Journal articles: 'Views on political development'

1

Beecham, Jeremy, John Chatfield, and Andrew Stunell. "Widdicombe: Three political views." Local Government Studies 12, no. 6 (November 1986): 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003938608433310.

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Perepelytsia, Nataliia. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE POLITICAL VIEWS OF FRANCIS FUKUYAMA." Politology bulletin, no. 82 (2019): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.82.29-36.

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American political scientist, philosopher, political economist Francis Fukuyama became known in the late twentieth century for his geopolitical theory of the end of history. Fukuyama still adheres to the «end of history» concept. However, some of his political views have undergone significant changes. The main purpose is to analyze what led to the formation of geopolitical views of Francis Fukuyama, to trace the content of his geopolitical concept, to find out the theoretical component of this concept. The goal is also to track the change in Francis Fukuyama’s views, namely his departure from neo-conservatism, which has resonated in political circles in recent years. The following methods were used in the article: structural-functional method, institutional method, comparative method and system method. The article shed light on the concept that sought to envision the development of the post-World War II world, which recognized the West’s superiority to other countries and the total spread of liberal democracy, its essence and basic tenets. It has also been found that Francis Fukuyama’s geopolitical views have evolved and changed over the course of twenty years. In the course of the evolution of his views, Fukuyama abandoned the idea of the spread of democracy and state-building, of Western unilateralism; changed the emphasis on the causes of the inevitability of the «end of history»; reviewed the interconnection of economics, politics and culture.

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Perepelytsia, Nataliia. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE POLITICAL VIEWS OF FRANCIS FUKUYAMA." Politology bulletin, no. 82 (2019): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.82.29-36.

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American political scientist, philosopher, political economist Francis Fukuyama became known in the late twentieth century for his geopolitical theory of the end of history. Fukuyama still adheres to the «end of history» concept. However, some of his political views have undergone significant changes. The main purpose is to analyze what led to the formation of geopolitical views of Francis Fukuyama, to trace the content of his geopolitical concept, to find out the theoretical component of this concept. The goal is also to track the change in Francis Fukuyama’s views, namely his departure from neo-conservatism, which has resonated in political circles in recent years. The following methods were used in the article: structural-functional method, institutional method, comparative method and system method. The article shed light on the concept that sought to envision the development of the post-World War II world, which recognized the West’s superiority to other countries and the total spread of liberal democracy, its essence and basic tenets. It has also been found that Francis Fukuyama’s geopolitical views have evolved and changed over the course of twenty years. In the course of the evolution of his views, Fukuyama abandoned the idea of the spread of democracy and state-building, of Western unilateralism; changed the emphasis on the causes of the inevitability of the «end of history»; reviewed the interconnection of economics, politics and culture.

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4

Heady, Ferrel, Gerald E. Caiden, Bun Woong Kim, and Kathleen Staudt. "Two Views of Development." Public Administration Review 52, no. 3 (May 1992): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/976932.

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Sihlongonyane, Mfaniseni Fana. "The Invisible Hand of the Royal Family in the Political Dynamics of Swaziland." African and Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (2003): 155–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903322149419.

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AbstractWhy does Swaziland remain authoritarian despite the democratic political changes that have occurred in the other parts of the African continent since the 1990s? Does it mean that Swaziland is immune to political change? The answers to these questions are diverse and wide-ranging from the international relations view to the radical perspectives and to the functionalist view. But the tendency of these views is to analyse Swazi politics according to historically constructed and particularised contexts and dynamics without fusing the wide-ranging factors that play various roles in the politics of the country. One of the major assumptions by these views is that the state (royal family) and the nation (subjects) are the same as was the case in the pre-colonial period and that the state has a sole privilege to cultural instrumentalism. These views therefore have a tendency to explain political change in terms of class structure and capital relations without taking the multifunctional dimensions of culture into consideration. This paper brings together the various views to explain political resistance in the country in terms of a cleavage between the state and the nation. It provides a historical overview of the political transformation in the country within a framework of cultural nationalism. The thrust of the paper is to look at how the royal family has survived between a primordial and constructivist perspective to political change from the colonial to the post-colonial period. It subjects both the incumbent and the opposition onto a critical analysis and points out a possible direction for political resolve.

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Litvin, Stephen W., and Wayne W. Smith. "International travel and political views." International Journal of Tourism Research 23, no. 1 (August 4, 2020): 106–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jtr.2397.

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Dal-Pont, Legrand Muriel, Dominique Torre, and Elise Tosi. "Adolphe Landry: Monetary Stability and the Financing of Industrial Development." HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT AND POLICY, no. 2 (October 2012): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/spe2012-002009.

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It is not so much known that before being a famous demographer Landry first contributed to political economy. Several scholars such as Edmund Malinvaud emphasized that it is not in doubt that Landry "revealed himself as a gifted theoretician". Supporting this view, the objective of this paper is to explain what were the initial monetary views developed by Landry and how he was influenced by different (and also non-orthodox) theoretical approaches. The gradual but also clear change we can observe in his monetary view was not only due to his theoretical lectures: as a public man, politically engaged, he was deeply influenced by his need to solve pragmatic issues. His efforts to reconcile his theoretical knowledge with his pragmatism led him to develop stimulating views on the then contemporary monetary theoretical questions.

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8

Corning, Peter A., and Samuel M. Hines. "Political Development and Political Evolution1." Politics and the Life Sciences 6, no. 2 (February 1988): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400003178.

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An evolutionary perspective, which is currently enjoying a revival in the social sciences, raises the possibility of a major transformation in the study of political development and modernization. It may be desirable to supplement (and in some instances replace) the concept of “political development” with the concept of “political evolution.” Political development may be likened to the biological process of ontogeny. It involves the construction of a viable set of political qua cybernetic processes and structures at any level of social organization, from wolf packs to human families to empires. Political evolution is an aspect of phylogeny. It involves the invention, elaboration, and diffusion of novel political forms of all kinds, only some of which may be more effective, or inclusive, or democratic, etc. Nor are all evolutionary changes necessarily “better” (i.e., more adaptive). Political development is concerned with problems of social engineering, while political evolution is concerned with architectonics—with the emergence of functionally significant political innovations. Political development is always situation-specific, while political evolution is also historical and may include changes that diffuse and become “species-wide.” Political evolution is thus a dimension of the larger process of biological evolution. The emergence of political systems, which long predates the evolution of humankind, constitutes a set of adaptive strategies with significant evolutionary consequences. Political development and political evolution may go hand in hand, but this is not always the case. A particular polity may develop or decay independently of the larger process of political evolution. Among the many theoretical implications of this conceptual reformulation, we briefly address the impact on functionalist theory, modernization theory, social mobilization theory, political economy (positive theory), world systems theory, dependency theory, and contemporary Marxist views.

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9

Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF OSYP HERMAIZE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 147 (2020): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.147.7.

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In the late 19th – early 20th century intelligentsia of various ethnic origins in Ukraine formed the idea of the importance of personal contribution to the development of scientific, cultural and educational potential of the peoples in the Russian Empire. Leading figures of Ukrainophile community called on talented intellectuals to contribute to the development of education and science in Ukraine. Osyp Hermaize was one of those who responded to this unofficial call. The purpose of this article is to analyze the social and political beliefs of O. Hermaize as one of the active representatives of the intelligentsia of Kyiv in the first third of the 20th century. In the research, the method of historicism, objectivity and science has been used. The scientific novelty is that the article is the first attempt to investigate the social and political views of the famous historian of the 1920’s O. Hermaize. The social and political views of the scientist determined his deep interest in Ukrainian studies. His cultural and educational work began immediately after graduation from the Faculty of History and Philology of Kyiv University when he joined the local community of Ukrainians. The February Revolution of 1917 radically changed the life of the scientist. The scientist devoted a significant part of his life to cultural and educational activities, including work at Kyiv “Prosvita”, the Ukrainian Scientific Society named after Taras Shevchenko, the Kyiv Labour School, organization of the research on the history of RUP and other Ukrainian parties at All-Ukrainian Academy of Ukrainian sciences. The study of social and political views of O. Hermaize allowed us to identify three main stages in the formation of his beliefs: 1) the 1916-1917 determined his interest in Ukrainian studies; 2) the 1918-1924 put forward an educational factor in his public activities, and 3) during the 1924-1929 both pedagogical and scientific work came forward.

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Mohylnyi, L., and O. Liashchenko. "SOCIO-POLITICAL VIEWS OF HRYGORYI HOLOSKEVYCH." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 141 (2019): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.141.6.

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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th century the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Hrygoryi Kostantynovych Holoskevych. He worked at the Petersburg publishing house ''Drukar'' until 1917, then, in August 1917, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Central Rada and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Holoskevych have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of H. Holoskevych's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Holoskevych came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of H. Holoskevych's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD), which sought to restore the UPR. In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including H. Holoskevych, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.

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11

Lokhova, Irina V. "Worldview formation and I. Gandhi development as a politician." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 2(2020) (June 25, 2020): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2020-2-41-50.

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The article is devoted to the study of the process of I. Gandhi personally development as a politician, characteristics and features of her worldview formation. Indira Nehru’s entourage had a decisive role in becoming her as a politician and a leader of the nation continuing her father’s “Nehru course”. The cornerstone of I. Gandhi foreign policy concept and activity was the doctrine of “Great India” which took shape in the conditions of the 20th century world shocks which radically changed the political map of the world. Colonialism contributed to the emergence of a heightened sense of national dignity among many Indian politicians and intellectuals including I. Gandhi. J. Nehru views played an important educational role in I. Gandhi worldview formation. His scientific, philosophical and political views became the foundation that would subsequently develop and strengthen in her mind and form the future politician with certain beliefs and ideas about “Great India.” For her people she was not just a female politician, but a symbol, because even after the resignation from the post of prime minister, I. Gandhi presence in the government was seen as maintaining fidelity to the commandments of the largest national leader by the people. The spiritual appearance formed in her childhood helped her overcome all the difficulties that she would encounter on her political path. She would endure all the ups and downs with dignity and even the awareness of the impending assassination attempt did not make her hide but meet her opponents.

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12

Romani, Roberto. "Political economy and other idioms: French views on English development, 1815-48." European Journal of the History of Economic Thought 9, no. 3 (September 2002): 359–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672560210149215.

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13

HIPSHON, DAVID. "Gregory the Great's ‘Political Thought’." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 53, no. 3 (July 2002): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046902004219.

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Gregorian scholars have been unable to reconcile widely differing views on Gregory the Great's ‘political thought’. The trend has been to view him as either ambivalent towards secular authority or completely indifferent to it. This article aims to demonstrate that Gregory the Great's conception of an ordered and hierarchic universe not only encompassed both secular and ecclesiastical spheres but also allowed each a positive role in the work of salvation. His ideas, influenced by neo-Platonic thought, differed substantially from those of St Augustine and were vital to the development of an early medieval partnership between secular and ecclesiastical authority.

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14

Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF VSEVOLOD HANTSOV." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 138 (2018): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.138.11.

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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th centuries the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Vsevolod Mykhailovych Hantsov. He worked at the Petersburg university until 1918, then, in February 1919, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Hantsov have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of V. Hantsov's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Hantsov came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of V. Hantsov's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD) 1920-1924, which sought to restore the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic). In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP (New Economic Policy) and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including V. Hantsov, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.

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15

Zimmerman, William. "Is Ukraine a Political Community?1." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(97)00022-6.

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The effects of divergent historical experiences, of differential exposure to the world outside the former Soviet Union, and of divergent industrial structure–all point in the direction of enormous attitudinal and evaluative cleavages across the regions of Ukraine. When we compare regional differences in perspectives on the political economy in Ukraine and views about whether Russia and Ukraine should be separate states, these differences are readily discernible. By extending the scope of items examined and by making explicit comparisons between data from Ukrainian and Russian samples, however, we achieve a somewhat more optimistic view about the prospects for community building in Ukraine. The relatively consensual assessment of citizenship conditions and the wide range of foreign policy matters about which dispositions of Ukrainians are separable from those of persons from regions reported in this paper provide some evidence of an emerging Ukranian political community.

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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS AND SCIENTIFIC ACTIVITIES OF OLEXANDER CHERNIAKHIVSKYI." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 137 (2018): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.137.2.04.

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In the article, the formation of national beliefs of the well-known Ukrainian public and political figure Oleksandr Cherniakhivsky at the end of the XIX-th century has been analyzed. The significance and influence of the Ukrainian Hromada and its most famous representatives, V. Antonovych, O. Konyskyi, on the development of young O. Cherniakhivsky’s outlook and the formation of his attitude towards the ways of solving the Ukrainian issue in the Russian Empire have been considered. Also, the article analyzes the participation of O. Cherniakhivsky in various cultural, educational and scientific projects in which the scientist had an opportunity to realize that the destructive national policy of the Russian Empire hindered the development of the Ukrainian nation as well as other peoples of the state. On the basis of archival materials and unpublished sources it has been revealed that O. Cherniakhivsky perceived his membership in the "Brotherhood of Tarasivtsy", the participation in the Kyiv Old Hromada, and the organizational work at the Ukrainian Scientific Society in Kyiv as a personal contribution to the development of domestic science and, generally, as an opportunity for the Ukrainian people to prove their right to exist as a whole nation in spite of resistance from the Russian power. Furthemore, the social and political convictions of O. Cherniakhivsky and their continuous evolution during the revolutionary period of 1917-1918 and the struggle for independence in 1918-1921 have been investigated. It has been revealed that at that time he gave up the method of revolutionary struggle. Instead, he chose the evolutionary preparation of compatriots to the formation of their own statehood through the establishment of major public institutions such as the Ukrainian People's University, the Medical Faculty, and the Association of Ukrainian Doctors, etc. Moreover, O. Cherniakhivsky considered an established system of scientific knowledge and terminology to be a necessary ingredient of the development of the Ukrainian nation. Therefore, throughout all his life he was engaged in the improvement of scientific dictionaries, terminology and popularization of the Ukrainian scientific language.

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17

WANG, ZHENGXU. "Postmodern Values in Seven Confucian Societies: Political Consequences of Changing World Views." Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, no. 3 (December 2007): 341–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002708.

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Economic development and the social changes it brings are changing people's world views among the East Asia Confucian societies. Most notable is a change from stressing hard work and achievement toward stressing enjoyment, self expression, and a fulfilling lifestyle. With this people also have become more pro-equality and tolerant toward different ideas and styles. These newly emerged views of modernized societies can be called ‘postmodern’ values. People with stronger postmodern values are more active politically, more assertive in demanding individual and political rights, and more emphatic in their preference for democratic government. The implication is that people in East Asia will demand more democracy as economic development proceeds and as they acquire these postmodern values.

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18

Akins, James. "Fundamentalist Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 16, no. 3 (1987): 157–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2536800.

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19

Maffettone, Pietro, and Ryan Muldoon. "Two views of assistance." Philosophy & Social Criticism 43, no. 10 (March 6, 2017): 998–1021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453717692646.

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The article makes two substantive contributions to the existing literature on the ethics of international assistance and global justice. First, it builds what we take to be a widely held set of propositions about international assistance into a consistent view (i.e. the relief view), and articulates a strong case against its desirability. Second, it sketches a more attractive alternative (i.e. the development view). To do so the article uses Sen’s idea of agent-oriented development as a starting point while at the same time providing a generalization of Sen’s account and a justificatory framework that does not rely on the capability approach.

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Shlapentokh, Vladimir. "Expediency always wins over ideology: Putin’s attitudes toward the Russian Communist Party." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 1 (February 20, 2011): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.01.008.

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Vladimir Putin provides us with an excellent example of a politician whose attitude toward ideology is instrumental to his political longevity. He has shown that in the fight between ideology and political expedience, to maintain authority and control within the country, or to achieve geopolitical ambitions in the international arena, ideology will almost always lose the battle. It is well known that the major threat to political power stems often not from the adversary who holds diametrically opposite views, but from the rivals who share almost the same ideological position. The closer the ideological position is of a rival, the more intense the competition. For just this reason Putin is implacable toward Communists who share many of his views. He tries as much as possible to reduce the political role of the Communist party – the most serious opposition to the regime – by using the same underhanded tactics which are used against the liberals.

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Knyazev, Pavel. "Charles Davenant on the objectives and principles of “political arithmetic” as an instrument of public administration." Философия и культура, no. 1 (January 2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0757.2020.1.31953.

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In the late XVII century in England has establishes the school of “political arithmetic”, which goal consisted in the analysis of social phenomena on the basis of quantitative indicators. Its main representatives became William Petty, John Graunt and Charles Davenant (1656-1714). The latter left a mark in the history of England as a philosopher, politician and publicist, who made a significant contribution to the development and implementation of the methods of “political arithmetic”. The object of this research is the views of the English thinker, reflected in his pamphlets and treatises of the 1690’s. The subject is the Davenant’s views on the principles and tasks of “political arithmetic” in the context of his political theory. Special attention is given to correlation between Davenant’s views on the development of “political arithmetic’ and his concept of public administration. The scientific novelty lies in the comprehensive examination of the political and economic views of Charles Davenant within the framework of his attitude on the method of “political arithmetic”. The author delivers a thesis on the importance of the political and epistemological context, which formed Davenant’s views on the quantitative indicators. Grasp of quantitative data Davenant correlated directly with the practice of administration. According to the philosopher, a public official having the capacity for “evaluation” and proper interpretation of data could avoid many mistakes in decision-making and reliance on “bad” advices. The thinker suggested that possession of quantitative data and their competent interpretation could increase the efficiency of administration.

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Khan, Imran, Ali Shan Shah, and Muhammad Azhar. "Political Stability and Institutionalization in Pakistan: an Overview of Major Political Developments During 2008-2016." Review of Economics and Development Studies 5, no. 1 (March 30, 2019): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/reads.v5i1.565.

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Political development refers to the significance of institutionalization and is a closely interrelated trend of modernization. Political development in a state depends on political participation while political participation depends on institutionalization. Political stability increases the prospects for civilian rule, and institutionalization strengthens the political system. Political history of Pakistan presents the infrequent institutionalization of political system for democratic stability and the political experiences of Pakistan are just a posed in order to understand the problems of political institutionalization. This paper explores the close relationship between institutionalization, political development and political stability, and also highlights the views provided by different social scientists in an explanation of these terms. The purpose of this study is to evaluates the democratic process and major political developments during 2008-2016 as a case study because this is the unique era for political stability and institutionalization in the political history of Pakistan.

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KHOMYAKOV, Alexandr I. "MEMORABLE SPACES: VIEWS OF TIME." Urban construction and architecture 10, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 121–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17673/vestnik.2020.01.16.

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Memorial space is a memorial and museum complex (a symbiosis of monuments, museum and artistically decorated open spaces), which is the type of public building, the development of which took place sequentially and progressively in time. The stages of its formation are directly related to the social formation and aesthetic development of society, due to political and economic processes, which are the main driving forces of world history in general and art history in particular. In this article, the question of how this formation took place and whether its phases can be determined, and most importantly, what it will be embodied in the new century, is examined from the angle of the temporal and thematic characteristics of this phenomenon.

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Svitlenko, Serhii Ivanovych. "Formation and development of Mykola Kostomarov's historiosophical views." Dnipropetrovsk University Bulletin. History & Archaeology series 25, no. 1 (July 22, 2017): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/261702.

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The domestic and foreign factors of formation and formation of the historiosophical views of the young M. I. Kostomarov are considered. It was shown that during the Kharkiv period the formation of the historiosophical vision of M. I. Kostomarov took place, and in Kiev the formation of the main features of his historiosophical concept. It was proved that in the mid–1830s − mid–1840s M. I. Kostomarov was formed and established as a Ukrainian philosopher of romantic, nation-loving, Slavophil and christocentric world outlook. In the creative work of the thinker found a reflection on such historiosophical problems as histogenesis of mankind, including the Slavs, the purpose, motive, content, structure and prospects of Ukrainian history. In the center of the historiosophy M. I. Kostomarov was the Ukrainian people as a motive of historical existence with their peopleʼs idea, character and needs. According to the thinker, the key factor in the progress of history was the issue of faith, which was interwoven with social, political, military and ethnic factors. The purpose of history was the realization of the main popular idea of Ukrainians, which they saw as independence and freedom. M. I. Kostomarov formulated the idea of national-cultural revival of Ukraine and the creation of a democratic and republican society within the federation of Slavic peoples, which was an alternative to the imperial regimes. Contradictions in the thinkerʼs outlook are associated with the presence of double loyalty and identity.

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Haddad, Habib. "Arab Views: [Cartoons]." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 1 (1999): 104–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676444.

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Haddad, Habib. "Arab Views: [Cartoons]." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 3 (2000): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676468.

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Haddad, Habib. "Arab Views: [Cartoons]." Journal of Palestine Studies 30, no. 1 (2000): 114–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676496.

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Haddad, Habib. "Arab Views: [Cartoons]." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 2 (January 1, 2000): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676549.

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29

Haddad, Habib. "Arab Views: [Cartoons]." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 4 (2000): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676576.

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30

Gill, D. L. "Commentary: Views on Sport Development Feature." Journal of Sport & Social Issues, July 17, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0193723511416983.

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Barry, John, and Peter Doran. "Refining Green Political Economy: From Ecological Modernisation to Economic Security and Sufficiency." Analyse & Kritik 28, no. 2 (January 1, 2006). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auk-2006-0208.

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AbstractPerhaps the most problematic dimension of the ‘triple bottom line’ understanding of sustainable development has been the ‘economic’ dimension. Much of the thinking about the appropriate ‘political economy’ to underpin or frame sustainable development has been either utopian (as in some ‘green’ political views) or an attempt to make peace with ‘business as usual’ approaches. This article suggests that ‘ecological modernisation’ is the dominant conceptualisation of ‘sustainable development’ within the UK, and illustrates this by looking at some key ‘sustainable development’ policy documents from the UK Government. We take the view that the discourse of ‘ecological modernisation’ has provided discursive terrain for both pragmatic policy makers and a range of views on sustainable development, from weak to strong. In particular, the article suggests that the discourse of ‘economic security’ and ‘sufficiency’ can be used as a way of articulating a radical, robust and principled understanding of sustainable development, which offers a normatively compelling and policy-relevant path to outlining a ‘green political economy’ to underpin sustainable development.

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"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 30, no. 3 (April 2001): 121–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2001.30.3.121.

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"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 30, no. 2 (January 2001): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2001.30.2.124.

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34

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 30, no. 4 (July 2001): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2001.30.4.109.

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35

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 31, no. 1 (October 2001): 101–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2001.31.1.101.

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36

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 31, no. 2 (January 1, 2002): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2002.31.2.99.

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37

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 31, no. 3 (2002): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2002.31.3.116.

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38

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 31, no. 4 (2002): 137–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2002.31.4.137.

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39

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 32, no. 1 (2002): 118–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2002.32.1.118.

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This section aims to give readers a glimpse of how the Arab world views current events that affect Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict by presenting a selection of cartoons from al-Hayat, the most widely distributed mainstream daily in the Arab world. The cartoons are by Habib Haddad. JPS is grateful to al-Hayat for permission to reprint its material.

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40

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 32, no. 2 (January 1, 2003): 118–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2003.32.2.118.

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This section aims to give readers a glimpse of how the Arab world views current events that affect Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict by presenting a selection of cartoons from al-Hayat, the most widely distributed mainstream daily in the Arab world. The cartoons are by Habib Haddad. JPS is grateful to al-Hayat for permission to reprint its material.

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41

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 32, no. 3 (2003): 118–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2003.32.3.118.

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42

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 32, no. 4 (2003): 124–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2003.32.4.124.

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43

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 33, no. 1 (2003): 114–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2003.33.1.114.

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44

"ARAB VIEWS." Journal of Palestine Studies 33, no. 2 (January 1, 2004): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.124.

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This section aims to give readers a glimpse of how the Arab world views current events that affect Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict by presenting a selection of cartoons from al-Hayat, the most widely distributed mainstream daily in the Arab world. The cartoons are by Habib Haddad. JPS is grateful to al-Hayat for permission to reprint its material.

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45

"ARAB VIEWS." Journal of Palestine Studies 33, no. 3 (2004): 126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.33.3.126.

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Abstract:

This section aims to give readers a glimpse of how the Arab world views current events that affect Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict by presenting a selection of cartoons from al-Hayat, the most widely distributed mainstream daily in the Arab world. The cartoons are by Habib Haddad. JPS is grateful toal-Hayatfor permission to reprint its material.

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46

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 33, no. 4 (2004): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.33.4.124.

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Abstract:

This section aims to give readers a glimpse of how the Arab world views current events that affect Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict by presenting a selection of cartoons from al-Hayat , the most widely distributed mainstream daily in the Arab world. The cartoons are by Habib Haddad. JPS is grateful to al-Hayat for permission to reprint its material.

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47

"ARAB VIEWS." Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 1 (2004): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.34.1.99.

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Abstract:

This section aims to give readers a glimpse of how the Arab world views current events that affect Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict by presenting a selection of cartoons from al-Hayat, the most widely distributed mainstream daily in the Arab world. The cartoons are by Habib Haddad. JPS is grateful to al-Hayat for permission to reprint its material.

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48

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 2 (January 1, 2005): 140–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2005.34.2.140.

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This section aims to give readers a glimpse of how the Arab world views current events that affect Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict by presenting a selection of cartoons from al-Hayat, the most widely distributed mainstream daily in the Arab world. The cartoons are by Habib Haddad. JPS is grateful to al-Hayat for permission to reprint its material.

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49

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 3 (January 1, 2005): 104–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2005.34.3.104.

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This section aims to give readers a glimpse of how the Arab world views current events that affect Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict by presenting a selection of cartoons from al-Hayat, the most widely distributed mainstream daily in the Arab world. The cartoons are by Habib Haddad. JPS is grateful to al-Hayat for permission to reprint its material.

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50

"Arab Views." Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 4 (January 1, 2005): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2005.34.4.125.

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Abstract:

This section aims to give readers a glimpse of how the Arab world views current events that affect Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict by presenting a selection of cartoons from al-Hayat, the most widely distributed mainstream daily in the Arab world. The cartoons are by Habib Haddad. JPS is grateful to al-Hayat for permission to reprint its material.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Views on political development'

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