Academic literature on the topic 'Vigilantisme'
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Journal articles on the topic "Vigilantisme"
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Beridiansyah, Beridiansyah. "Kajian Kriminologi dan Hukum Pidana terhadap Perilaku Vigilantisme pada Masyarakat." Wajah Hukum 3, no. 1 (2019): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33087/wjh.v3i1.47.
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The ongoing construction companies currently carry a wide range of impacts both positive or negative influence, these effects also impacted the habits on society in addressing any social problems that happen to be settled quickly and instantly, so the imposition of the will is not uncommon accompanied by acts of violence in the form of vigilantism and perform other unlawful acts by ignoring the presumption of innocence that we have adopted in the law enforcement system in our country. The purpose of writing this journal to find the cause of vigilantism on society. To know more about this then vigilantism in question is what is meant by vigilantism and crime and how the approach of criminology and criminal law against vigilantism. Act of vigilantism is a form of public disappointment against careless law enforcement agencies in addressing the problems faced by the community
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Loveluck, Benjamin. "Le vigilantisme numérique, entre dénonciation et sanction." Politix 115, no. 3 (2016): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pox.115.0127.
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Isnaini, Muhamad, Sarwititi Sarwoprasodjo, Rilus A. Kinseng, and Kholil Kholil. "Praktik vigilantisme digital di media sosial dalam konflik antarkelompok." Jurnal Studi Komunikasi (Indonesian Journal of Communications Studies) 4, no. 3 (2020): 749. http://dx.doi.org/10.25139/jsk.v4i3.2468.
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This research was conducted based on the frequent conflicts in Johar Baru sub-district, Central Jakarta. Tawuran or brawls has become a daily routine in that particular sub-district. This study aimed to analyse practices of digital vigilantism on social media amid intergroup conflict. Researchers explored Facebook accounts of several groups that are often involved in a conflict. This study used a qualitative content analysis method. The results revealed that digital vigilantism practices found were security, supervision, control, discipline, and punishment of one group against other groups through social media, where punishment, i.e. name-calling, and shaming are the most common practices, so that conflicts from the virtual world lead to conflicts in the real world.
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Ismanto, Manggala. "Penguatan identitas lokal dan penolakan vigilantisme atas nama agama." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 30, no. 3 (2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v30i32017.237-247.
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After the reformation, the strengthening of local identity has sprung up in several regions in Indonesia. The movement produced the revitalization of adat. These movements underlining the effort from communities which affiliated with a particular ethnic identity to gain claims of management of the natural and political-economic resources in their region. Contestation between the indigenous Dayak community and ‘Front Pembela Islam” (FPI) that occurred in Palangkaraya was a phenomenon that shows how indigenous people were able to assert its right to manage security and morality in their own society. The discourse of FPI’s establishment which often associated with vigilantism brought resistance and the refusal from Dayak community in Central Kalimantan. Through demonstrations, DAD and the indigenous Dayak community was able to exclude FPI from Palangkaraya. Thus, this research aims to analyze (1) the history of ethnic and religious identity movements in Indonesia after the reformation and (2) how the contestation between indigenous Dayak community and FPI occurred in the local context according to identity recognition and legitimation. This research used qualitative approach; data gathered through field observation and unstrucutred interviews. The research concludes that there is an awareness in the community to negotiate their position as an opposition to the occurence of a group with particular ideology, which has become the research highlight. This was proven by the case in Palangkaraya that vigilantism on the name of religion is not supposed to be maintain because it violates the right of other group.
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Fourchard, Laurent. "Engagements sécuritaires et féminisation du vigilantisme en Afrique du Sud." Politix 115, no. 3 (2016): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pox.115.0057.
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Sen, Atreyee. "Violence du quotidien et vigilantisme féminin dans les bidonvilles de Bombay." Politix 115, no. 3 (2016): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pox.115.0035.
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Delescluse, Annélie. "Quand les corps se redressent. Résistances, pratiques et imaginaires d’autodéfense en migration au Maroc." Politique africaine 170, no. 2 (2023): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/polaf.170.0169.
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À partir d’une enquête de terrain menée entre 2016 et 2020, cet article porte sur des pratiques et des imaginaires d’autodéfense observés chez des migrants d’Afrique de l’Ouest et centrale (dits subsahariens) résidant au Maroc. Ces actions individuelles ou collectives (manifestations politiques, saccage de matériels, grèves de la faim, etc.) leur permettent de survivre et de résister face à une déshumanisation qu’ils dénoncent de façon constante. L’article propose aussi d’analyser dans quels contextes l’usage de la force prend des formes ambiguës, en s’apparentant à des règlements de compte, voire à des pratiques de vigilantisme, dans un contexte marqué par une désillusion vis-à-vis du sort des migrants noirs dans les pays du Maghreb.
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Fajri, Muhamad. "Dakwah Vigilantisme FPI Memberantas Patologi Sosial: Mencari Solusi Moderat Perspektif Hadits Riwayat Muslim No. 70." MUKADIMAH: Jurnal Pendidikan, Sejarah, dan Ilmu-ilmu Sosial 7, no. 2 (2023): 431–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30743/mkd.v7i2.7852.
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Front Pembela Islam (FPI) has gained notoriety for its vigilante-style amar ma'ruf nahy munkar (enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong) activities, often bypassing legal authorities. This study scrutinizes the juxtaposition of FPI's physical interventions in da'wah with the three dimensions of da'wah, as outlined in Muslim hadith number 70: yadun (physical), lisan (verbal), and qolby (heart). The research objectives include evaluating FPI's vigilantism in da'wah within a legal framework, reinterpreting it through the lens of Muslim hadith number 70, and proposing a moderate Indonesian context-compliant resolution. Utilizing qualitative methods with a phenomenological approach, this study classifies FPI's actions as vigilantism for social control, straddling Indonesia's legal boundaries. It identifies FPI's physical interventions as a form of yadun da'wah per the aforementioned hadith. To foster moderation, FPI should consider constitutional avenues or opt for lisan and qolby da'wah to prevent vigilante actions. Applying yadun da'wah, as per Muslim hadith number 70, is incongruous with Indonesia's principles, contradicting established positive law and endangering its multicultural and pluralistic values. Lisan and qolby da'wah offer a more moderate and harmonious approach to addressing social pathology.
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I. Badiora, Adewumi. "Shaping community support for vigilantism: a Nigerian case study." Policing: An International Journal 42, no. 2 (2019): 240–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-08-2017-0101.
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PurposeIn Nigeria, vigilantism appears to be a common response to dissatisfaction about the state police in the recent time. Using survey data of residents in Lagos, Nigeria, the purpose of this paper, therefore, is to explore whether what is already known about perceptions of procedural (in) justice of state police also applies to self-help security groups in Nigeria. This is with a view to influencing community support for and satisfaction with non-state policing in the country.Design/methodology/approachThe study adopted a case study approach. Lagos, Nigeria was stratified into the high, medium and low densities. Systematic sampling technique was used in selecting 1 out of every 20 buildings (5 percent) in each area. Household representative person on each floor of the selected building who had contact with vigilante corps in the last 12 months were targeted. Of 768 copies of questionnaires administered, a sample of 386 was effectively returned (representing 50 percent response rate). Six categories of variables were analyzed. These are procedural justice, distributive justice, vigilante corps’ performance, legitimacy, residents’ satisfaction with vigilante corps activities and socio-economic characteristics.FindingsResults reveal that respondents are not primarily instrumental in their support for vigilantisms. Instead, their support is associated with their basic communal values. More than effectiveness in controlling crime, vigilantisms receive community support provided they use procedural justice in dealings with the public. Respondents who perceive vigilantisms use procedural justice also view them as legitimate, and as well satisfy with their activities and services. Besides, results show that support for and satisfaction with vigilantisms are associated with environmental, social and economic characteristics of the residents in the community they serve. The thesis supported in this research paper is that public support for and satisfaction with vigilantisms can be influenced significantly through policing strategies that builds legitimacy.Originality/valueVigilantism pervades contemporary policing strategies. It is supported by national crime prevention policies, according to the logic that the use of community self-help security strategies could contribute to sustainable crime prevention. This study extends research on legitimacy, with an empirical focus on Nigerian vigilantism. Understanding factors that shape public support for vigilantism may enhance safer communities.
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Fourchard, Laurent. "État de littérature. Le vigilantisme contemporain. Violence et légitimité d’une activité policière bon marché." Critique internationale N° 78, no. 1 (2018): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crii.078.0169.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Vigilantisme"
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Guille-Escuret, Paul. "Les critiques de la déraison pure : sociologie des défenses citoyennes de la vaccination et de la science." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024EHES0169.
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Périodiquement remise sur le devant de la scène par de nouvelles controverses, la figure de l’anti-vaccin s’est imposée au cours des dernières décennies comme un symbole privilégié des rapports problématiques que les populations entretiendraient aux technologies et à la science. Sans chercher à les légitimer, de nombreux travaux consacrés aux refus et aux hésitations ont souligné la dimension stigmatisante ou contre-productive d’une étiquette appliquée sans distinction à l’ensemble des attitudes critiques. Mais le rôle joué dans ce processus de marquage social par des citoyens mobilisés en faveur de la vaccination a été jusqu’ici largement délaissé.Du fait de l’engagement croissant de militants se réclamant de différents courants rationalistes, la lutte contre les anti-vaccins a pourtant changé de visage ces dernières années, surtout dans les arènes numériques. Ce travail se propose de resituer le sens que prennent ces croisades morales pour ceux qui s’y investissent et d’analyser les effets de ces mobilisations sur la construction plus large d’un problème public autour de la défense de la science.Pour ce faire, cette thèse fait appel à une méthodologie mixte. Le matériau est à la fois constitué d’une ethnographie en présentiel ainsi qu’en ligne des milieux se réclamant de la défense la vaccination et plus largement de la défense de la science dans l’espace public, d’une campagne d’entretiens qualitatifs approfondis avec des militants (n=38), et, enfin, d’une analyse de réseaux constitués à partir de données collectées sur internet (sites web et Twitter).On montre tout d’abord que les principaux collectifs spécialisés dans la défense de la vaccination se différencient sur internet à partir de courants qui se revendiquent du rationalisme et pour lesquels les vaccins représentent un objet parmi d’autres. Jonglant entre les deux échelles, ce travail propose de resituer ces mobilisations au sein d’un réseau dont les coalitions et les fractures rendent à la fois compte de l’expansion de ces pratiques de militantisme en ligne et de l’hétérogénéité des ressorts sociaux à l’origine de ces engagements. La diversité des trajectoires s’explique entre autres par l’essor des réseaux sociaux qui baissent le coût d’entrée dans ce type de controverse et permettent l’implication d’agents non strictement liés aux professions médicales, scientifiques ou aux campagnes de santé publique. Du fait de ces évolutions, en se joignant aux chercheurs et aux médecins, des autodidactes, des déconvertis et des ingénieurs se trouvent ainsi régulièrement en position de travailler les frontières de la science en excluant et en incluant certains acteurs/objets. Parce que des intérêts qui leurs sont propres pèsent sur les rhétoriques produites, il sera défendu ici que ces militants participent à la transformation des usages publics de l’autorité scientifique. Se faisant bien souvent les annonciateurs d’une crise de légitimité inédite que connaîtrait la science, ils contribuent paradoxalement par leur intervention à polariser les débats et à solidariser la science de ses applications technologiques. Au terme de notre analyse, les discours des défenseurs citoyens de la vaccination et de la science apparaissent comme des produits culturels hybrides construits au croisement de plusieurs formes de travail identitaire, d’éthos professionnels variés et d’une balistique propre à l’échange d’arguments sur les réseaux sociaux<br>Periodically brought to the forefront by new controversies, the anti-vax figure has emerged over the past few decades as a prominent symbol of the problematic relationship that populations have with technology and science. Without seeking to legitimize them, numerous studies focused on refusals and hesitancy have highlighted the stigmatizing or counterproductive nature of a label that is indiscriminately applied to all critical attitudes. However, the role played in this process of social labeling by citizens mobilized in favor of vaccination has been largely overlooked. Due to the increasing engagement of activists aligned with various pro-Science currents, the fight against anti-vaccine activists has, in recent years, significantly transformed, particularly within digital arenas. This study aims to contextualize the significance of these moral crusades for those who invest in them and to analyze the effects of these mobilizations on the broader construction of a public issue surrounding the defense of science.To achieve this, this thesis employs a mixed-methods approach. The data comprises both in-person and online ethnographies of communities advocating for vaccination and, more broadly, for the defense of science in the public sphere. It also includes in-depth qualitative interviews with activists (n=36) and network analyses based on data collected from the internet (websites and Twitter).This thesis shows that the main collectives specializing in vaccination advocacy differentiate themselves online from currents identifying as "rationalists", in which vaccines are seen as one object among many. Navigating between vaccine and science advocacy, this work seeks to situate these mobilizations within a network whose coalitions and fractures elucidate both the expansion of online activism practices and the heterogeneity of the social dynamics underlying these commitments. The diversity of trajectories can be partly attributed to the rise of social media, which lowers the barriers to enter into such controversies and facilitates the involvement of individuals not strictly associated with medical, scientific, or public health campaigns. Consequently, alongside researchers and physicians, self-taught individuals, converts, and engineers frequently find themselves positioned to negotiate the boundaries of science, selectively including or excluding certain actors or objects. Because their own interests influence their rhetoric, it is argued here that these activists contribute to the transformation of public uses of scientific authority. Often heralding an unprecedented crisis in the legitimacy of science, their interventions paradoxically polarize debates and bind science to its technological applications. Ultimately, the discourses of citizen defenders of vaccination and science emerge as hybrid cultural products constructed at the intersection of several forms of identity work, varied professional ethos, and a ballistics specific to the exchange of arguments on social networks
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Boisjoli, Roland André. "Vigilantism in Canada." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5176.
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Rébillard, Eugénie. "Imposer l'ordre : la police dans les villes et les campagnes de l'Iraq abbasside (IIe-IVe s. / VIIIe-Xe s.)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 1, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021PA01H057.
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Cette thèse se propose d’examiner le rôle de la police dans la mise en place d’un ordre étatique politique, social, fiscal et moral dans les villes et les campagnes de l’Iraq abbasside (IIe-IVe/VIIIe-Xe s.). Cette institution majeure du califat a été peu étudiée. La découverte d’un manuscrit inédit, la Risālat siyāsat al-mulūk, permet d’approcher les modalités de son fonctionnement. Pour l’État abbasside, la police s’imposa vite comme un instrument indispensable à la gouvernance du territoire et au contrôle des populations qui l’occupaient. Son étude offre un nouvel éclairage sur le développement institutionnel qui caractérisa les deux premiers siècles abbassides. La police se structurait à partir du territoire qu’elle cherchait à contrôler. À Bagdad en particulier, la spatialisation de ses activités s’articulait à une spécialisation des tâches et son fonctionnement exigeait un personnel nombreux et qualifié. Longtemps réduite à sa seule dimension urbaine, la police abbasside se déployait également dans les zones rurales. L’extension de la couverture policière, motivée par la répression des révoltes qui rythmèrent les deux premiers siècles abbassides, permet de relire le processus d’intégration du territoire iraqien au sein de l’État. L’évolution des chefs de la police et de leurs pratiques se confond également avec celle de l’armée dont elle était issue. Le calife entretenait une relation singulière avec son chef de la police dont les termes changèrent au cours la période étudiée. Les crises politico-militaires affectèrent durablement les pratiques policières qui cristallisaient les oppositions. La police devait également se définir par rapport au droit. Le chef de la police était chargé de sanctionner les contrevenants à la norme juridique, envisagée comme dynamique, et les opposants à l’ordre politique et social que cherchait à imposer l’État<br>This thesis examines the role of the police in the establishment of a political, social, fiscal and moral state order in the cities and countryside of Abbasid Iraq (2nd-4th / 8th-10th centuries). This major institution of the caliphate has been little studied. The discovery of an unpublished manuscript, the Risālat siyāsat al-mulūk, allows us to approach the modalities of its functioning. For the Abbasid State, the police force soon became an indispensable instrument for the governance of the territory and the control of its populations. Its study sheds new light on the institutional development that characterized the first two Abbasid centuries. The police were structured around the territory it sought to control. In Baghdad in particular, the spatialization of its activities was linked to a specialization of its tasks, and its operation required a large and qualified staff. For a long time, the Abbasid police force was considered as a urban institution, but its action was also effective in rural areas. The extension of police coverage, motivated by the repression of the revolts that punctuated the first two Abbasid centuries, allows us to reconsider the process of integration of the Iraqi territory within the Abbasid state. The evolution of the police chiefs and theirs practices is also linked to that of the army from which it was derived. The caliph had a singular relationship with his police chief, the terms of which changed during the period under study. The political-military crises had a lasting effect on police practices, which crystallized oppositions. The police also had to define themselves in relation to the law. The chief of police was responsible for punishing those who violated the legal norm, seen as dynamic, and those who opposed the political and social order that the State sought to impose
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Bahia, Bruno Teixeira. "Entre o vigilantismo e o empreendedorismo violento." Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2015. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/19021.
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Dissertação de Bruno Teixeira Bahia.pdf: 1034471 bytes, checksum: 47e97743f37d64bfe12eef2d37376b16 (MD5)<br>Este trabalho mergulha no mundo de um grupo de extermínio, formado por policiais militares, na busca da compreensão da sua gênese, motivações e relações, não só com o Estado, principalmente com agentes e instituições do Sistema de Justiça Criminal - tais como Polícia Civil, Polícia Militar, Ministério Público e Poder Judiciário, mas com a comunidade - um bairro periférico e de população de baixo poder aquisitivo de Salvador - onde atuava predominantemente. Partindo da análise de documentos extraídos de 19 (dezenove) processos judiciais e complementados com entrevistas com os perpetradores, a pesquisa buscou dimensionar o fenômeno na busca por circunstâncias que possibilitaram a formação e a atuação deste grupo de extermínio, o qual, atuando livremente em um bairro de Salvador, por quase três anos, vitimou, pelo menos, 26 (vinte e seis) pessoas. O estudo ainda revela as dificuldades de adequação das práticas do grupo ao conceito de Vigilantismo, já que aponta para uma atuação mais ampla destes agentes, especializados no uso da violência, dentro de um mercado violento informal. Por fim, as pesquisas revelaram que a força deste grupo de extermínio não se esgotava na violência empreendia por seus agentes, mas que era incrementada com o apoio de uma rede de participantes os quais, ainda que não se envolvessem diretamente nas execuções, lhes garantia informação e proteção, potencializando as ações e o medo provocados pela prática.This paper delves into the world of a death squad formed by military police in the search for understanding of its genesis, motivations and relationships, not only with the state, especially with agents and institutions of the criminal justice system - such as civil police, Military Police, Public Ministry and judiciary, but with the community - an outlying neighborhood and low income population of Salvador - where he worked predominantly. Based on the extracted document analysis of nineteen (19) lawsuits and supplemented with interviews with the perpetrators, the research sought to scale the phenomenon in the search for circumstances that made possible the formation and performance of this death squad, which, freely acting in a neighborhood of Salvador, for almost three years, killed at least 26 (twenty six) people. The study also reveals the difficulties of adapting the group practices the concept of vigilantism, already pointing to a wider action of these agents who specialize in the use of violence within a violent informal market. Finally, the research revealed that the strength of this death squad was not just the violence waged by its agents, but that was increased with the support of a network of participants who, even if not directly involved in the executions, provide them with information and protection, increasing the actions and fear caused by the practice.
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O'Reilly, Ciaran. "Recent discourses on vigilantism within South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/29073.
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Reports of vigilantism are common in South African media today, where it is portrayed as a growing trend of reactionary violence against the perception of a high crime rate in the country and a criminal justice system which is failing the public. At the same time, the South African Police Service has positioned itself as taking measures to combat the high level of crime which has been blamed for this vigilantism, and publicly denouncing those who take the law into their own hands, both through comments in the media and their own press statements. This dissertation will provide an overview of the three major discourses on vigilantism in South Africa; within academic literature, the media and public arena, and from the South African state itself. In doing so, I hope to contribute to the understanding of how vigilantism is depicted, described and discussed in South Africa today.
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Maele, Kgothatso Marry. "Community perceptions on vigilantism in Matome Village." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2332.
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Thesis (M. A. (Criminology and Criminal Justice)) -- University of Limpopo, 2018<br>Vigilantism is a contentious issue that will persist into the future for as long as crime exists. This research aimed at determining community’s perception on vigilantism. The Criminal Justice System has failed community of Matome Village, in the sense that they lost trust and lacked confidence in CJS. Actions involved in vigilantism are not only an expression of people’s anger or frustration but also of their fear. This study adopted both qualitative and quantitative approaches. Probability sampling (Stratified sampling) was used to select participants. For qualitative approach an interview schedule with prearranged questions was conducted and used in both focus group1 and 2 interviews. Focus group 1 consisted of 10 participants, while focus group 2 consisted of 8 participants. For quantitative approach, 80 questionnaires with close-ended and open-ended questions were distributed among community members who took part in the study, and the aim was to get their opinions and experience of vigilantism. The data collected was analysed (thematic content analysis was used) and interpreted by copying exactly words that were said by the participants. The study documented the disadvantages and consequences of vigilantism to fill in the existing gaps of the dangers of vigilante incidents in the literature. Strain theory by Robert Agnew was applied as the suitable theory which best explains why people resort to partake in vigilantism. The research identified factors which contributed mostly to vigilantism, such as: a way of protection and desire for revenge (anger and frustration).
KEY WORDS: Vigilantism, Crime, Culprit, Strain, Community participation, Matome Village, Criminal Justice System, Police Officers.
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Tokumitsu, Naoko. "« Les yeux de la ville » : entre surveillance de l’espace public et quête de reconnaissance locale : analyse croisée entre la France et le Japon." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH119.
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À travers une analyse croisée entre le Japon et la France, la présente étude interroge la manière dont la dimension sociale se déploie, tout particulièrement au nom du lien social, dans le cadre d’actions de prévention de l’insécurité. Ce travail comporte tout d’abord un volet historique, qui s’attache à retracer l’évolution contemporaine des politiques de prévention de l’insécurité. L’étude de sources administratives et législatives depuis 1970, nous permet ainsi d’analyser le processus par lequel la mobilisation des acteurs non-policiers s’est réalisée dans les pays respectifs. Ceci montre des processus de désignation d’éléments extérieurs à risque par les pouvoirs publics et la manière dont ces derniers justifient la mobilisation des acteurs, tout en partageant des problématiques comparables, au nombre desquelles le délitement des liens sociaux, perçu tant au sein de la famille qu’au sein du voisinage. Suite à ce premier travail, nous passons à l’étude des pratiques d’acteurs sociaux tels que les médiateurs de rue et les voisins vigilants en France ainsi que de groupes d’habitants au Japon, afin d’étudier la manière dont ils se mobilisent et s’organisent. En nous fondant sur des enquêtes de terrain, nous montrons comment la prévention trie les bons et les mauvais citoyens au nom de la défense de valeurs qui sont considérées comme les biens du quartier : au Japon, cela transparaît notamment dans les actions des habitants pour la « fabrique de la ville » (machi-zukuri まちづくり) tandis qu’en France, les liens sociaux représentent surtout un outil à disposition d’agents spécialisés. Revêtant une portée d’éducation morale, le quartier japonais peut alors apparaître, en contraste avec le cas français, comme une forme de famille visant à se substituer à la famille contemporaine jugée défaillante. Toutefois, deux cas étudiés, à La Rochelle et à Osaka, montrent que la prévention peut également revêtir l’aspect d’une quête de reconnaissance à travers le développement des réseaux à l’échelle locale<br>In a cross-analysis of France and Japan, we examine the development of the social dimension in actions to prevent insecurity, especially ones pursued under the name of the social bond. Our thesis begins with a history of the contemporary evolution of policies aiming to prevent insecurity in France and Japan. In particular, we analyse administrative and legislative documents published since 1970 for what they reveal about processes of mobilising non-police actors for prevention in both countries. Our results suggest that the processes have involved the identification of external risks by public authorities, as well as how mobilising such actors is justified as a response to the breakdown of social bonds within families and in neighbourhoods. Afterwards, we describe practices of social actors, including street mediators and “voisins vigilants” in France, as well as neighbourhood associations in Japan, in terms of how they mobilise and organise. Our field research revealed that the prevention sorts good and bad citizens in the name of defending values considered to belong to the neighbourhood. In Japan, such prevention especially concerns actions for まちづくり (machi-zukuri, ‘community building’), whereas in France, social ties primarily represent a tool used by specialised agents. With a moral and educational function, the Japanese neighbourhood thus contrasts the French one as a sort of family to replace the contemporary family deemed to be failing. However, two cases studied, in La Rochelle and Osaka, show that such prevention can also seek a form of recognition via the development of networks at the local level
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Machado, Elsa C. S. Andrade. "Vigilantism, masculinity and star image in Hollywood cinema." Master's thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/18349.
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Hall-Patton, Joseph. "Pacifying Paradise: Violence and Vigilantism in San Luis Obispo." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2016. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/1594.
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San Luis Obispo, California was a violent place in the 1850s with numerous murders and lynchings in staggering proportions. This thesis studies the rise of violence in SLO, its causation, and effects. The vigilance committee of 1858 represents the culmination of the violence that came from sweeping changes in the region, stemming from its earliest conquest by the Spanish. The mounting violence built upon itself as extensive changes took place. These changes include the conquest of California, from the Spanish mission period, Mexican and Alvarado revolutions, Mexican-American War, and the Gold Rush. The history of the county is explored until 1863 to garner an understanding of the borderlands violence therein.
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Munyarari, Tinashe. "Chipangano: vigilantism and Community responses in Mbare District, Zimbabwe, c.2000-2013." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/62126.
Full textBooks on the topic "Vigilantisme"
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Bjørgo, Tore, and Miroslav Mareš, eds. Vigilantism against Migrants and Minorities. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429485619.
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Mehta, Swati. Killing justice: Vigilantism in Nagpur. Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, 2005.
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Antoinette, Louw, and Institute for Security Studies (South Africa), eds. Violent justice: Vigilantism and the state's response. Institute for Security Studies, 2002.
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Grayson, George W. Threat posed by mounting vigilantism in Mexico. Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2011.
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Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute, ed. Threat posed by mounting vigilantism in Mexico. Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2011.
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Johnston, Les. Vigilantism and informal justice in the United Kingdom. the author, 1993.
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John, Lindsay. No dope here?: Anti-drugs vigilantism in Northern Ireland. YES! Publication, 2012.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Vigilantisme"
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Gaussens, Pierre. "Vigilantisme." In Dictionnaire politique de l’Amérique latine. Éditions de l’IHEAL, 2024. https://doi.org/10.4000/12tid.
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Kowalewski, David. "Vigilantism." In International Handbook of Violence Research. Springer Netherlands, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-306-48039-3_18.
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Chen, Fan Xuan, and Karl Aquino. "Vigilantism." In Encyclopedia of Heroism Studies. Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-17125-3_461-1.
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Njoku, Emeka Thaddues, and Joshua Akintayo. "Vigilantism." In Boko Haram's Terrorist Campaign in Nigeria. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003211525-13.
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Chen, Fan Xuan, and Karl Aquino. "Vigilantism." In Encyclopedia of Heroism Studies. Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-48129-1_461.
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Kowalewski, David. "Vigilantismus." In Internationales Handbuch der Gewaltforschung. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-80376-4_18.
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Arfsten, Kerrin-Sina. "Digitaler Vigilantismus." In Cyberkriminologie. Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-28507-4_22.
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Vrakopoulos, Christos, and Daphne Halikiopoulou. "Vigilantism in Greece." In Vigilantism against Migrants and Minorities. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429485619-11.
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Nakamizo, Kazuya. "Democracy and vigilantism." In The Dynamics of Conflict and Peace in Contemporary South Asia. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003038528-3.
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Reichl, Frauke. "From Vigilantism to Digilantism?" In Security Informatics and Law Enforcement. Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22002-0_7.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Vigilantisme"
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Modic, Maja. "Varstvoslovni vidiki varnostnega samoorganiziranja prebivalcev." In Varnost v ruralnih in urbanih okoljih: konferenčni zbornik. Univerzitetna založba Univerze v Mariboru, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-404-0.6.
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The main purpose of the paper is to define and distinguish the concepts of community, citizen self-protection, and vigilantism. Involving the residents or community in the provision of safety is one of the fundamentals of democracy; however, it can cross a limit when instead of self-protection, we shift to the vigilantism. Even though vigilantism presents a problem for both civil society and the state, it seems that it too often slips past the theoretical and empirical studies. The reasons for this can be found in conceptual confusion and various views on vigilantism, as well as in the usual short-term activities of vigilantes – challenging to monitor and analyse as such.
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Aydın, Sena. "Hak Arama Yolu Olarak Siber Toplum Bekçiliği: Rabia Naz Davası Örneği." In COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctc.2021/ctc21.039.
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Siber toplum bekçiliği (cyber vigilantism), herhangi bir adli ya da etik vakayla ilgili adalet, güven ya da düzen tesis etme adına sorumluya, faile ya da zanlıya yönelik caydırma, ihbar etme veya cezalandırma amaçlı eylemlerin de dahil olduğu çevrimiçi hareketlerdir. Terimi (cyber vigilantism), eylemin amacı dolayısıyla “ihkak-ı hak” ya da “kanunsuz adalet” çevirileriyle de ifade etmek mümkündür. Linç kültürünü çevrimiçi ortamda tetiklemeye ya da ivmelendirmeye yol açması bir yana, siber toplum bekçiliği aynı zamanda siyasi veya sosyal alanda adaletin sağlandığına dair inancın zedelendiği durumlarda mağduriyetini ispat etmeye çalışan aktörler için son çare olma potansiyeli taşıyabilir. Adalet mekanizmalarının işlevini kaybettiğine dair inancın güçlendiği; toplumsal normların birtakım moral değerleri çiğneyerek belli toplumsal grupların dezavantajına sebep olduğu durumlarda siber toplum bekçileri, kamuoyu vicdanını dürtecek bilgileri çevrimiçi ortamlarda ifşa ederek toplumsal düzeyde bir farkındalık yaratmada, kamu bilinci ve kolektif bir sağduyu oluşturmada işlevsel bir rol üstlenebilir. Bu çalışmanın amacı gazetecilik faaliyetinin kamu yararını gözetmemesi durumunda Türkiye’deki siber toplum bekçiliğinin işlevini anlamaya çalışmaktır. Bu bağlamda, önce intihar ettiği söylenen ancak daha sonra babasının Twitter’daki mücadelesiyle olayın tüm seyrinin değiştiği Rabia Naz’ın davası incelenir. Rabia Naz’ın yaşadığı ilçedeki seçim sonuçlarını dramatik bir şekilde değiştirecek kuvvette bir toplumsal meseleye dönüşen davasının kamuoyu vicdanında yer etme süreci siber toplum bekçiliğinin dört ana tipolojisi üzerinden (işaretleme, sorgulama, avlama, organize sızıntı) ele alınır; siber toplum bekçiliğinin toplumsal adalet ve güven duygusunun tesis edilmesine ilişkin yeri tartışılır.
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Berney, Manon, Jan Ondrus, and Adrian Holzer. "Navigating the Shadows of Cyber Vigilantism: A Preliminary Analysis of Social Dynamics and Activities of Scambaiting." In CHI '24: CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems. ACM, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3613905.3650913.
Full textReports on the topic "Vigilantisme"
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism and Vigilantism: The Case of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0001.
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Religious populism and radicalism are hardly new to Pakistan. Since its birth in 1947, the country has suffered through an ongoing identity crisis. Under turbulent political conditions, religion has served as a surrogate identity for Pakistan, masking the country’s evident plurality, and over the years has come to dominate politics. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) is the latest face of religious extremism merged with populist politics. Nevertheless, its sporadic rise from a national movement defending Pakistan’s notorious blasphemy laws to a “pious” party is little understood. This paper draws on a collection of primary and secondary sources to piece together an account of the party’s evolution that sheds light on its appeal to “the people” and its marginalization and targeting of the “other.” The analysis reveals that the TLP has evolved from a proxy backed by the establishment against the mainstream parties to a full-fledged political force in its own right. Its ability to relate to voters via its pious narrative hinges on exploiting the emotional insecurities of the largely disenfranchised masses. With violence legitimized under the guise of religion, “the people” are afforded a new sense of empowerment. Moreover, the party’s rhetoric has given rise to a vigilante-style mob culture so much so that individuals inspired by this narrative have killed in plain sight without remorse. To make matters worse, the incumbent government of Imran Khan — itself a champion of Islamist rhetoric — has made repeated concessions and efforts to appease the TLP that have only emboldened the party. Today, the TLP poses serious challenges to Pakistan’s long-standing, if fragile, pluralistic social norms and risks tipping the country into an even deadlier cycle of political radicalization.
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Van Metre, Lauren. From Self-Defense to Vigilantism: A Typology Framework of Community-Based Armed Groups. RESOLVE Network, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2019.3.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Greg Barton. Populism, Violence, and Vigilantism in Indonesia: Rizieq Shihab and His Far-Right Islamist Populism. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/lp0009.
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Muhammad Rizieq Shihab has been one of the most well-known faces of the far-right in Indonesia since the late 1990s. As a radical Islamist scholar with links to Saudi Arabia, Shihab has spent the last three decades as an anti-state voice of the “pious Muslim majority” in Indonesia. He claims to position himself as a “righteous” and “fearless” leader who is dedicated to defending Islam—the faith of “the people.” In 2020 Shihab was arrested for holding large public gatherings, as part of his ‘moral revolution’ campaign, in the middle of pandemic lockdowns. However, his radical Salafist message continues to inspire thousands to action.
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COMMUNITY-BASED ARMED GROUPS RESEARCH SERIES FACT SHEET: From Self-Defense to Vigilantism: A Typology Framework of Community-Based Armed Groups. RESOLVE Network, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/fs2020.1.cbags.
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FICHE D’INFORMATION : D’auto-défenseurs à justiciers : un cadre typologique pour les groupes armés communautaires. RESOLVE Network, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/fs2020.6.cbags.fr.
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Cette fiche d’information présente un aperçu des conclusions de l’effort de cartographie de l’Initiative de recherche sur les groupes armés communautaires du RESOLVE Network qui étudie la dynamique des groupes armés communautaires (GAC) pour identifier des approches potentielles visant à les engager, les gérer et les transformer. Ce rapport de recherche développe un cadre typologique pour améliorer la compréhension de ces groupes dans les réseaux politiques et de sécurité informels, et identifie les fonctions internes les plus reconnues quant au positionnement des GAC dans les relations entre l’État et la société, ainsi que les facteurs externes à l’origine des transformations des GAC. Pour en savoir plus sur la méthodologie et les résultats de la recherche, veuillez vous référer au rapport de recherche RESOLVE de Lauren Van Metre associé à cette fiche d’information : From Self-Defense to Vigilantism: A Typology Framework of Community-Based Armed Groups (D’auto-défenseurs à justiciers : un cadre typologique pour les groupes armés communautaires).