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Journal articles on the topic 'Vigilante justice'
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1
Castellano, Thomas C., George P. Fletcher, Mark Lesly, Charles Shuttleworth, and Lillian B. Rubin. "Vigilante Justice?" Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology (1973-) 80, no. 3 (1989): 866. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1143901.
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Matloff, Judith, and Katie Orlinsky. "Mexico: Vigilante Justice." World Policy Journal 31, no. 1 (2014): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0740277514529718.
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McCall, John C. "Juju and Justice at the Movies: Vigilantes in Nigerian Popular Videos." African Studies Review 47, no. 3 (2004): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600030444.
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Abstract:This article examines the rise of vigilantism in southeastern Nigeria. Two opposing discourses on Nigerian vigilantism are examined. The first is characterized by the valorization of vigilantes as heroes in popular Nigerian video movies. The second is represented by a recent Human Rights Watch (HRW) report denouncing die vigilantes as criminals. My research utilizes ethnographic research to contextualize the video movies as a means toward understanding the ideological gap between these discourses. A close analysis of theIssakabavideo series reveals a subtle treatment of the vigilante phenomenon designed to appeal to an indigenous perspective that is cognizant of the inherent risks of vigilante justice but also aware of the limitations of reform strategies such as those proposed by the HRW report.
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McDermott, Christine M., and Monica K. Miller. "Individual differences impact support for vigilante justice." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 8, no. 3 (2016): 186–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-09-2015-0186.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationships between moral disengagement, individual differences (i.e. need for cognition (NFC), faith in intuition, legal authoritarianism) and responses to vigilantism. Design/methodology/approach – US university students were surveyed. Findings – NFC reduced support for vigilante justice while legal authoritarianism increased support for vigilante justice. Both relationships are mediated by moral disengagement, which also increases support for vigilante justice. Research limitations/implications – The present study provides a starting point for further research on individual differences and responses to vigilantism. Practical implications – Results expand on the understanding of the function of individual differences in a morally charged decision-making task. Content has implications for academics and legal practitioners. Originality/value – Vigilante justice is embedded within American culture. However, vigilantism is currently illegal, and recent instances of what might be considered vigilante justice (e.g. George Zimmerman, David Barajas) have highlighted the controversy surrounding such extralegal violence. Little research has focussed on the moral quandary posed by vigilantism.
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Stan, Lavinia. "Vigilante justice in post-communist Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 4 (2011): 319–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.10.001.
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Five cases in which the names of former secret informers who supplied information to the communist secret political police were unofficially disclosed are discussed in terms of the motivations of their authors, their timing relative to 1989 and their countries’ lustration and file access legislation, and the information they make available to the general public. After contrasting them with civil society efforts to promote transitional justice and unofficial truth projects, it becomes evident that these unofficial disclosures were animated by revenge as much as the quest for unveiling the truth about communist repression.
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Donohue-Dioh, Jessica, Jacqueline Wilson, and Stephani-Nicole Leota. "Woke Disrupter." Advances in Social Work 21, no. 2/3 (2021): 1045–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/24164.
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This article examines one of the most dangerous personifications of white supremacy, the Woke Vigilante - the “liberal do-gooder” and the social work profession’s role in their creation. White supremacy is frequently named to identify overt racism and discrimination by hate groups, ultra conservatives and increasingly throughout the government. There is another breed of white supremacy which lies beneath the surface and believes itself to be an ally, this is the Woke Vigilante. Unexamined social work education provides the right ingredients with the moral authority to turn white social workers into Woke Vigilantes. This conceptual article highlights the ways in which social work education currently addresses competencies of diversity and difference, as well as social justice. The authors then present a persuasive argument for white academic social workers to alter course and promote teaching and practice skills which incorporate social justice skills at all levels of practice, in other words social justice meta-practice skills. The danger of white supremacy when it is disguised as the Woke Vigilante may be best captured by Malcolm X when he spoke of the white liberals who disguise themselves as friends to the Black man only as a means to benefit their own self-interest without genuinely asking or listening to that which the Black community actually wants (X, 1963). Social work is all too familiar with the white liberal and must consider this a call to action, as well as a forewarning against further perpetuation of white hegemonic societal structures giving license to white do-gooders eager to go into Black communities and effect change. Authors present a resolve for white social workers to adopt the role of the Woke Disrupter.
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Allen, G. Frederick. "Vigilante justice in Jamaica: The community against crime." International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice 21, no. 1 (1997): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01924036.1997.9678581.
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Akram, Muhammad, Asim Nasar, Muhammad Rizwan Safdar, and Falak Sher. "Restorative Justice Approach to Cow Vigilante Violence in India." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 1 (2020): 190–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/537.
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This paper elaborates on a restorative justice approach to cow vigilante violence in India, intending to develop specific arguments put forward in previous works. It covers the historical, political, and economic aspects of cow vigilante violence against Muslim and Dalit minorities in India, where majority Hindus believe in the cow as a mother to be protected from harm or slaughter. A comparative analysis approach is used to relate the past and present context of cow vigilantism in India. Schematic diagrams are used to discuss the trends, legislation, and restorative governmentalities in terms of building peace among the communities. The key findings suggest that to influence violent and oppressor ideologies of Hindu nationalists in today’s India, Muslims should rationally acknowledge the historic harm Muslim rulers have caused to Hindus. This paper recommends adopting an emergent system for change and triangulating the response to violence to overcome the cow vigilante violence in India. To transform the violent ideologies against Muslims and Dalits over cow protection, the government of India needs to adopt a holistic approach to transform violence and restrict political misuse of the notion of cow protection.
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Robert, Yann. "Vigilante, Brigand, Terrorist: Staging Popular Justice in Revolutionary Times." Early Modern French Studies 42, no. 2 (2020): 198–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20563035.2020.1856577.
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Thornton-Lugo, Meghan Ann, Matthew Wayne McCarter, Jonathan Clark, William Luse, Zahra Heydarifard, and Lulu Siang-Ru Huang. "Vigilante Justice: A Study of Makeup Calls in Organizations." Academy of Management Proceedings 2019, no. 1 (2019): 15323. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2019.15323abstract.
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Mortensen, Erik. "The Mode of Lynching: One Method of Vigilante Justice." Canadian Review of American Studies 48, no. 1 (2018): 20–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras.2017.014.
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Zabyelina, Yuliya. "Vigilante justice and informal policing in post-Euromaidan Ukraine." Post-Soviet Affairs 35, no. 4 (2019): 277–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1060586x.2019.1601460.
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Ong, Rebecca. "Online vigilante justice Chinese style and privacy in China." Information & Communications Technology Law 21, no. 2 (2012): 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13600834.2012.678653.
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Argashokova, Svetlana, Marina Mikaelyan, Anna Zgonnikova, and Irina Zueva. "Verbalization of Concept of “Vigilante Justice” in Agatha Christie’s Creative Work." SHS Web of Conferences 50 (2018): 01106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185001106.
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The article deals with the concept of “vigilante justice”. The authors analyze the creative works of Agatha Christie to find out the ways of the representation of this concept. They use the linguistic hermeneutic method of interpretation based on the three-leveled system of comprehension which was worked out by Prof. Bogin. The main objective of this method is discovering of metaconcepts because only by understanding them a reader can reach the level of deep meanings of the text. Using this method, the authors discover the artistic details which contain symbols referring the concept of “vigilante justice”. Moreover, with the help of metaconcepts represented in the novels they try to find out the deep inner meaning decoded by Agatha Christie in her creative works.
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Doering, Pia Claudia. "Die ‚patria potestas‘ in Boccaccios ‚Decameron‘." Das Mittelalter 25, no. 1 (2020): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mial-2020-0006.
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AbstractThe power of fathers over their children – especially over their daughters – is a central theme of Boccaccio’s ‘Decameron’. Novella V,7 situates the ‘patria potestas’ in a tension-filled position between honour and law, vigilante justice and public prosecution. The legitimation of cruelty and violence by invoking the ‘patria potestas’ is questioned through the confrontation with poetic justice.
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HANDY, JIM. "Chicken Thieves, Witches, and Judges: Vigilante Justice and Customary Law in Guatemala." Journal of Latin American Studies 36, no. 3 (2004): 533–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x04007783.
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This article explores the reasons for the spread of vigilante justice (linchamientos) in contemporary Guatemala. It investigates three specific linchamientos and suggests that the roots of such vigilante justice lie in a collapsing peasant economy, insecurity of all sorts, and an unravelling of the social fabric in rural communities through the militarisation of rural Guatemala.The article also argues that linchamientos are caused partly by a conflict over the attempts by the Guatemalan state to impose a certain type of order in rural Guatemala. It discusses the literature on customary law, in Guatemala and in various other locales around the world, and suggests that attempts to impose a state sanctioned legal system without adequate provision for customary law has helped contribute to a perception that the legal system is illegitimate, not just incompetent.
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Palacios, Lena. "“Something Else to Be”: A Chicana Survivor’s Journey from Vigilante Justice to Transformative Justice." philoSOPHIA 6, no. 1 (2016): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phi.2016.0001.
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Tripp, Thomas M., Robert J. Bies, and Karl Aquino. "A Vigilante Model of Justice: Revenge, Reconciliation, Forgiveness, and Avoidance." Social Justice Research 20, no. 1 (2007): 10–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11211-007-0030-3.
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Pratten, David. "‘The Thief Eats His Shame’: Practice and Power in Nigerian Vigilantism." Africa 78, no. 1 (2008): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000053.
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Contemporary Nigerian vigilantism concerns a range of local and global dynamics beyond informal justice. It is a lens on the politics of post-colonial Africa, on the current political economy of Nigeria, and on its most intractable issues – the politics of democracy, ethnicity and religion. The legitimation of vigilante activity has extended beyond dissatisfaction with current levels of law and order and the failings of the Nigeria Police. To understand the local legitimacy of vigilantism in post-colonial Nigeria, indeed, it is also necessary to recognize its internal imperatives. Vigilantism in this context is embedded in narratives of contested rights, in familiar everyday practices, understandings of personhood and knowledge, and in alternative, older registers of governmentality. In addition to mapping temporal and spatial communities in which young men are vested with the right to exercise justice, this article assesses the legitimacy of Annang vigilantism within cultural frameworks of accountability linked to conceptions of agency, personhood and power, and the oppositions this produces between vigilantes and thieves.
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Mano, Winston. "Between citizen and vigilante journalism." Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa 29, sed-1 (2022): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v29ised-1.1675.
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New forms of online citizen journalism have refreshed political communication in Africa. Newinformation technologies are providing readers with previously unavailable opportunities tocomment and produce their own news and information that is able to influence political processes.However, all is not rosy about Africa’s new citizen journalism. While it has produced reliable andquality information that African democracies require, it has also produced vigilante journalism - avindictive and revengeful form of gathering and disseminating news and information. Vigilantejournalism is similar to the necklacing that was common in South African in the 1980s. The articlediscusses how, at the height of the Zimbabwe crisis (2007-2008), the news website, ZimDaily, leda vigilante campaign to publicly name and have perceived relatives and children of Zimbabweanruling party officials deported from ‘Western’ countries. The idea was to help resolve the politicaland economic crises in Zimbabwe. The editors refused to question the ethics and morality ofthe exercise. Thus, encouraged by the website’s editors, Zimbabwean users of the website tookthe law in their own hands and published addresses, telephone numbers and other personalinformation about anyone thought to be related to those in government in Zimbabwe. This blurredthe boundaries between citizen and vigilante journalism. The resultant vigilante journalism bygroups seeking instant justice was in a way similar to the necklacing, even though this was in avirtual sense. It is clear that the emerging new media spaces in Africa function like double-edgedswords able to either build or destroy democracy.
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Kuhn, Lina. "Oh the Monstrosity: Vigilante Mobs and Biopolitical Justice in 1930s Film." University of Toronto Quarterly 87, no. 1 (2018): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/utq.87.1.62.
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Marcus, Paul. "The Subway Vigilante: A Troubled Response by the Criminal Justice System." Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 35, no. 4 (1990): 325–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/028445.
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I. Badiora, Adewumi. "Shaping community support for vigilantism: a Nigerian case study." Policing: An International Journal 42, no. 2 (2019): 240–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-08-2017-0101.
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PurposeIn Nigeria, vigilantism appears to be a common response to dissatisfaction about the state police in the recent time. Using survey data of residents in Lagos, Nigeria, the purpose of this paper, therefore, is to explore whether what is already known about perceptions of procedural (in) justice of state police also applies to self-help security groups in Nigeria. This is with a view to influencing community support for and satisfaction with non-state policing in the country.Design/methodology/approachThe study adopted a case study approach. Lagos, Nigeria was stratified into the high, medium and low densities. Systematic sampling technique was used in selecting 1 out of every 20 buildings (5 percent) in each area. Household representative person on each floor of the selected building who had contact with vigilante corps in the last 12 months were targeted. Of 768 copies of questionnaires administered, a sample of 386 was effectively returned (representing 50 percent response rate). Six categories of variables were analyzed. These are procedural justice, distributive justice, vigilante corps’ performance, legitimacy, residents’ satisfaction with vigilante corps activities and socio-economic characteristics.FindingsResults reveal that respondents are not primarily instrumental in their support for vigilantisms. Instead, their support is associated with their basic communal values. More than effectiveness in controlling crime, vigilantisms receive community support provided they use procedural justice in dealings with the public. Respondents who perceive vigilantisms use procedural justice also view them as legitimate, and as well satisfy with their activities and services. Besides, results show that support for and satisfaction with vigilantisms are associated with environmental, social and economic characteristics of the residents in the community they serve. The thesis supported in this research paper is that public support for and satisfaction with vigilantisms can be influenced significantly through policing strategies that builds legitimacy.Originality/valueVigilantism pervades contemporary policing strategies. It is supported by national crime prevention policies, according to the logic that the use of community self-help security strategies could contribute to sustainable crime prevention. This study extends research on legitimacy, with an empirical focus on Nigerian vigilantism. Understanding factors that shape public support for vigilantism may enhance safer communities.
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Tiwa, Dany Franck A. "From ‘ethnic militias’ to ‘jungle justice’? Research and change in vigilantism in Nigeria." Africa 92, no. 2 (2022): 265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972022000067.
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AbstractThe aim of this article is to initiate a new debate on vigilantism in Nigeria by arguing for a re-examination of the links between crime and vigilantism. It contends that, although the existing literature has shed considerable light on the practice of vigilantism in Nigeria, it has also obscured entire dimensions of the problem. By focusing exclusively on vigilante groups or ethnic militias, scholars have failed to anticipate the shift of the bulk of the violence from these social agencies to spontaneous mobs. After highlighting the factors that help explain the marginalization of ‘mob’ vigilantism in the scholarship about Nigerian vigilantism, I use ethnographic materials from my own field research in Lagos to show how crime – or more precisely unexplained crime – fuels intra-community distrust, which in turn fuels vigilante mobilization and violence as it increases the social control that crime-beset communities apply to some of their members who resent such distrust and consider it unfair. The data presented provide fresh insights into one of the most intriguing features of Nigeria vigilantism: the involvement of social delinquents at the roots of urban insecurity.
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Pratten, David. "The Politics of Protection: Perspectives on Vigilantism in Nigeria." Africa 78, no. 1 (2008): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000028.
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Vigilantism has become an endemic feature of the Nigerian social and political landscape. The emergence of night guards and vigilante groups as popular responses to theft and armed robbery has a long and varied history in Nigeria. Since the return to democracy in 1999, however, Nigeria has witnessed a proliferation of vigilantism: vigilante groups have organized at a variety of levels from lineage to ethnic group, in a variety of locations from village ward to city street, and for a variety of reasons from crime fighting to political lobbying. Indeed, vigilantism has captured such a range of local, national and international dynamics that it provides a sharply focused lens for students of Nigeria's political economy and its most intractable issues – the politics of democracy, ethnicity and religion.Contemporary Nigerian vigilantism concerns a range of local and global dynamics beyond informal justice.
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Jiménez-Varea, Jesús, and Antonio Pineda. "Crime, Hooded Crusaders, and (Private) Justice: Arrow and the Exoneration of Vigilantism in Contemporary Popular Media." Comunicação e Sociedade 42 (December 16, 2022): 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17231/comsoc.42(2022).4013.
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As a form of extralegal crimefighting, vigilantism involves relevant questions about crime, justice, and law enforcement, and it is a staple of popular media. In the 1980s, several popular culture products took a critical approach to vigilantism as a part of the deconstruction of the superhero genre, which included a critical reflection on the psychological and political implications of the motivations behind private justice enforcers’ behavior. In this context, this paper focuses on the representation of vigilantism within the popular television show Arrow, and analyzes how it depicts, rationalizes, and ultimately exonerates vigilantism as a response to criminal activity. The empirical analysis focuses on the various rhetorical strategies used by Arrow to justify vigilantism, such as the representation of legal and governmental institutions as corrupt and inefficient, the multiple rationales whereby vigilantism is practiced, and the sanctioning of private crimefighting by institutions. The analysis indicates that the show delivers an apology for the vigilante ethos: Arrow mirrors superheroes’ dark turn in the 1980s and their reflection of societal fears about crime. However, in the show’s worldview, these fears can only be appeased by private vigilantes. By portraying the state as inefficient and/or corrupt, the show boosts ideologies of individualism and anti-government neoliberalism.
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Delvaux, Martine. "Peur et tremblements." Articles 21, no. 2 (2010): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/039454ar.
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Résumé Que se passe-t-il lorsqu’une femme préfère la rage à l’anesthésie des comprimés ? C’est ce qu’ont fait les personnages féminins de Hard Candy et The Brave One, en se faisant vigilante pour se faire justice. Par une lecture de l’intertexte du Petit Chaperon rouge, l’article montre que la victime et la bête ne sont parfois qu’une même personne et que si la jeune fille entre dans la gueule du loup, c’est seulement pour mieux le tailler en pièces.
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Listianto, Donny Eko. "Police Role Big City of Semarang in Vigilantism (Eigenrechting) Prevention by Society." Jurnal Daulat Hukum 1, no. 4 (2018): 915. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jdh.v1i4.4006.
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The violence that is rife today one of which is an act of vigilantism. Police as law enforcement officers play an important role in the response to vigilantism. Problems in this study were analyzed using role theory and the theory of criminal prevention. Semarang Polrestabes role in the response to vigilante violence committed by groups of people is to undertake pre-emptive, preventive and repressive. Preemptive effort is socialization and approach to society, while preventive measures are done by counseling or routine patrol. A repressive measure is a law enforcement efforts through a series of investigative actions until the submission of the dossier to the level of prosecution that the prosecutor's office. Internal obstacles that arise in the response to vigilante violence is the lack of personnel Satreksim, the concern experienced by police in law enforcement and the difficulty in calling witnesses. To overcome these obstacles with the addition of personnel and coordinate with the nearest police-police. The external resistance is distrust of the justice system, the spontaneous nature of the group of people who come from social pressure factors, the absence of mediator or parties who try to block such vigilante action. To overcome external obstacles to build partnerships with the community, especially the community leaders, religious leaders, youth leader, in the form of law sicialization dan another activities that can made the harmonization dan society understanding.�Keywords: Prevention; Vigilantism
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Bedecarré, Kathryn. "Of vigils and vigilantes: Notes on the white witness." Cultural Dynamics 34, no. 1-2 (2022): 82–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09213740221075292.
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This ethnographic study examines what happens when white allies bear witness to Black suffering. Through participant observation of Black Lives Matter Austin vigils for African Americans killed by police (2016–2018), I found that, while bearing witness, white and non-Black allies at times centered our own pain; criminalized insurgent forms of Black dissent; and engaged in a metaphorical slipping-on of blackface, in which activists imagine ourselves occupying the Black body. My findings suggest that allies’ gestures of solidarity may lead to the unintended consolidation of anti-Blackness. I offer the framework of vigilante racial justice for considering the tenuousness of bearing witness as a practice of allyship.
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Wedel, Johan. "Customary law and the mediation of witchcraft accusations in Eastern Nicaragua." Journal of Legal Anthropology 3, no. 1 (2019): 62–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jla.2019.030104.
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This article focuses on efforts to overcome the divide between state legality and local practices. It explores a pragmatic effort to deal with witchcraft accusations and occult-related violence in customary courts among the Miskitu people in Eastern Nicaragua, taking into account both indigenous notions of justice and cosmology, and the laws of the state. In this model, a community court (elected by the community inhabitants and supported by a council of elders), watchmen known as ‘voluntary police’ and a ‘judicial facilitator’ play intermediary roles. Witchcraft is understood and addressed in relation to Miskitu cultural perceptions and notions of illness afflictions, and disputes are settled through negotiations involving divination, healing, signing a legally binding ‘peace’ contract, a fine, and giving protection to alleged witches. This decreases tensions and the risk of vigilante justice is reduced. The focus is on settling disputes, conciliation and recreating harmony instead of retribution.
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Harnischfeger, Johannes. "The Bakassi Boys: fighting crime in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 1 (2003): 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004135.
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Nigeria's police and judiciary have failed to protect its citizens and have therefore lost all credibility. European principles of justice have likewise become discredited. Militias like the Bakassi Boys offer a popular alternative, which includes public executions and the use of the occult in fighting evil. But the growing fear of crime is only one reason why ‘jungle justice’ may spread. Governors and influential politicians help finance armed vigilante groups, and may make use of young men with machetes and pump-action shotguns to intimidate political opponents. As an ethnic militia that is ready to defend the interests of the ‘Igbo nation’, the Bakassi Boys have also been used to kill members of other ethnic groups. In many parts of Nigeria, ethnic and religious communities are preparing for ‘self-defence’, because they have no trust in the ability of democratic institutions to settle their conflicts.
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MOURÉ, KENNETH, and FABRICE GRENARD. "TRAITORS, TRAFIQUANTS, AND THE CONFISCATION OF ‘ILLICIT PROFITS’ IN FRANCE, 1944–1950." Historical Journal 51, no. 4 (2008): 969–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08007152.
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ABSTRACTState measures to confiscate the ‘illicit profits’ earned from commerce with the enemy and the black market in Occupied France are generally considered to have been an abject failure. Economic collaboration and illicit commerce had been widespread. The need to ‘purge’ the profits from black market transactions and economic collaboration was considered essential at Liberation. An examination of the confiscation effort from archival sources shows that the purge achieved limited success, but that complete success was rendered impossible by factors that limited other post-war purges: the shortage of trained personnel and investigative resources, the need for hard evidence for legal procedures (rather than vigilante justice), the efforts of collaborators to cover their tracks, and the evolution of public opinion, which was quickly disappointed by the slow pace of confiscations. Although success was limited, the effort to punish the profiteers it could convict had been necessary, as a matter of elementary fiscal justice and an essential step in the restoration of the authority of the state.
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Schulzke, Marcus. "Schmitt’s Telluric Partisan in American Entertainment Media: Fantasies of Resistance and Territorial Defence." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 46, no. 1 (2017): 66–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829817715810.
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This article explores the political significance of the narratives of partisan warfare that appear in American popular culture. I draw on Carl Schmitt’s concept of the ‘telluric partisan’ – a figure that fights outside the normative boundaries of conventional war in defence of a homeland and the traditional identities that are rooted in it. These fantasies provide a sense of moral clarity, promote national unity, characterise enemy aggression, and glorify traditional values. They establish a ready-made narrative that can be invoked to frame conflicts in terms of the heroic defence of an innocent and victimised people protecting themselves against foreigners and their dangerous ideologies. As I show, this call for popular engagement in war generally serves a conservative project of directing potentially revolutionary expressions of populism and vigilante justice into defence of family and the territorial status quo.
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Meagher, Kate. "Hijacking civil society: the inside story of the Bakassi Boys vigilante group of south-eastern Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 1 (2007): 89–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06002291.
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Analyses of the rise of violent vigilantism in Africa have focused increasingly on the ‘uncivil' character of African society. This article challenges the recourse to cultural or instrumentalist explanations, in which vigilantism is portrayed as a reversion to violent indigenous institutions of law and order based on secret societies and occultist practices, or is viewed as a product of the contemporary institutional environment of clientelism and corruption in which youth struggle for their share of patronage resources. The social and political complexities of contemporary African vigilantism are revealed through an account of the rise and derailment of the infamous Bakassi Boys vigilante group of south-eastern Nigeria. Based on extensive fieldwork among the shoe producers of Aba who originally formed the Bakassi Boys in 1998, this article traces the process through which popular security arrangements were developed and subsequently hijacked by opportunistic political officials engaged in power struggles between the state and federal governments. Detailing the strategies and struggles involved in the process of political hijack, this inside account of the Bakassi Boys reveals the underlying resilience of civil notions of justice and public accountability in contemporary Africa.
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Wairuri, Kamau. "‘Thieves Should not Live Amongst People’: Under-Protection and Popular Support for Police Violence in Nairobi." African Affairs 121, no. 482 (2022): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adac006.
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Abstract This paper examines how communities at the urban margins, who are under-protected by the state police, understand police reforms through an examination of the unusual case of street protests in support of a police officer who had killed two young men in Githurai in Nairobi. I explore how the under-protection of communities at the urban margins by the police leads to a reliance on various forms of vigilantism to generate security and justice outcomes. Noting the limitations of community vigilantism, I explore how these communities come to rely on police vigilantism, a form of vigilantism that has received limited attention in African studies. Based on insights generated from data collected in Githurai in March and April 2015, I argue that residents of Githurai protested against the arrest of a local police vigilante, whom they had come to rely on for security, because they considered his deployment of violence against suspected criminals to be justified and also feared that his arrest would expose them to further insecurity. I conclude that police reform efforts should pay attention to the innovations that communities have developed at the grassroots to generate security and justice outcome in absence of reliable protection by the state police.
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Jauregui, Beatrice. "Just War." Conflict and Society 1, no. 1 (2015): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2015.010105.
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This article describes and explains “police vigilantism” as a mode of authoritative extralegal coercion performed by public police officials conceived as doing their duty to realize justice in the world. Based on ethnographic observations, interviews, and content analysis of news and entertainment media as well as official government reports, this essay examines a specific form of police vigilantism in contemporary India known as “encounter killings”. Demonstrating that encounter killings are widely constituted as a form of ritual purification and social defense by self-sacrificing police, it theorizes a metaphysics of police vigilantism in India that combines generalized experiences of insecurity with shared cosmologies of just war. Comparing this metaphysics with justifications of state violence in other Global South contexts, this study sheds light on how such violence may be legitimated through the conceptual inextricability of law and war as embodied in a uniquely constituted human figure: the police vigilante.
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Ferguson, Laura E. "A Gateway without a Port: Making and Contesting San Francisco’s Early Waterfront." Journal of Urban History 44, no. 4 (2018): 603–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144218759030.
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In the mid-nineteenth century, San Franciscans transformed a muddy cove and trading outpost into an American town and then global port. In their rush to build a port and a city, they created a socially, politically, and materially unstable foundation for their rapidly growing urban waterfront. This article argues that the development and growth of early San Francisco cannot be understood apart from its waterfront in general and its role as a port in particular, contributing to a relatively small literature on the relationship between cities and their ports in urban history. Tracing the legal contests over the tidelands, material construction of piers, rise of a vice district, and clashes with vigilante justice, this article examines the creation of San Francisco as a gateway city. It suggests how historians might recover the dynamic, entangled, and at times violent histories hidden beneath the sediments of time along all urban commercial waterfronts.
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Dunsby, Ruth M., and Loene M. Howes. "The NEW adventures of the digital vigilante! Facebook users’ views on online naming and shaming." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 52, no. 1 (2018): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0004865818778736.
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Increasingly, digital vigilante activity occurs via social media and can have negative consequences in the broader social world, a phenomenon that can be examined productively through a cultural criminological lens. One example of digital vigilantism is the online naming and shaming of people who are convicted or suspected of crime and subjecting them to embarrassment, harassment, and/or condemnation. To contribute to the prevention of negative impacts of online naming and shaming, this study aimed to better understand Australian Facebook users’ views about – and experiences of participating in – online naming and shaming. Participants ( n = 122) were primarily young Tasmanian adults who completed an online qualitative survey. Over one-quarter (26%) of participants reported having liked posts that name and shame a person suspected or convicted of crime, with smaller proportions engaging with these posts by sharing or commenting on them. Whilst Facebook users recognised the potential for online naming and shaming to impede justice, they perceived the practice as appropriate if it would foster community awareness and maintain community welfare. The findings are discussed in light of the roles of Facebook users’ emotions, the social media as a cultural product, and the mediascape in constructing versions of reality. Practical implications of the study include the need for policing and media organisations to consider ways to meet their information needs without inadvertently encouraging acts of digital vigilantism. Overall, this study contributes to increased understanding of digital vigilantism and highlights the integral role of social media as a cultural product.
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Grégoire, Yany, Renaud Legoux, Thomas M. Tripp, Marie-Louise Radanielina-Hita, Jeffrey Joireman, and Jeffrey D. Rotman. "What Do Online Complainers Want? An Examination of the Justice Motivations and the Moral Implications of Vigilante and Reparation Schemas." Journal of Business Ethics 160, no. 1 (2018): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10551-018-3850-1.
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Juhri, Muhammad Alan. "APLIKATISI MODERASI DALAM INTERAKSI MUSLIM DAN NON-MUSLIM PERSPEKTIF TAFSIR NABAWI." Ushuluna: Jurnal Ilmu Ushuluddin 1, no. 2 (2020): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/ushuluna.v1i2.15295.
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The phenomenon of hostility, blaming each other, and justifying their own groups is alarming and threatens existing social integration. Religion actually condemns the attitude of vigilante, believing groups and their religion is right, and other religions are false religions. Islam itself has rules in the Qur'an and Sunnah. The Prophet Muhammad always campaigned for rahmatal lil alamin Islam, where the sentence has the function of Islam as a religion of protection, peace, prosperity, and without discrimination. This has been practiced by the Prophet according to Surah al-Mumtahanah verses 8-9, Allah did not forbid the Prophet to do good and do justice to non-Muslims who did not hostile him. Furthermore, using descriptive-analytical methods, in this paper the author analyzes the traditions of the Prophet that explain the verses of the Qur’an regarding Muslim and non-Muslim relations, so that later it can become one of the efforts in realizing tolerance between people religious.
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Ufran, Ufran. "PENEGAKAN HUKUM DALAM PERSPEKTIF HUKUM PROGRESIF." Perspektif Hukum 19, no. 2 (2019): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.30649/phj.v19i2.205.
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<p><em>The </em><em>Failure to enforce law and justice will be one of the factors of social dis-integration. If it is responded well and systematically it will be a threat to a country's failure. These initial symptoms can be seen from the emergence of various vigilante acts. The empty spaces filled with violence are caused by the vacuum of law. The law fails to do its job to solve social problems that arise. The explanation in this paper seeks to analyze the root problem of the failure of law enforcement in Indonesia seen in the perspective of the legal system by Friedman. To analyze the solution, the perspective used is an analysis of the style of progressive law as stated by Satjipto Rahardjo. The use of these two perspectives is expected to be able to describe well the real fundamental problem in our current law enforcement</em></p>
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Iouchkov, Vladislav, and Philip Birch. "“Masked crusader”: a case study of “crime-fighting” activities by a “real-life superhero”." Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice 1, no. 2 (2015): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcrpp-05-2015-0012.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine informal social control, vigilantism, and bystander intervention with reference to the Real-Life Superhero (RLSH) movement/community. Design/methodology/approach – This is a qualitative case study in which an in-depth semi-structured interview was conducted with a member of the RLSH community. Findings – This paper conceptualises RLSH activity as a novel approach to informal social control and bystander intervention, whilst revealing the inaccuracy of the media-imposed “vigilante” stigma attributed to RLSHs. Research limitations/implications – Clarifying the goals and methods of RLSHs as striving to be pro-social and law-abiding in nature creates an avenue for dialogue between RLSHs and local justice agencies to establish a working partnership for community safety, thereby mediating interactions between informal and formal agents of social control. Practical implications – Justice agencies to engage with all individuals and groups who are performing community safety/crime prevention functions in a more effective and inclusive way. To ensure formal and informal mechanisms of social control, and the wider community, recognise, and legitimise the RLSH movement in community safety policy and practice. Reconsider the use of the term “vigilantism” and how it is it applied to individuals and community groups involved in community safety policy and practice. This case study presents a unique approach to community safety and crime prevention that can be extended within this public safety philosophy and practice. Originality/value – This study is a contribution to a small but growing body of research concerning the RLSH movement/community.
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Johansson, Juha, and Markku S. Hannula. "Third Graders' Perceptions on Moral Behaviour on Bullying If They Had the Infinite Powers of Superhero Defenders." Education Research International 2012 (2012): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2012/258181.
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Bullying is a serious moral concern affecting the victim's welfare and achievement in school. Lately, research on bullying phenomenon has led to successful procedures in which passive bystanders are asked to become defenders of the victims of bullying. This case study explores children's perceptions on moral behaviour on bullying and, moreover, what type of moral voice they would express if they had the infinite powers and means of superhero defenders. Children created masks, posters, and flags for ideal superheroes and described their personalities. In addition, they drew comic strips about the skills they wish to teach new hero students in superhero school. The results indicate that children's moral voices can be divided primarily into justice and care. In addition, some expressed also the dark voice of the vigilante. Findings suggest that superheroes offer one tool for educators and children to ponder about the role of defenders for the victims of bullying. The topic focuses on the core of school life, relationships between pupils, and their moral development. Sixteen third grade children (aged 9-10) from a primary school in Finland took part in the study. The results for two of the children are presented in detail as the basis for discussion.
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Walsh, James P. "From Border Control to Border Care: The Political and Ethical Potential of Surveillance." Surveillance & Society 8, no. 2 (2010): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v8i2.3481.
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This paper analyzes the use of surveillance by activist groups opposed to the extensive securitization of the US-Mexico border and examines the implications of their activities for scholarship on borders, surveillance, and empowerment. The work of three organizations—the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), No More Deaths, and Humane Borders—is covered. While there is some overlap in their practices, these three organizations, respectively, have concentrated on (1) the use of digital photography and video recording equipment to monitor state agents and vigilante organizations; (2) the coordination of citizen-organized foot patrols to locate and assist migrants in danger; and (3) the use of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) to support the provision of water and high-resolution border maps to migrants. In documenting the practical use and symbolic framing of surveillance by secular and faith-based activists, this article adds necessary complexity to prevailing conceptualizations of observational strategies and practices. It demonstrates that, while they may enhance and extend state control over bounded territories and populations, watching, monitoring, and rendering visible are not inherently exclusionary or repressive acts and can, in fact, be used in the service of undermining borders and their attendant consequences. The groups examined herein have applied surveillance towards contesting official gatekeeping strategies and creating alternative moral geographies where the imperatives of sovereignty and national security are subordinated to social justice and global hospitality.
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Berutu, Ali Geno. "Qanun Aceh No 14 Tahun 2003 Tentang Khalwat Dalam Pandangan Fik{ih dan KUHP." Muslim Heritage 2, no. 1 (2017): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/muslimheritage.v2i1.1047.
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Abstract: Interdiction of khalwat (seclusion) is the early prevention of fornication, because it is basically starts from the things that lead to it. The establishment of Qanun No. 14 of 2003 on khalwat (seclusion) as Qanun in jinayat in the early application of Islamic law in Aceh is not without reason, that selection has at least two reasons. The first reason, khalwat (seclusion) is the one form of immoral deed (haram) in Islamic law and very disturbing on society. The second reason, there is euphoria on society in the form of "people's justice" to this Qanun in jinayat. Therefore in order to avoid any vigilante among society in Aceh, Aceh Government established Qanun No. 14 of 2003 to anticipate any chaos among society in Aceh. Abstrak: Larangan khalwat merupakan pencegahan dini terhadap perbuatan zina karena perbuatan zina pada dasarnya dimulai dari hal-hal yang mengarah kepadanya. Pengesahan Qanun No 14 Tahun 2003 tentang Khalwat pada awal penerapan syariat Islam di Aceh sebagai qanun dalam bidang jina>ya>t bukannya tanpa alasan, pemilihan qanun tersebut sekurang-kurangnya memiliki dua alasan. Alasan yang pertama, perbuatan khalwat mmerupakan bentuk maksiat (haram) dalam syariat Islam dan sangat meresahkan masyarakat namun belum tertangani dengan baik. Kedua, adanya euforia di dalam lapisan masyarakat dalam bentuk “peradilan rakyat” terhadap jenis yang diatur dalam qanun jina>ya>t ini, guna untuk menghindari main hakim sendiri ditengah-tengah masyarakat, maka Pemerintah Aceh mengesahkan Qanun No 14 Tahun 2003 sebagai bentuk antisipasi terhadap berbagai kekacauan di lapisan masyarakat Aceh.
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Bestian Adha and Erwin Syahruddin. "TUNTUTAN HAK DALAM PENEGAKAN HAK LINGKUNGAN (ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHT)." Juris 6, no. 2 (2022): 397–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.56301/juris.v6i2.607.
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Claiming rights is a way to obtain protection for the rights of a person or legal entity granted by the court to prevent vigilante action (eigenrichhting). In his life humans choose several rights to defend including: first civil and political rights, second economic and social rights and the third is the right of solidarity or brotherhood. One type of human rights that has not been elaborated on is the right to the environment. Environmental rights are one of the rights that we need to fight for, considering that the environment cannot fight for its own interests because it is inanimate (unable to speak) so that other parties are needed to fight for it. It is necessary to expand access to justice in enforcing environmental law considering that filing rights claims in civil procedural law in Indonesia only relies on the provisions of the Het Herzeine Indonesich Reglement (HIR). such as class action, legal standing and citizen lawsuit. This paper will discuss the different characteristics of each of these rights claims in terms of environmental law enforcement. A class action lawsuit is a mechanism for filing claims for rights filed by representatives of groups fighting for their interests and their groups. An NGO lawsuit or legal standing is a mechanism for filing a lawsuit by an NGO, the lawsuit is filed if it conflicts with the articles of association of the NGO. Citizen lawsuit is a lawsuit filed by one or more citizens on behalf of all citizens addressed to the State.
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SUDA, I. WAYAN JULIARTHA, and I. WAYAN SUWANDA. "KAJIAN TUGAS DAN FUNGSI POLRI DALAM PENEGAKAN HUKUM." GANEC SWARA 16, no. 1 (2022): 1334. http://dx.doi.org/10.35327/gara.v16i1.270.
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The National Police as an institution and part of the chess dynasty of law enforcement is an institution that has an important and strategic role in the law enforcement process. Through the organization and the processes that take place in it, society accepts the embodiment of legal goals. Justice, for example, is no longer an abstract concept, but is actually given to members of the community in the form of ratification of certain actions. Legal certainty is realized through judges' decisions which reject vigilante acts committed by community members. Order and security become something real through police actions organized by the Police agency.The role of legal regulations is quite large in relation to the implementation of the regulations carried out by law enforcers. In a tone that may be a bit extreme, it can be said that the success or failure of law enforcers in carrying out their duties has actually started since the legal regulations that must be implemented are made. With the increase in increasingly sophisticated technology in the field of public security and safety, Police agencies can now rely on computer-operated devices to record and examine various matters relating to public order and crime more accurately and precisely. Investigation of criminal cases and violations that have become real/factual threats (AF) is the duty and responsibility of the police to the community in the field of law enforcement. So that the investigation process carried out by the police does not violate the law and human rights, there are three important principles that must be upheld and adhered to by every police officer, namely: the principle of presumption of innocence, the right to be tried fairly and respect for the dignity and privacy of everyone
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Scott, Rebecca J. "Discerning a Dignitary Offense: The Concept of Equal “Public Rights” during Reconstruction." Law and History Review 38, no. 3 (2020): 519–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248020000255.
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The mountain of modern interpretation to which the language of the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution has been subjected tends to overshadow the multiple concepts of antidiscrimination that were actually circulating at the time of its drafting. Moreover, as authors on race and law have pointed out, Congress itself lacked any African American representatives during the 1866–68 moment of transitional justice. The subsequent development of a “state action doctrine” limiting the reach of federal civil rights enforcement, in turn, eclipsed important contemporary understandings of the harms that Reconstruction-era initiatives sought to combat. In contrast to the oblique language of the Fourteenth Amendment, a dignity-based legal theory of affirmative equal rights had by 1867 taken center stage in the cosmopolitan city of New Orleans. Activists formulated the concept of “public rights” as a claim to participation without discrimination in the entire sphere of “common life.” Elections for delegates to Louisiana's Constitutional Convention of 1867–68, held under the broad suffrage mandated by the Military Reconstruction Acts, yielded a convention in which half of the members were men of African descent. Seeking the “impartial treatment of all men” in “[c]hurches, hotels, cars, steamboats, theaters, stores, even schools,” the convention crafted a Bill of Rights that affirmatively guaranteed to all of the state's citizens “the same civil, political, and public rights,” independent of race or color. These innovations in the defense of human rights under law drew from a deep well of anti-caste thinking developed in domestic and transnational discussions conducted in both French and English, with participants from both sides of the Atlantic and the Caribbean. Cosmopolitan progressives such as Edouard Tinchant and Jean-Charles Houzeau worked with Louisiana-born activists including Louis Charles Roudanez, Simeon Belden, and Paul Trévigne to develop and advance the idea of public rights. Legislators crafted and passed state statutes that provided for civil penalties for violation of these rights, along with a private cause of action that could yield both actual and exemplary damages. Throughout the 1870s, however, advocates met a fierce white-supremacist counterattack, one that fused obstructionist litigation, vote suppression, and vigilante violence. A claim to equal treatment under the 1868 constitution was won in the state courts by Josephine Decuir, but was overturned in 1877 at the United States Supreme Court. With the ascent of the Democratic Party, white supremacists–including the lawyer/vigilante Robert Hardin Marr-took their seats on the state Supreme Court. By 1879, the public rights guarantees had been expunged from the state's constitution. Nonetheless, for a crucial decade, the cross-racial politics of Louisiana had overcome many of the deficits of legitimacy that often undercut moments of transitional lawmaking. Delegates to the 1867–68 Constitutional Convention took the opportunity to spell out specific positive rights that they saw as essential to full civil freedom. And at the center, they placed their insistence that the state had an obligation to assure that men and women of color would not be subjected to forced indignity in the public sphere.
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Misiaszek, Lauren Ila. "Stretching and Bending the Field." Beijing International Review of Education 2, no. 4 (2020): 491–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25902539-02040002.
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Abstract In reflecting on the range of my own and others’ work (and how it is mis/understood), the state of the field, and this special issue, I argue that if one remains vigilant and does not assume or take for granted that the inherent risks of saturation and issues such as aesthetic failure, around, for example, ontologies, epistemologies, and geographic locations are resolved (they aren’t), CIE is a field that can be widely expansive. Yet, in the spirit of my previous work around the interconnected dynamic of moving “from discoursal vigilance to concrete possibilities for inclusion” (Misiaszek, 2019), the field’s expansiveness is only important if it results in new, concrete contributions to education as a project of social justice in this unprecedented historical moment.
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McClelland, Robert. "Vigilance against Injustice in the Justice System." Current Issues in Criminal Justice 23, no. 3 (2012): 433–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10345329.2012.12035933.
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