Academic literature on the topic 'Views on nonviolence'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Views on nonviolence.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Views on nonviolence"
1
VINSON, ROBERT TRENT, and BENEDICT CARTON. "ALBERT LUTHULI'S PRIVATE STRUGGLE: HOW AN ICON OF PEACE CAME TO ACCEPT SABOTAGE IN SOUTH AFRICA." Journal of African History 59, no. 1 (2018): 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853717000718.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn December 1961, Albert Luthuli, leader of the African National Congress (ANC), arrived in Oslo to receive the Nobel Peace Prize. Journalists in Norway noted how apartheid crackdowns failed to poison the new laureate's ‘courteous’ commitment to nonviolence. The press never reported Luthuli's acceptance that saboteurs in an armed wing, Umkhonto weSizwe (MK or Spear of the Nation), would now fight for freedom. Analyzing recently available evidence, this article challenges a prevailing claim that Luthuli always promoted peace regardless of state authorities who nearly beat him to death and massacred protesting women, children, and men. We uncover his evolving views of justifiable violence, which guided secret ANC decisions to pursue ‘some kind of violence’ months before his Nobel celebration. These views not only expand knowledge of ‘struggle history’, but also alter understandings of Luthuli's aim to emancipate South Africa from a system of white supremacy that he likened to ‘slavery’.
2
Pokinko, Tomasz. "Some Contemporary Views on Jaina Values and Conduct Among Indian Lay Jainas from Jaipur and Delhi." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 39, no. 2 (2010): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v39i2.004.
Full textAbstract:
This paper is based on interviews conducted in India in the summer of 2007 with seven lay Jainas from Jaipur and Delhi: three men and four women, with ages ranging from early twenties to late sixties. The questions I am interested in are: what is the main Jaina value or values according to my interviewees? In particular, what is the place and status of ahimsa (nonviolence) among contemporary notions of value, and is ahimsa repositioned or redefined in the contemporary context? Do Jaina values impact the social sphere and if so, how? In what ways does a particular form of conduct result as a consequence of those values? What does this say about the ways contemporary Indian lay Jainas imagine society? In analyzing the positions of my interviewees, I note similarities to and differences from the position of a group of Terapanthi nuns, whom I also interviewed. By means of my ethnographic material, I demonstrate that Jaina normative moral theory, though rooted in ahimsa, nevertheless exhibits flexibility based on individual and socio-historical contexts.
3
DAN, MARIANA. "GANDHI, YOGA AND THE ISSUE OF SPIRITUAL DEVELOPMENT. IS THE NOTION OF NONVIOLENCE (AHIMSA) APPLICABLE IN HISTORY?" Arhe 27, no. 34 (2021): 311–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/arhe.2020.34.311-338.
Full textAbstract:
The fact that spiritual development is needed both on an individual and social level is an issue all traditional societies were acquainted with. The laic and materialistic contemporary world is a mere historical, de-ontologized background which, while promoting individualism and competition, puts aside the trans-historical spiritual values, that have always defined man as a humane and human being, either in religion, or culture. This paper describes the motivation which was provided for man’s spiritual development in Yoga and Christianity, which had, on the one hand, a socializing, integrating function, and on the other hand, a compensatory one. Gandhi’s politics and policy founded on nonviolence and truthfulness is contrasted with man’s nihilistic nature, if not trained to develop his spiritual traits. Today’s redefinition of culture and education, which neglects man’s spiritual values, is the reason why, by contrast, we provided a large space for explaining Gandhi’s views and Yoga, which might be models to be followed even in a laic world, in which personal development should be backed up by man’s spiritual growth, if we want to survive as human beings.
4
Tully, James. "Middle East Legal and Governmental Pluralism: A View of the Field from the Demos." Middle East Law and Governance 4, no. 2-3 (2012): 225–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00403004.
Full textAbstract:
The article addresses the following question: Can a people change their form of government and law and bring them permanently under their shared democratic authority by nonviolent, participatory democratic means? It examines this question through the example of the nonviolent Egyptian Spring. It also addresses the questions of whether this is a new form of the right of self-determination of peoples as well as an alternative to the current models of transitional justice. The means used to address these questions are adapted from the methods of legal and political pluralism, the politics of nonviolence and participatory democracy. Its objective is to place the nonviolent Egyptian Spring in the broader context of nonviolent and democratic regime transformation since Decolonization.
5
Case, Benjamin. "Molotov Cocktails to Mass Marches: Strategic Nonviolence, Symbolic Violence, and the Mobilizing Effect of Riots." Theory in Action 14, no. 1 (2021): 18–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2102.
Full textAbstract:
What effects do violent protests have on social movement mobilizations? In recent decades, the field of nonviolence studies has popularized a strategic nonviolence framework to understand activist tactics. This framework is problematic in two ways. First, dominant theories argue that violent protest actions demobilize nonviolent protest. However, there is less empirical support for this claim than often assumed. Current quantitative findings on the demobilizing effects of violent protest rely on a false dichotomy between violence and nonviolence that obscures the effects of low-level violent actions. Through statistical analysis of protest trends in the US over 72 years, I show that riots have an overall mobilizing impact on nonviolent protests. Second, the strategic nonviolence framing encourages an instrumental view of tactics that is prone to miss the symbolic and emotional aspects of different types of actions. Through qualitative interviews with participants in the black bloc tactic, I explore the experiential effects of the riot, and find that rioting can have deeply empowering emotional impacts on participants, with lasting effects that sustain activists’ political engagement. In combination, these results demonstrate that low-level violent actions interact with movements in more dynamic ways than dominant theories have understood. [Article copies available for a fee from The Transformative Studies Institute. E-mail address: journal@transformativestudies.org Website: http://www.transformativestudies.org ©2021 by The Transformative Studies Institute. All rights reserved.]
6
Du Toit, Louise, and Jana Vosloo. "When Bodies Speak Differently: Putting Judith Butler in Conversation with Mahatma Gandhi on Nonviolent Resistance." Religions 12, no. 8 (2021): 627. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080627.
Full textAbstract:
This article puts political philosopher Judith Butler in conversation with Gandhi, on the topic of nonviolent resistance. More particularly, we compare them on a systematic philosophical level. Although we focus on Gandhi’s more activist side, by delving into the ontological presuppositions that Butler and Gandhi share, we can do some justice to how his activism is firmly rooted in a faith-based understanding of the world. We discuss four themes in each of which they complement each other: namely, the ontological roots of the nonviolent imperative; their rejection of an instrumental view of violence; nonviolent resistance seen as communicative action; and nonviolence viewed as a way of life. This discussion shows that while they have very different starting points and vocabularies, and while some tensions remain, there is much scope for cooperation, solidarity and alliance between religious and nonreligious practitioners of nonviolent resistance.
7
Khanna, Aggarwal Suman. "Spirals of Mutuality: Love, Nonviolence and Service." FORUM, no. 3 (July 2009): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/foru2009-002005.
Full textAbstract:
- In this shortened version of her plenary lecture given at the IAGP Conference in Sao Paulo in July 2006, Suman Khanna Aggarwal reflects on the idea that the welfare of every single individual or group is indissolubly intertwined with that of others and that peace is the common goal of all people and all groups. Since we are all individuals who have differing points of view, conflict often occurs at all levels of human interaction though conflict per se is not a problem; the problem is the method of conflict resolution which can be either violent (bad) or nonviolent (good). It is thus important to understand why we must choose nonviolence to resolve conflict. Gandhi maintains we must choose it because, ‘The Law of Nonviolence which is The Law of Love is the Law of Our Species'. This lecture analyses what constitutes love and transfers this analysis to nonviolence. Once we see how they are related we can start connecting effectively with others.
8
Ohirko, O. V. "Christian Pedagogy as a Pedagogy of Love." Scientific Messenger of LNU of Veterinary Medicine and Biotechnologies 21, no. 92 (2019): 155–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32718/nvlvet-e9226.
Full textAbstract:
Christian views on the education of man are considered. Christian pedagogy is the science of the formation of the spiritual and bodily life of man on the basis of absolute values, which is filled with Christian culture. It is based on universal moral law of humankind that is Ten Commandments of God and Two Fundamental Commandments of Christian Love and on Seven Corporal and Spiritual Works of Mercy, Evangelical Counsels and Beatitudes. Christian pedagogy helps a person to realize his dignity and value as a person created on the image and likeness of God. A special feature of Christian pedagogy is the close connection between spiritual and moral education. By means of Christian pedagogy moral and theological virtues are formed. The most important virtue in upbringing is love, as a struggle for the good of your neighbors, regardless of yourself. Love to God and to others is the basic law of Christian pedagogy. In the Christian upbringing of youth, the most important tasks are the formation of: the mind in which faith will reign; the will in which love will dominate; feelings in which hope will work. Principles of Christian pedagogy are nonviolence, timeliness, unity of pedagogical influences, the principle of personality, anthropological principle (respect for human dignity). Christian education is an alternative to a society that surrounds our youth. It creates a sensible conscience, calls for the avoidance of sins, and to live according to the commandments of God.
9
Montiel, Cristina Jayme, and Abilio Belo. "Social Psychology of East Timor's Nonviolent Democratic Transition: View From the Inside." Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology 2, no. 1 (2008): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/prp.2.1.1.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractSocial psychological aspects of the East Timor peace and liberation movement were studied by in-depth interviews of key liberation leaders, using 20 open-ended questions in Tetum, the local language. Activist-leaders shared common beliefs: liberation as a prerequisite to development, unity, and possibility of peace through peaceful means. They told stories of acute self-suffering during imprisonment and torture; of their hopes, and courageous moments in the struggle. Human rights and Catholic faith ranked high in their shared values. Peaceful demonstrations, intergroup diplomacy, rallying international support, political and peace education towards consciousness transformation and housing refugees were liberationist nonviolent activities. Four important lessons were learned: advocacy to conscientise the people, practice of nonviolence, involvement of different sectors of society, and engaging the international community.
10
Warkentin, Craig. "Book Review: David R. Smock, Perspectives on Pacifism: Christian, Jewish, and Muslim Views on Nonviolence and International Conflict (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 1995, 74 pp., no price given)." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 24, no. 3 (1995): 635–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298950240030531.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Views on nonviolence"
1
Mindus, Amanda. "Views on violence in the Tibetan diaspora : On the homeland conflict and the Buddhism-violence nexus." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-61069.
Full textAbstract:
The academic interest in diasporas has mushroomed in recent decades. More specifically, a debate about the role of diasporas in violence/peace and whether these groups should be seen as spurring violence from afar or acting as agents of peace. This thesis contributes to this debate by investigating the Tibetan diaspora in Sweden. The Tibetan diaspora has not yet to featured in this debate, and their role has in general been undertheorized. As this diaspora is traditionally considered a Buddhist diaspora, the work also relates to and draws on a second academic debate, ie. the Buddhism-violence nexus. The research questions addressed were: (1) In what way has the conflict in Tibet had an impact of the lives of the members of the Tibetan diaspora in Sweden, and how, if at all, do they respond to it? and (2) Do members of the Tibetan diaspora in Sweden believe that there is room within Tibetan Buddhism to legitimize violence, and if yes; how and under what circumstances? These questions were answered through semi-structured interviews with fourteen adult members of the Tibetan diaspora in Sweden. Two analytical frames were adopted, one being the Triadic Relationship of diasporas and the second Igor Kopytoff’s Frontier Model. The findings suggest that the conflict in Tibet has influenced the interviewees both practically and emotionally. The interviewees shared a view of Buddhism as utterly non-violent but saw Buddhists as human beings, and as such; capable of violence. Buddhism is perceived as something distant and as posing ideals that cannot be achieved. Besides what the Frontier Model suggests two other potential explanatory models presented themselves. Firstly, that the answers were influenced by the particular-ness of the diaspora setting as detached from the homeland conflict, hence enabling diaspora members to keep an idealized stance. Secondly, that Tibetan Buddhism is a particularly peaceful branch of Buddhism and that a more nuanced understanding of the religion is needed when discussing the Buddhism-violence nexus.
2
Lucas, Anne M. "Strategic Nonviolence and Humor: Their Synergy and Its Limitations: A Case Study of Nonviolent Struggle led by Serbia’s Otpor." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1292889981.
Full text
3
Bauer, Jacob N. "The Normative Ethics of Gandhian Nonviolence." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1386789526.
Full text
4
Mccreery, Gregory Richard. "Violence and Disagreement: From the Commonsense View to Political Kinds of Violence and Violent Nonviolence." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6542.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation argues that there is an agreed upon commonsense view of violence, but beyond this view, definitions for kinds of violence are essentially contested and non-neutrally, politically ideological, given that the political itself is an essentially contested concept defined in relation to ideologies that oppose one another. The first chapter outlines definitions for a commonsense view of violence produced by Greene and Brennan. This chapter argues that there are incontestable instances of violence that are almost universally agreed upon, such as when an adult intentionally smashes a child’s head against a table, purposefully causing harm. It is also claimed that, because political, ideological distinctions between kinds of violence arise from the creation of moral equivalences to the commonsense view of violence, political ideology is the source of disagreement. The second chapter argues that the concept of violence and of the political are essentially contested concepts. Gallie’s criteria for what counts as an essentially contested concept are utilized in order to argue that violence is an essentially contested concept at the level of the political, though not at the level of the commonsense view of violence. In fact, the paradigmatic cases that the commonsense view of violence pertains to serve as the core cases that are then interpreted as kinds of violence at the ideological level. To define violence as altogether wrong, or to define kinds of violence as acceptable and others as wrong is itself a politically ideological move to make, such as when liberalism defines its own uses of violence as justified and legitimate, and its enemy’s violence as unjustifiable and illegitimate. The World Health Organization and Bufacchi’s definitions for violence are presented, as are the definition for terroristic violence defined by Nagel. Erlenbusch’s critique of a liberal view, such as that of Nagel and the World Health Organization, is addressed as a reflection on the fact that, beyond the commonsense view of violence, violence is an essentially contested concept for which an ideologically, politically non-neutral definition is unlikely. The third chapter outlines numerous definitions produced by various philosophers, historians, and theorists, such as Machiavelli, Arendt, Hobbes, Kant, Treitschke, Weber, Bakunin, Sorel, Žižek, and Benjamin. The definitions produced by each demonstrates that person’s political ideological assumptions. Their definitions demonstrate an ongoing disagreement, in the sense of Rancière’s formulation for what counts as a disagreement in that each theorist defines kinds of violence under the yoke of their own political ideology. They all might agree that a single act is violent, under the commonsense view of violence, but they disagree concerning what kind of violence it is. So, though they may point to the same events and actions as examples of violence, what they mean fundamentally differs, and this means that they disagree. Their disagreement arises due to their respective political ideologies. This disagreement shows that there is no neutral justification for the neutrality of a state, particularly if a neutral state must defend itself. The state is instead defined in historically contextual terms of how the state relates to kinds of violence, and the distinctions between kinds of violence are not themselves politically, ideologically neutral. So, the concept of violence, beyond the commonsense view, is an essentially contested concept for which a non-neutral definition is unlikely. Beyond the commonsense view, political ideology is inextricably bound up within distinctions between kinds of violence. The fourth chapter then examines arguments on the question of whether nonviolence counts as a kind of violence. If distinctions between kinds of violence are essentially contested and non-neutrally defined, and nonviolence is defined as distinct from violence, then it follows that nonviolence is an essentially contested concept for which no non-neutral definition is possible, at least beyond a commonsense view of nonviolence. A commonsense view of nonviolence is defined as the assumption that nonviolence is not violent in the way that the commonsense view defines violence. That is, nonviolence occurs when there is no action or event that most people would define as a violent one. Definitions for nonviolence, civil disobedience, nonviolent political actions, and nonviolent direct actions are then outlined. These definitions aim at showing that the doctrine of nonviolence does not merely refer to nonviolent acts, but to a strategy that is a means to defeating violence. Given that what counts as the nonviolence that defeats violence is ideologically a matter of disagreement, nonviolence, in this sense, can count as a kind of violence. The fifth chapter concludes, raising questions concerning how violence can be valued, the degree to which a state cannot neutrally justify its neutrality, and the degree to which, beyond the commonsense view of violence, there ever could be agreement concerning what counts as kinds of violence.
1 In this dissertation, I draw on a number of ideas/passages that appeared earlier in my paper “The Efficacy of Scapegoating and Revolutionary Violence," in Philosophy, Culture, and Traditions: A Journal of the World Union of Catholic Philosophical Societies, ed. William Sweet, 10(2014), 203-219. I am grateful to the editors of the journal for permission to draw on this material here.
5
Post, Kaeleigh A. "No Greater Love Than This: Violence, Nonviolence, and the Atonement." Trinity Lutheran Seminary / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=trin1440692149.
Full text
6
Williams, James C. Williams. "THE ROAD TO HARPER’S FERRY: THE GARRISONIAN REJECTION OF NONVIOLENCE." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1465911514.
Full text
7
Gabrielson, Jeremy. "Paul's non-violent Gospel : the theological politics of peace in Paul's life and letters." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1889.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis advances a claim for the centrality of a politics of peace in early Christianity, with particular focus given to the letters of Paul and the Gospel of Matthew. In brief, I argue that Paul’s task of announcing the gospel to the nations involved calling and equipping assemblies of people whose common life was ordered by a politics (by which I mean, chiefly, a mode of corporate conduct) characterised by peaceableness, and this theological politics was a deliberate participation in the political order announced and inaugurated by Jesus of Nazareth. To this end, there are three main components of the thesis. Chapter Two is focused on the Gospel of Matthew, particularly the way in which violence (and peace) are constructed by the evangelist. Chapter Three bridges the first and third components of the thesis, attending to the important question of the continuity between Jesus and Paul on the issue of non-violence. The third component involves two chapters. Chapter Four attempts to identify the trajectory of violence and peace in Paul’s biography and in the “biography” of his Galatian converts (as he portrays it), and the fifth chapter traces the presence of this non-violent gospel in (arguably) Paul’s earliest letter. The intended effect is to show that a politics of non-violence was an early, central, non-negotiable component of the gospel, that its presence can be detected in a variety of geographical expressions of early Christianity, that this (normally) “ethical” dimension of the gospel has a political aspect as well, and that this political dimension of the gospel stands in stark contrast to the politics of both the contemporary imperial power and those who would seek to replace it through violence.
8
Weems, Michael Ray. "The Fierce Tribe: Crack Whores, Body Fascists, and Circuit Queens in the Spiritual Performance of Masculine Non-Violence." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1180029151.
Full text
9
Bailey, Michael Hampton. "Moral Disengagement of Violent and Nonviolent Antisocial Behavior in Video Games." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1604156458405884.
Full text
10
Im, SeongMo. "In search of a nonviolent atonement theory : a comparison of the views of René Girard and Karl Barth on the death of Jesus." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.600633.
Full textAbstract:
The point of departure for my dissertation is my agreement with the criticism that the penal substitutionary view of the death of Jesus, which is currently regarded as the predominant atonement theory in Roman Catholic and Protestant churches, legitimates and sanctifies violence. Bearing in mind this critical concern about the violent elements entrenched in the penal substitutionary atonement theory, I attempt to find nonviolent alternatives in the views of Rene Girard and Karl Barth of the death of Jesus. While rejecting the Anselmian satisfaction model and propitiatory view of the death of Jesus on the cross, Girard and Barth both draw their atonement theories from the Christus Vict/or model, which is considered to be free from violent elements. However, they have different hermeneutical windows through which they construct their own Christus Victor atonement theories. Whereas Girard's view of Christus Victor has an Abelardian tone emphasizing the disciple's awakening or enlightenment, Barth's perspective shows the impact of the Calvinistic judicial framework. Nonetheless, in my view both wisely avoid the violent elements enshrined in the Abelardian and Anselmian/Calvinistic models. In my dissertation, I first examine the frameworks of the nonviolent atonement theories Of Girard and Barth: mimesis theory and trinitarianism, respectively. Secondly, I explore how they relate their nonviolent atonement theories to the nonviolent/peaceful Christian life. However, while I am appreciative of the virtues of their nonviolent atonement theories, I wil1 offer a critique of their theories from the perspective of nonviolence and social victims. One of the focal points of my criticism will be the belittling or dismissing of other religions embedded within their theories. Finally I will propose a third approach in which the strong points of Girard and Barth are combined
Books on the topic "Views on nonviolence"
1
Dimensions of peace and nonviolence: The Gandhian perspective. Gian Pub. House, 1986.
Find full text
2
Kiṇīkara, Rôya, and Anila Kiṇīkara. Gāndhī nāvāce Mahātmā. Ḍāyamaṇḍa Pablikeśansa, 2012.
Find full text
3
Coomaraswamy, Radhika. Non-violence: An article of faith. Sri Lanka India Society, 2004.
Find full text
6
Smock, David R. Perspectives on pacifism: Christian, Jewish, and Muslim views on nonviolence and international conflict. U.S. Institute of Peace Press, 1995.
Find full text
7
United States Institute of Peace., ed. Perspectives on pacifism: Christian, Jewish, and Muslim views on nonviolence and international conflict. United States Institute of Peace Press, 1995.
Find full text
8
Quaker Peace & Service. Views over the horizon: The context for social change work in the 21st century. QPS, 1997.
Find full text
9
Fellowship of Reconciliation (U.S.), ed. Violence and nonviolence in South Africa: Jesus' third way. New Society Publishers, 1987.
Find full text
10
Thottamon Kantan Kesavan Narayanan Unnithan. Change without violence: Gandhian theory of social change. Gujarat Vidyapith, 1987.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Views on nonviolence"
1
Mantena, Karuna. "Competing Theories of Nonviolent Politics." In Protest and Dissent. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479810512.003.0005.
Full textAbstract:
The contemporary literature on nonviolent politics relies upon a sharp distinction between strategic and principled nonviolence. Gandhi and King are associated with the latter, defined as a strict moral commitment to nonviolence that both scholars and activists view as unnecessary for the successful practice of nonviolent politics. I argue the distinction between strategic and principled nonviolence is misleading. It misunderstands the most distinctive feature of classical nonviolent politics, namely, how Gandhi and King tethered ethical practice—practices of self-discipline or suffering—to political strategy. This chapter reconstructs an alternative account of nonviolent action—nonviolence as disciplined action—and argues that it is also strategic in orientation but premised upon a different theory of politics and political action. Disciplined action is underpinned by a skeptical ontology of action which highlights the affective dynamics of action. I contrast this to the prevailing model of nonviolence as collective power, which focuses on techniques of mass mobilization and the generation of social power. I distinguish the conceptual logic of these competing theories of nonviolent politics and the differing forms of protest and dissent they recommend.
2
El-Haj, Tabatha Abu. "Defining Nonviolence as a Matter of Law and Politics." In Protest and Dissent. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479810512.003.0009.
Full textAbstract:
Recent years have seen the reinvigoration of disruptive political protest — from the Occupy Movement, to Black Lives Matter, to the Women’s Marches. These sorts of disruptive outdoor assemblies, including many of their tactics, have been central to American politics since the Founding, and have long been protected by the First Amendment. Nevertheless, legislatures around the country have been introducing and passing bills that render a wide swath of protest tactics unlawful precisely because they have been effective in drawing attention to claims and issues that typically fall off the legislative radar. More important, these legislative efforts are part of a broader erosion of fundamental democratic norms—from partisan redistricting to rewriting legislative procedures and traditions for judicial nominations—as well as the emerging pattern of attacking the free press and the loyalty of dissenters. Now more than ever, therefore, whatever our personal normative views on either the tactics of contemporary protesters or the parameters of current constitutional doctrine, it is our duty as a scholarly community to reaffirm that recent acts of protest and dissent operate well within the bounds of our American tradition of outdoor assembly and its constitutional protections.
3
Lundberg, Matthew D. "Nonviolence as Criterion of Martyrdom?" In Christian Martyrdom and Christian Violence. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197566596.003.0003.
Full textAbstract:
In view of the possibility of violence en route to Christian martyrdom, this chapter explores the pacifist tradition of Christian ethics and its claim that true martyrdom demands nonviolence, as that is the intended shape of the Christian life. After presenting the biblical case for nonviolence and charting the historical development of Christian pacifism, the chapter focuses on historic Anabaptism’s link between martyrdom and nonviolent defenselessness as the distinctive texture of discipleship, especially as reflected in the martyrologies in Thieleman van Braght’s Martyrs’ Mirror (1660). The chapter concludes with an analysis of the role of the imitatio Christi ethic in the peace church traditions and the insights that this tradition offers to the question of the criteria or markers of true Christian martyrdom.
4
Bhat, P. R. "Religious Ethics, General Ethics, and Engineering Ethics." In Civil and Environmental Engineering. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-9619-8.ch049.
Full textAbstract:
The objective of this chapter is to examine the underpinning relation among religious ethics, general ethics, and engineering ethics. We, the human beings, belong to one religion or the other by birth and/or by practice. There is hardly any society that is non-religious, and every major religion has religion-based ethics. Every evolved religion promotes values such as honesty, truthfulness, nonviolence, helping the needy, etc. These values are developed by major religions, such as Hinduism, Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Jainism, etc. All these values together constitute our understanding about general ethics. Fortunately, many religions prescribe similar values, and these values are considered as general ethics, which the chapter delineates in detail. The chapter also elucidates why we have not considered agnostics' and atheists' views on religious ethics even if general ethical principles are based on religious ethics. Further, what is the need to have professional ethics such as engineering ethics when we already have religious and general ethics? The chapter argues “engineering ethics” as a professional ethics would be an autonomous system and would be independent of religious ethics and general ethics. The reason for this claim is professionals need to perform their duties in accordance with their professional codes of conduct, and not based on their religious ethics or general ethics. The chapter submits that engineering ethics is an autonomous ethics even if it has values that resemble religious or general ethics.
5
Bhat, P. R. "Religious Ethics, General Ethics, and Engineering Ethics." In Advances in Civil and Industrial Engineering. IGI Global, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-8130-9.ch007.
Full textAbstract:
The objective of this chapter is to examine the underpinning relation among religious ethics, general ethics, and engineering ethics. We, the human beings, belong to one religion or the other by birth and/or by practice. There is hardly any society that is non-religious, and every major religion has religion-based ethics. Every evolved religion promotes values such as honesty, truthfulness, nonviolence, helping the needy, etc. These values are developed by major religions, such as Hinduism, Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Jainism, etc. All these values together constitute our understanding about general ethics. Fortunately, many religions prescribe similar values, and these values are considered as general ethics, which the chapter delineates in detail. The chapter also elucidates why we have not considered agnostics' and atheists' views on religious ethics even if general ethical principles are based on religious ethics. Further, what is the need to have professional ethics such as engineering ethics when we already have religious and general ethics? The chapter argues “engineering ethics” as a professional ethics would be an autonomous system and would be independent of religious ethics and general ethics. The reason for this claim is professionals need to perform their duties in accordance with their professional codes of conduct, and not based on their religious ethics or general ethics. The chapter submits that engineering ethics is an autonomous ethics even if it has values that resemble religious or general ethics.
6
Medina, JosÉ. "No Justice, No Peace." In Protest and Dissent. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479810512.003.0006.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter defends a confrontational view of protest that puts civil and uncivil protest in a continuum and argues for the contextual legitimacy of uncivil protest. The chapter argues both against conservative views for which protests are legitimate only if previously authorized and in full conformity with law and order, and against liberal views that allow for civil disobedience but, either for principled or for strategic reasons, allow only for protests that remain civil. I argue that contexts of oppression warrant the use of incivility and mild forms of violence for protesting injustice. Elucidating the history of protests in sports, the activism of Act Up, and the counter-protests of Black Lives Matter, I argue that nonviolent movements of resistance can legitimately use incivility and mild forms of violence while still being committed to the mitigation of violence in the long run.
7
Allen, Douglas. "Gandhian Philosophy." In Gandhi after 9/11. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199491490.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
Gandhi is not interested in abstract theoretical philosophical formulations, but rather philosophy as engaged practice. He focuses on living a philosophy of satya (truth) and ahimsa (nonviolence). Gandhi’s primary concern is with developing moral character and practice and with ethics as first philosophy. This is different not only from the history of Western philosophy, but also from traditional Indian philosophy. Gandhi's greatest contribution is his moral and philosophical focus on ahimsa in greatly broadening and deepening our understanding of nonviolence and its integral relations with truth. Usually unappreciated is Gandhi's invaluable analysis of the distinction and integral relations between relative truth and Absolute Truth that challenges philosophical alternatives of essentialism and absolute foundationalism versus modern unlimited relativism. Gandhi's philosophy challenges us with a qualitatively different philosophical view of freedom and human development, critiquing dominant modern models and offering an alternative philosophical paradigm and approach.
8
Lai, Ten-Herng. "Justifying Uncivil Disobedience." In Oxford Studies in Political Philosophy Volume 5. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841425.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
A prominent way of justifying civil disobedience is to postulate a pro tanto duty to obey the law and to argue that the considerations that ground this duty sometimes justify forms of civil disobedience. However, this view entails that certain kinds of uncivil disobedience are also justified. Thus, either a) civil disobedience is never justified or b) uncivil disobedience is sometimes justified. Since a) is implausible, we should accept b). I respond to the objection that this ignores the fact that civil disobedience enjoys a special normative status on account of instantiating certain special features: nonviolence, publicity, the acceptance of legal consequences, and conscientiousness. I then show that my view is superior to two rivals: the view that we should expand the notion of civility and that civil disobedience, expansively construed, is uniquely appropriate; and the view that uncivil disobedience is justifiable in but only in unfavorable conditions.
9
Martin, Glen Theron. "Gandhi's Satyagraha and the Earth Constitution." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-3032-9.ch026.
Full textAbstract:
Mahatma Gandhi developed an integrated world view within the very specific contexts of his struggles for justice and freedom in South Africa and India. Much of his thought regarding such basic concepts as Satyagraha (clinging to truth), ahimsa (nonviolence), swaraj (self-determination, independence), and sarvodaya (the welfare of all) was articulated in the light of the concrete struggles he encountered. Some scholars have undertaken the task of extrapolating Gandhi's world view in terms of a general philosophy of liberation (see Iyer, 1973; Jesudasan, 1984; Prabhu & Rao, 1967; Richards 1991). However, these studies have not generally extrapolated the theme of world federalism that Gandhi occasionally mentions in his writings. This paper argues that Gandhi's relevance for the 21st century requires delineating the larger scope of his vision in relation to our contemporary situation and seeing the possibility of concretely actualizing that vision within the world federalism advocated by the Constitution for the Federation of Earth (see Martin 2010a).
10
Koppelman, Andrew. "The racism analogy is misleading." In Gay Rights vs. Religious Liberty? Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197500989.003.0009.
Full textAbstract:
Even if the racism analogy is morally sound, that conclusion cannot support the withholding of all accommodation. It is actually several different analogies. One might be comparing their effects, their moral errors, the evil intentions of those who hold them, or their status as views that are appropriately stigmatized. There are important differences. Religious heterosexism is generally nonviolent. And unlike in 1964, when the Civil Rights Act was passed, religious claims can be accommodated without defeating the point of the law. Establishing a legitimate place for dissenters, in a gay-friendly legal regime, would actually be helpful in addressing some of the most pressing contemporary gay rights issues, notably youth homelessness.