian Civil Service, the prestigious administrative body that David Lloyd George called ‘the steel frame’. Greek and Latin were not just used to attract and shape a class of ruling ‘gentlemen’, but were also part of a complex structure of attitude and practice designed ‘to preserve the ICS as a monopoly of European officers’. Majeed's insightful essay sheds light on the role of ICS examinations and on the function of Classics in colonial contexts, although it is mainly about comparative approaches to the British and Roman empires.

This article describes how the Civil Service examination system in Vietnam responded to the crisis French military aggression posed to that nation in the late 19th Century, and how it adapted to the French protectorate in the early 20th Century. It presents evidence that contests the notion that the examination declined in relevance along with “Chinese influence” over Vietnam, and that adoption of European-style modernity led to its elimination. Instead, this essay proposes that officials adapted the examination to fit with the circumstances of the time. Furthermore, the changes within the examination were not a realignment in emphasis from “China” to “Europe” but rather a shift from envisaging a universalistic world to imagining a particularistic, nationalist one. In support of this central argument, it will consider specifically the way that examination answers represented France. The examinations of 1862, 1877, and 1904 will receive particular attention as case studies demonstrating this shift.

There has been a long-standing complaint about civil service test results. Too often, highly regarded candidates do not score well enough to be reached for appointment, and poorly regarded candidates do score well, and block the appointments of the best candidates. Efforts have been made in recent years to expand selection beyond the “rule of three” and to provide for more flexible lateral movement. These efforts, however, do not address the underlying need for fixing the product.

Abstract In this study, quali-quanti methodology was applied to analyze the implementation of Law no. 12,990/2014 on quotas for Black candidates at 63 federal universities and 38 federal ‘institutes’ (secondary and vocational training), during the period that spanned 2014 to 2018. The law reserves 20% of teaching vacancies filled through federal civil servant examinations for Black people. We observe the distance that separates the legally-stipulated conditions and actual practice in these institutions. As five years have now gone by since the passage of this legislation, it seems safe to say that the goal of expanding racial/color diversity in federal civil service will not be achieved through public examinations for teaching careers. Moreover, meeting this goal becomes progressively harder, given the present scenario of resurgence of meritocratic discourses that question the legitimacy of affirmative actions for Afro-Brazilians.

Most previous scholarship about the civil service examination system in imperial China has emphasized the degree of social mobility such examinations permitted in a premodern society. In the same vein, historians have evaluated the examination process in late imperial China from the perspective of the modernization process in modern Europe and the United States. They have thereby successfully exposed the failure of the Confucian system to advance the specialization and training in science that are deemed essential for nation-states to progress beyond their premodern institutions and autocratic political traditions. In this article, I caution against such contemporary, ahistorical standards for political, cultural, and social formation. These a priori judgments are often expressed teleologically when tied to the “modernization narrative” that still pervades our historiography of Ming (1368–1644) and Ch'ing (1644–1911) dynasty China.

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Brazil, likewise other countries, has been adopting affirmative actions policies to compensate social groups that are marginalized mainly due to a historical discrimination; the goal is to allow them to exert fundamental rights. Since the last decade, the main part of the approved measures had its focus in education, specially concerning the access to high quality public universities. The quota system for the civil service examinations, although already legalized in many cities, only recently gained space in the social discussion and the governmental agenda, after its implementation by the states and the approval of the Statute of Racial Equality, which stands for the application of affirmative actions policies that allows the black people participation in equality of conditions in the economical, social, political and cultural life of the country. Data from the Ministry of Planning, Budget and Management indicate that, although black and brown people represent half of Brazil´s population, they occupy less than 30% of the civil posts at the Executive. In the highest paid careers, the black people presence is even more reduced. Due to this unequal scenario, in July 9th, 2014, the Federal Law nº 12.990 was approved, establishing racial quotas for black people in 20% of the civil posts in federal public administration. The goal of this work is to evaluate the consequences of the quota system approved by this law, which uses only racial basis criteria. This research intends to verify if this legal mechanism is able to decrease the social exclusion in the access to the civil federal work posts and also to contribute for the debate concerning the affirmative actions policies.
O Brasil, a exemplo de outros países, passou a adotar políticas de ação afirmativa com a finalidade de compensar grupos sociais que se encontram em posição desfavorável, usualmente em razão de um passado de discriminação, proporcionando-lhes a fruição de direitos fundamentais. Desde a última década, a maior parte das medidas aprovadas tinha como foco a educação, em especial o acesso às universidades públicas de alta qualidade. Já a reserva de vagas em concursos públicos, embora já vigorasse em diversos municípios, só começou a ganhar espaço no debate social e na agenda governamental recentemente, a partir de sua implementação por parte de estados e da aprovação do Estatuto da Igualdade Racial, que prevê a aplicação de políticas de ação afirmativa como maneira a permitir a participação da população negra em condição de igualdade na vida econômica, social, política e cultural do País. Dados do Ministério do Planejamento, Orçamento e Gestão indicam que, apesar de representarem a metade da população brasileira, negros e pardos ocupam menos de 30% dos cargos do Poder Executivo. Nas carreiras mais bem remuneradas, como as de nível superior, a presença dos negros é ainda mais reduzida. Em resposta a esse cenário de desigualdades, foi sancionada Lei nº 12.990, de 9 de junho de 2014, que reserva aos negros 20% das vagas oferecidas nos concursos públicos no âmbito da administração pública federal. O objetivo deste projeto é avaliar os desdobramentos do sistema de cotas implementado pela referida lei, que utiliza exclusivamente critério de natureza racial. Tenciona-se verificar se tal mecanismo é capaz de tornar menos excludente o acesso ao serviço público federal, de forma a contribuir para o debate a respeito das ações afirmativas.

碩士
國立東華大學
社會暨公共行政學系
101
Both economics and sociology had been discussing the decision making patterns of individuals. Based on the rationality assumption, economics argues that decision makers maximize their own utility by assessing the tradeoff between costs and benefits. Sociology, on the other hand, extended its notion on decision making process beyond cost-benefits, including personal emotion, value judgments and social structures. During the last two decades, the numbers of participants of Civil Service Exams (CSEs) had been tripled. In this paper, I examined the behaviors of CSEs participants to discuss the decision making process in human society. I combined the notions of both economics and sociology in order to provide a more general framework to understand the logic of social action by interpreting the motivations and means of decision makers. The motivations of decision makers can be egoistic based, or emotional based. The means of decision makers can be cost-beneficial or non-cost-beneficial. I find that rationality as well as cost-benefit considerations are not the sole factor that shape human decisions, which is in line with the concept of social man. In particular, for emotional based decision makers, their decisions are less likely to be cost-beneficial. Egoistic decision makers, in contrast, are more likely to make decisions in cost-beneficial manners. Further, I find that rationality is bounded by social structure and circumstance. The decision can only be make by bounded rationality.

碩士
僑光科技大學
企業管理研究所
103
This study discusses the relationship between socio-economic factors, qualified examinees and registered candidates of civil service examinations. This study uses stepwise regression. The empirical samples are collected from civil service senior three and junior and elementary examinations in ROC. The sample period is from 2004 to 2013. The empirical results show：1、The significant positive relationship between unemployment and registered candidates. 2、The significant negative relationship between decreasing birthrate and registered candidates. 3、The significant positive relationship between highly educated low test and registered candidates. 4、The significant positive relationship between qualified examinees and registered candidates.

碩士
國立臺灣科技大學
應用外語系
103
Civil service examinations have been attracting more and more attention due to the increasing number of test-takers in Taiwan. As there are many corpus-based studies on textbooks and academic fields, few studies have focus on civil service examinations. This study aims to examine the most frequently used words in civil service examinations (2007-2013) in Taiwan and the vocabulary coverage. Wordsmith was implemented to create wordlists and to explore the most frequently used words. The analytical tool, Range was used to make comparisons of the vocabulary coverage with BNC. In order to make comparisons, two major corpora were constructed, including (1) Civil Service Level 3 (高普考), (2) Civil Service Special Examination of 3 levels (地方特考). The results firstly provide 8 different wordlists based on frequency, the overlapping rate and words between the two main corpora and the vocabulary coverage between civil service examinations compared with BNC. Results show that the overlapping rates between Civil Service Level 3 and Civil Service Special Examination of 3 Levels word lists are 55.7%. Lastly, the vocabulary coverage of Civil Service Examinations are presented and compared. It's found that the levels of each civil service examinations are consistent accordance with the designed level by the Ministry of Examinations.

武舉常科創自武曌（則天），長安二年（702）始設。歷後各朝，除元代不開武科，宋、金、明三代偶有停罷，武科相沿一千二百年，幾與文科相埒。職是之故，近世中國之造士與選士，於文科、儒學、儒經、文廟一系之外，另有武科、武學、武經、武廟一系。兩系雖各有輕重，然並駕駢行千餘載，交互制衡，以保政治之平穩暢達。
入關伊始，清廷即詔令因襲前明舊制，開設文武科考。自順治二年（1645）開科鄉試，至光緒二十七年（1901）正式廢除，清代武科持續運作二百五十餘年，幾與王朝相伴始終。清代武科之主要層級同於文科，皆始於童試，繼而鄉試、會試，終於殿試。各級武考中式者，亦相應得授武生員、武舉人、武進士出身。武科各級考試，均分別外場、內場進行，以外場試武藝，內場試文藝。錄取權衡時外場重於內場，外場技藝之中，馬、步箭及開弓又重於舞刀、掇石。
清代武科之制度設計及考試內容，延續中國歷代選士「文武合一」之一貫理想，然現實中卻文武殊途。清代武科之設計與運作，既體現旗民之別，八旗內部又有滿蒙與漢軍之別、京旗與駐防之別。武科之正面影響遠不及文科，然文武科考皆為常規掄才途徑，兩者所揭櫫清代政局大勢與掄才需求之變化，實際異曲同工。通過文武兩途考選，清代科考人才之宏觀佈局，呈現南方文風熾盛、北方技勇突出之特徵。武進士之初始授職，以皇宮侍衛及地方營、衛守備為主，然武科選途清初即病壅滯，實授遷轉甚難。
清廷之復武科，宣稱旨在遴選「干城之才」，以為「腹心之寄」。然武科內場考試，自乾隆朝廢止《四書》，嘉慶朝盡廢論、策之試，改為默寫《武經》，日漸形同虛設。武科士子之文化素養，亦日益下降。武科外場所試技藝，係屬展示表演，而非對抗實戰。而且，自乾隆間改試鳥槍之議被禁，外場各項冷兵器技藝考核陳陳相因，與實際戰局日漸疏離。職是之故，清代中期以降，武科越益頹化為授予功名之儀式與恩榮，而非掄才要徑、晉身要途。武進士初始授職之品級，雖遠較文進士為高，然武科出身之仕途前景與政治影響遠不及文科。更有甚者，武科內、外場不僅弊情嚴重，不少武科士子更危害一方，成為地方社會亂源，大悖設科初衷。
清代武科出身雖有功勳卓著、官居高位者，然究屬鳳毛麟角，且集中於清代初中期。整體而論，這套幾乎橫貫全國、縱跨全清之掄才制度，得材甚少。其對帝國整體軍事力量，亦鮮少實質促進。然武科之存續，仍有平衡文武、調劑滿漢之功用，清廷既可藉此驅策雙方、維持動態均勢，又可以之宣示恩典威權、籠絡地方。因此，清代武科雖然實效不彰，卻又相沿不輟。必至清末內憂外患之鉅變衝擊，始與文科相繼停廢。復因武科之影響遠不及文科，故廢除武科所致近代中國社會之震盪，亦不可與停廢文科同日而語。
Established by Empress Wu in 702, the imperial military examination system lasted, albeit having been suspended in the entire Yuan dynasty and in part of the Song, Jin and Ming dynasties occasionally, for 1200 years, which was nearly as long as the period of existence of the imperial civil examination system. In effect, the military examination system, associated with military schools, military classics and military temples, functioned as a mechanism parallel to the civil examination and its related institutions (i.e., Confucian schools, Confucian classics and Confucian temples) for cultivating and recruiting talents in late imperial China. Although the two systems exerted influence in different degrees on the Chinese empire, they co-existed and managed to keep a balance between them for more than a millennium so as to contribute to the stable and smooth governance of traditional China.
The Manchu court, immediately after entering Beijing, decreed to resume the civil and military examinations by adopting the former Ming institutions. Since its restoration in 1645, the military examination system ran consecutively for more than 250 years until it was eventually abolished in 1901. The vertical levels of the military examination, which were the same as those for its civil counterpart, included Tongshi (examination for junior students), Xiangshi (provincial examination), Huishi (metropolitan examination), and Dianshi (palace examination). Candidates who passed examinations at different levels were conferred the corresponding status of Wushengyuan (military government students), Wujuren (military provincial graduates) and Wujinshi (military metropolitan graduates). At each level, the military examination consisted of the outer session for tests of martial arts and physical strengths and the inner session on military classics and literary abilities. As for selection criteria, the outer session often carried greater weight. Among the examination items for the outer session, mounted archery, standing archery and bow-drawing were more important than long-handled sword-brandishing and stone-lifting.
To integrate literary and martial competence, the long-standing ideal of talent-recruitment in traditional China, was also materialized in the Qing military examination. In reality, however, the civil and military tracks diverged remarkably from each other. The design and implementation of the military examination system evinced a clear distinction between banner people and commoners. Even within the Eight Banners, there were different arrangements for Manchus, Mongols and Han military bannermen, and for capital banners and provincial garrison banners as well. In terms of positive influence, the military examination system could not compare with the civil one. However, the vicissitudes of both the civil and military examination systems, as components of the mechanism for the recruitment of talents, reflected almost similarly the changes in political development and the correspondent needs for helps from social elites in Qing times. Under these two systems, the macro-spatial distribution of talented candidates in the Qing demonstrated that those from the south were versed in literary skills, whilst those from the north were excellent in martial arts. The initial position for a newly admitted military Jinshi was usually the imperial guard or mid-ranking officer in the local Green Standard Army. But the career prospects of the military degree holders started to dim as early as the beginning of the dynasty. The situation became increasingly difficult afterwards when promising appointments with promotion prospects were hard to come by.
The Qing court constantly claimed that the restoration of military examination aimed at nurturing able military talents to serve as reliable defenders of the empire. Yet after Emperor Qianlong cancelled the test on The Four Books and Emperor Jiaqing further replaced discourse essay composition with short paragraph writing of the military classics from memory, the inner session of the examination was gradually turned into something in name only. The result was an increasing decline of the overall literary level of the candidates. More problematically, the test of martial skills in the outer session of the examination was more on individual demonstrative performance than actual confrontational combat. And since Emperor Qianlong had banned the inclusion of musket as an item of examination in the outer session, the use of traditional cold weapons and relevant skills were tested repeatedly without substantial reform, making the examination further and further irrelevant to actual warfare. Thus after the mid-Qing era, the military examination degenerated gradually into something ceremonial and honour-endowing, rather than a key mechanism of talent recruitment. Despite the superior rankings of initial appointments, the subsequent career prospects and political influences of the military Jinshi were far less favorable than those of their literary peers. What further worsened the situation was the phenomenon that, apart from severe malpractice and corruption in the examination, many military degree holders even committed infamous deeds and thus became the source of unrests in local society, starkly betraying the original intention of the institution of imperial examination.
Cases of military degree holders who performed meritoriously in military and political realms did exist. They were nevertheless rare and mainly appeared during the first half of the dynasty. A holistic evaluation of the military examination system, which was operated spatially all over the empire and temporally nearly throughout the entire dynasty, nurtured few serviceable military talents. It could therefore hardly make significant contribution to the empire’s overall military strengths. Paradoxically, the military examination system did continue to function as an institution to balance the civil and military sectors, and Manchus and the Han, in terms of interest and power. In adopting it, the Manchu court could manipulate both sides and keep a dynamic balance between them, meanwhile bestowing favours on, declaring authority over, and winning the support of society. Therefore, the military examination system remained in operation although it did not work effectively as a due talent-recruiting institution. It was officially abrogated, shortly before the abolition of its civil counterpart, in the very late period of the Qing under the impact of a series of social upheavals and tremendous political changes, amid external military threats. As the influence of the military examination system could nowhere match that of the civil examination system, the abolition of the latter seemed to have brought a much bigger shock to Chinese society in transition to the modern era.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
李林.
Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 345-360).
Abstracts also in English.
Li Lin.

譚秀影.
"2008年8月".
"2008 nian 8 yue".
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 163-170).
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Tan Xiuying.
Chapter 第一章： --- 緒論
Chapter 第一節： --- 導言 --- p.3
Chapter 第二節： --- 前人硏究回顧 --- p.10
Chapter 第三節： --- 史料簡介 --- p.16
Chapter 第二章： --- 唐、遼、北宋科舉與官學
Chapter 第一節： --- 唐代科舉與官學
Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 唐代科舉 --- p.19
Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 唐代官學 --- p.21
Chapter 三 ´Ø --- 唐代科舉與官學關係 --- p.22
Chapter 第二節： --- 遼代科舉與官學
Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 遼代科舉 --- p.24
Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 遼代官學 --- p.25
Chapter 三 ´Ø --- 遼代科舉與官學關係 --- p.26
Chapter 第三節： --- 北宋科舉與官學
Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 神宗熙寧變法前的科舉與官學 --- p.27
Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 神宗熙寧變法實行後的科舉與官學關係一一以三舍法爲切入點頁 --- p.29
小結 --- p.34
Chapter 第三章： --- 金代科舉與官學簡介
Chapter 第一節： --- 金代漢人科舉
Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 金代科舉的演變一一南北分選至倂南北選爲一的過程 --- p.36
Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 考試程序、科目及時間 --- p.42
Chapter 第二節： --- 金代漢人官學
Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 官學槪況 --- p.44
Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 金代學校經費來源 --- p.45
Chapter 三 ´Ø --- 官學的整體一一廟與學 --- p.46
Chapter 第三節： --- 女真進士與女真官學
小結
Chapter 第四章： --- 朝廷政策中科舉與官學關係
Chapter 第一節： --- 選士方式：科舉考試與學校考選的取向 --- p.53
Chapter 第二節： --- 興辦官學與進士教育
Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 官學錄取學生的條件與舉人釋義 --- p.63
Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 官學講授的內容與應考進士科的關係 --- p.69
小結 --- p.70
Chapter 第五章： --- 晉地進士與官學關係
Chapter 第一節： --- 進士分佈與官學關係（一）：晉地綜論 --- p.73
Chapter 第二節： --- 進士分佈與官學關係（二）：府州情況 --- p.77
Chapter 第三節： --- 進士分佈與官學關係（三）：府州治所及其轄縣情況 --- p.80
Chapter 第四節： --- 朝廷政策對地方進士及官學關係的影響 --- p.86
小結 --- p.91
Chapter 第六章： --- 結論
Chapter 第一節： --- 金代科舉與官學關係 --- p.93
Chapter 第二節： --- 唐至金科舉與官學的演變 --- p.95
Chapter 附錄一´Ø --- 晉地整體進士表
Chapter 一(1) ´Ø --- 西京路進士與官學表 --- p.99
西京路進士分佈歸納圖 --- p.113
Chapter 一(2)´Ø --- 河東北路進士與官學表 --- p.114
河東北路進士分佈歸納圖 --- p.129
Chapter 一(3) ´Ø --- 河東南路進士與官學表 --- p.130
河東南路進士分佈歸納圖 --- p.149
Chapter 附錄二´Ø --- 府州學與府州進士分佈表 --- p.151
府州進士人數分佈歸納圖 --- p.153
Chapter 附錄三´Ø --- 應州、太原、澤州地方官學與進士分佈表 --- p.154
應州、太原、澤州地方官學與進士分佈歸納圖 --- p.156
Chapter 附錄四´Ø --- 應州、太原府、澤州轄縣進士分佈及縣學表 --- p.157
應州、太原府、澤州轄縣進士分佈及縣學歸納圖 --- p.158
Chapter 附錄五´Ø --- 晉地地圖
Chapter 五(1)(甲）´Ø --- 西京路區域圖 --- p.159
Chapter 五(一)(乙）´Ø --- 西京路轄下各府州區域圖 --- p.160
Chapter 五(二)(甲）´Ø --- 河東北路、河東南路區域圖 --- p.161
Chapter 五(二)(乙）´Ø --- 河東北路、河東南路轄下各府州區域圖 --- p.162
參考書目 --- p.163

博士
國立嘉義大學
教育學系研究所
106
The study is about investigating reading and memory strategies in preparing for civil service exams. The purposes include to understand the reading and memory strategies those who’ve passed the exams perceived and how they applied those strategies to preparing for the exams. In addition, the benefits those strategies have on preparing for the exams are investigated to understand if they could help those who want to take the exams. Also, the difficulties which the test takers encountered are also analyzed as well as other factors that may cause people to fail the exams. The study was done by literature review, focused group interview and content analysis. Twenty-three people who passed civil service exams were interviewed. The content analysis includes the information released by the Ministry of Examination about those who got the highest scores on the exams for administrative officials and the articles published by United Daily News about how those who passed the same exams prepared for them, 300 extracts in total. They were investigated and analyzed in a qualitative method and were integrated to the final result. The findings of the study are as follows: 1. Those who passed the exams have very different understanding about reading and memory strategies, and some of them even had very limited understanding about them, which deterred them from applying them to the preparation for the exam. 2. The reading and memory strategies those who passed the exams are much less than those which are found in the literature. There are only thirteen kinds of reading strategies they used. They are, according to frequency of usage, constantly taking notes, finding appropriate ways of studying, outlining, finding more efficient ways of studying, extensive reading, using helpful stationary, joining the study programs provided by cram schools, browsing, finding interesting ways of reading, systematic scanning, repetitive reading, intensive reading and reasoning. And the eight memory strategies they used are memorizing key points, memorizing the regulations in those law-related subjects, repetitive recitation, using chants, picturized memorization, associating with life experiences, using tables or charts and recording. 3. Those who used reading and memory strategies well in preparing for civil service exams benefit substantially from time arrangement, information management and the general ability to take the test. 4. The application of reading and memory strategies in preparing for civil service exams is feasible because “they are really effective in helping the test takers to pass the tests”, especially “it’s the key factor for the test takers to use reading and memory strategies well.” 5. The difficulties those test takers may encounter when applying those reading and memory strategies to preparing for the exams are either they did not know the reasons for using those strategies or they were not skillful in using them. However, those difficulties can be overcome after learning or training for a short period of time. 6. Except for reading and memory strategies, there are other important factors that may influence if the test takers would pass the exams, including 20 “other important factors” and 25 “other factors.” According to the findings, the following suggestions are made: 1. Pragmatic perspective: Suggestions should be made for related organizations and people involved. 2. Future investigation perspective: There are fields to be further explored including research method, research samples, research data, research range and literature. 3. Other application perspective: Suggestions are made for those did not do well on the test, who are self-educated or life-long learners.

In the first part of the paper are analyzed different views of the rule of law: liberaldemocratic, then positivistic view and, finally, defining of the rule of law as the rule of positive-law order of particular properities. In addition to these the three theoretic orientations, one more classification was pointed out - formal and materaialistic aspect of the rule of law. Besides, the principles and institutions of the rule of law were analyzed: legitimacy of power, division of power, independent judiciary, legitimacy expressed in terms of the ideas of constitution and lawfulness, constitutional guarantees of human and civil rights, existence of free economy and economic activities. The subject of the second part of this paper are services. Nowadays, services are the motor of economic growth and include, especially in developed countries of EU, more then 70% of EDP, employees, new economic subjects, and service activities also make up over 70% of all the activities. The service sector includes different, heterogenic services the number of which is getting higher and higher. The service activities are numerous and performed in various sectors such as trading, communications, financing, government administration, health department, social welfare, media, education, tourism, catering, sport and others. We are all witness to the constant growth of service sector in view of continuous broadening of the range of services and the influence upon the economic development of the state. Law regulations of the services in the Republic of Serbia were analized as well as its harmonization with the law regulations at the level of EU and the need for its further upgrading and improvement.

Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.