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Journal articles on the topic 'Vigilantismo'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Remeseiro Fernández, Manuel Óscar. "El «vigilantismo » como reflejo del fracaso del sistema jurídico-penal estadounidense en los años setenta: análisis de la película «Death Wish» (El justiciero de la ciudad)." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 23 (March 14, 2019): 603. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.23.2018.24036.

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El Vigilantismo es una corriente ideológica que propugnael derecho a la autodefensa de los individuos cuando el Estadono es capaz de proporcionársela de manera eficaz. Experimentó unconsiderable auge en los Estados Unidos a partir de los años setenta,presentándose como una alternativa válida en la lucha contra la elevadacriminalidad. El Vigilantismo defiende una visión eminentemente punitivade la Justicia. La película «Death Wish», de Michael Winner (ParamountPictures, 1974), y protagonizada por Charles Bronson, en el papelde Paul Kersey, retrata de forma certera esta doctrina.Vigilantism is an ideological stream that advocates theright to self-defense of the individuals when the Government is unableto provide it effectively. It underwent a considerable boom inthe United States from the 1970s, posing as a valid alternative in thefight against high rates of criminality. Vigilantism defends an essentialpunitive vision of Justice. The film «Death Wish», directed byMichael Winner (Paramount Pictures, 1974), with Charles Bronson,playing the role of Paul Kersey, is an acute portrait of this doctrine.

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2

I. Badiora, Adewumi. "Shaping community support for vigilantism: a Nigerian case study." Policing: An International Journal 42, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 240–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-08-2017-0101.

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PurposeIn Nigeria, vigilantism appears to be a common response to dissatisfaction about the state police in the recent time. Using survey data of residents in Lagos, Nigeria, the purpose of this paper, therefore, is to explore whether what is already known about perceptions of procedural (in) justice of state police also applies to self-help security groups in Nigeria. This is with a view to influencing community support for and satisfaction with non-state policing in the country.Design/methodology/approachThe study adopted a case study approach. Lagos, Nigeria was stratified into the high, medium and low densities. Systematic sampling technique was used in selecting 1 out of every 20 buildings (5 percent) in each area. Household representative person on each floor of the selected building who had contact with vigilante corps in the last 12 months were targeted. Of 768 copies of questionnaires administered, a sample of 386 was effectively returned (representing 50 percent response rate). Six categories of variables were analyzed. These are procedural justice, distributive justice, vigilante corps’ performance, legitimacy, residents’ satisfaction with vigilante corps activities and socio-economic characteristics.FindingsResults reveal that respondents are not primarily instrumental in their support for vigilantisms. Instead, their support is associated with their basic communal values. More than effectiveness in controlling crime, vigilantisms receive community support provided they use procedural justice in dealings with the public. Respondents who perceive vigilantisms use procedural justice also view them as legitimate, and as well satisfy with their activities and services. Besides, results show that support for and satisfaction with vigilantisms are associated with environmental, social and economic characteristics of the residents in the community they serve. The thesis supported in this research paper is that public support for and satisfaction with vigilantisms can be influenced significantly through policing strategies that builds legitimacy.Originality/valueVigilantism pervades contemporary policing strategies. It is supported by national crime prevention policies, according to the logic that the use of community self-help security strategies could contribute to sustainable crime prevention. This study extends research on legitimacy, with an empirical focus on Nigerian vigilantism. Understanding factors that shape public support for vigilantism may enhance safer communities.

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Hernández Cetina, Aura Windy Carolina, Alejandra Ripoll, and Juan Carlos García Perilla. "“El Clan del golfo”: ¿el nuevo paramilitarismo o delincuencia organizada?" Agora U.S.B. 18, no. 2 (July 28, 2018): 512–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21500/16578031.3363.

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Desde mediados del Siglo XX, Colombia ha estado inmerso en un conflicto armado, que aún pervive a pesar de que las FARC-EP se desarmaron luego del proceso de paz que se firmó en el 2016. Aún existen otros actores armados que son importantes conocer, a fin de tener una mejor comprensión de la actualidad del conflicto, en este caso el “Clan del Golfo”. Este artículo tiene como objetivo establecer si las causas que dieron origen a la formación de las AUC, son análogas a las que originaron al Clan del Golfo. Se sostendrá desde premisas de vigilantismo que la aparición, desarrollo y fortalecimiento de los grupos paramilitares son una respuesta a la crisis estatal para proveer seguridad pública y a un proceso de construcción de Estado, donde se evidencia debilidad para ejercer el monopolio legítimo del uso de la fuerza.

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Pérez Caballero, Jesús. "COLUMNA GENERAL PEDRO JOSÉ MÉNDEZ: TRAZOS SOBRE UNA CAMPAÑA DE VIGILANTISMO EN MEXICO (2010-2018)." UNISCI Journal 17, no. 51 (October 2019): 417–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-70.

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5

Beridiansyah, Beridiansyah. "Kajian Kriminologi dan Hukum Pidana terhadap Perilaku Vigilantisme pada Masyarakat." Wajah Hukum 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33087/wjh.v3i1.47.

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The ongoing construction companies currently carry a wide range of impacts both positive or negative influence, these effects also impacted the habits on society in addressing any social problems that happen to be settled quickly and instantly, so the imposition of the will is not uncommon accompanied by acts of violence in the form of vigilantism and perform other unlawful acts by ignoring the presumption of innocence that we have adopted in the law enforcement system in our country. The purpose of writing this journal to find the cause of vigilantism on society. To know more about this then vigilantism in question is what is meant by vigilantism and crime and how the approach of criminology and criminal law against vigilantism. Act of vigilantism is a form of public disappointment against careless law enforcement agencies in addressing the problems faced by the community

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6

Candy, Graham. "Conceptualizing vigilantism." Focaal 2012, no. 64 (December 1, 2012): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2012.640111.

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Thomas G. Kirsch and Tilo Gratz, eds. 2010. Domesticating vigilantism in Africa. Woodbridge and Rochester: James Currey. 170 pages.David Pratten and Atreyee Sen, eds. 2008. Global vigilantes. New York: Columbia University Press. 448 pages.

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7

Matković, Aleksandar. "Legal characteristics of vigilantism." Pravni zapisi 9, no. 1 (2018): 96–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-16748.

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8

Chia, Stella C. "Seeking Justice on the Web: How News Media and Social Norms Drive the Practice of Cyber Vigilantism." Social Science Computer Review 38, no. 6 (April 14, 2019): 655–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439319842190.

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Cyber vigilantism, in particular crowdsourced vigilantism, is a newly emerging practice whereby people expose misconducts and identify culprits through collaboratively searching and publicizing information using the Internet. This study proposes a theory-oriented framework with which we demonstrate that individuals’ media exposure and perceived social norms may interact and jointly predict their reception of and reactions to the practice. We tested the framework with web survey data of 800 adults in Taiwan. Results showed that the frequency and the ways in which the press covers cyber vigilantism were both directly and indirectly associated with individuals’ acceptance of or resistance to cyber vigilantism. The indirect associations were mediated by individuals’ evaluations and perceived social acceptance of the practice. We suggest that obtaining favorable news coverage is essential for cyber vigilantism to gain acceptance and attract crowds. When modeling or predicting the structure and evolving process of this newly emerging cyber practice, researchers may want to consider the overall media environment, social context, and personal evaluations.

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9

Asamoah, Kwame. "Addressing the Problem of Political Vigilantism in Ghana through the Conceptual Lens of Wicked Problems." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 3 (November 26, 2019): 457–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619887608.

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Ghana entered into the Fourth Republic in 1993 after experiencing political instability over two decades. A defining feature that has characterized the Fourth Republic of Ghana and marred Ghana’s democratic credentials is the emergence of political vigilantism. Political vigilantism has basically been perpetuated by the two leading political parties in Ghana: the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress. The major political actors in the political system of Ghana continue to express the debilitating effects of political vigilantism on Ghana’s democratic advancement, nevertheless, it continues to persist in monumental proportion in our political dispensation. Using a qualitative research approach, the paper examines the factors responsible for the pervasiveness of political vigilantism under the Fourth Republic of Ghana and proffer some plausible solutions to address this political canker.

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Sarıoğlu, Esra. "Vigilante Violence against Women in Turkey: A Sociological Analysis." Kadın/Woman 2000, Journal for Women's Studies 19, no. 2 (October 10, 2017): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.33831/jws.v19i2.277.

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This study examines one of the disturbing political developments over the last years and one that has not received scholarly attention: the rise of vigilantism against women in Turkey. Building on the empirical data on vigilante incidents, I show that vigilantism in Turkey is an exclusively masculine practice carried out by individual men or small groups of men who, calling upon a moral order or higher moral sovereignties, target nonpious-looking women navigating the public places in densely populated big cities. By locating vigilantism in the larger dynamics of gender politics, I argue that vigilantism delineates the emergent dynamics of the current backlash against women’s agency in Turkey, a backlash that manifests itself as a masculinist enforcement of morality in public.

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Favarel-Garrigues, Gilles, and Ioulia Shukan. "Perspectives on Post-Soviet Vigilantism. Introduction." Laboratorium: Russian Review of Social Research, no. 3 (2019): 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25285/2078-1938-2019-11-3-4-15.

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12

JOHNSTON, L. "WHAT IS VIGILANTISM?" British Journal of Criminology 36, no. 2 (January 1, 1996): 220–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.bjc.a014083.

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13

Favarel-Garrigues, Gilles, Samuel Tanner, and Daniel Trottier. "Introducing digital vigilantism." Global Crime 21, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2020): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17440572.2020.1750789.

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14

Barkan, Elliott R. "Vigilance versus Vigilantism." Journal of Urban History 12, no. 2 (February 1986): 181–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009614428601200205.

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15

Pratten, David. "The Politics of Protection: Perspectives on Vigilantism in Nigeria." Africa 78, no. 1 (February 2008): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000028.

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Vigilantism has become an endemic feature of the Nigerian social and political landscape. The emergence of night guards and vigilante groups as popular responses to theft and armed robbery has a long and varied history in Nigeria. Since the return to democracy in 1999, however, Nigeria has witnessed a proliferation of vigilantism: vigilante groups have organized at a variety of levels from lineage to ethnic group, in a variety of locations from village ward to city street, and for a variety of reasons from crime fighting to political lobbying. Indeed, vigilantism has captured such a range of local, national and international dynamics that it provides a sharply focused lens for students of Nigeria's political economy and its most intractable issues – the politics of democracy, ethnicity and religion.Contemporary Nigerian vigilantism concerns a range of local and global dynamics beyond informal justice.

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16

Bailey, Frankie. "Getting justice: Real life vigilantism and vigilantism in popular films." Justice Professional 8, no. 1 (June 1993): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1478601x.1993.10383022.

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17

Pratten, David. "‘The Thief Eats His Shame’: Practice and Power in Nigerian Vigilantism." Africa 78, no. 1 (February 2008): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000053.

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Contemporary Nigerian vigilantism concerns a range of local and global dynamics beyond informal justice. It is a lens on the politics of post-colonial Africa, on the current political economy of Nigeria, and on its most intractable issues – the politics of democracy, ethnicity and religion. The legitimation of vigilante activity has extended beyond dissatisfaction with current levels of law and order and the failings of the Nigeria Police. To understand the local legitimacy of vigilantism in post-colonial Nigeria, indeed, it is also necessary to recognize its internal imperatives. Vigilantism in this context is embedded in narratives of contested rights, in familiar everyday practices, understandings of personhood and knowledge, and in alternative, older registers of governmentality. In addition to mapping temporal and spatial communities in which young men are vested with the right to exercise justice, this article assesses the legitimacy of Annang vigilantism within cultural frameworks of accountability linked to conceptions of agency, personhood and power, and the oppositions this produces between vigilantes and thieves.

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18

McDermott, Christine M., and Monica K. Miller. "Individual differences impact support for vigilante justice." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 8, no. 3 (July 11, 2016): 186–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-09-2015-0186.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationships between moral disengagement, individual differences (i.e. need for cognition (NFC), faith in intuition, legal authoritarianism) and responses to vigilantism. Design/methodology/approach – US university students were surveyed. Findings – NFC reduced support for vigilante justice while legal authoritarianism increased support for vigilante justice. Both relationships are mediated by moral disengagement, which also increases support for vigilante justice. Research limitations/implications – The present study provides a starting point for further research on individual differences and responses to vigilantism. Practical implications – Results expand on the understanding of the function of individual differences in a morally charged decision-making task. Content has implications for academics and legal practitioners. Originality/value – Vigilante justice is embedded within American culture. However, vigilantism is currently illegal, and recent instances of what might be considered vigilante justice (e.g. George Zimmerman, David Barajas) have highlighted the controversy surrounding such extralegal violence. Little research has focussed on the moral quandary posed by vigilantism.

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19

Ochoa, Jerjes Aguirre, and Casimiro Leco Tomas. "Democracy and Vigilantism: The Case of Michoacán, Mexico." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 5, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v5i4.320.

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The so-called self-defense forces in Mexico must be seen as a form of vigilantism generated by an incipient process of democratization that has not produced the institutional quality necessary to contain the activity of organized crime groups driven, essentially, by the high demand for drugs in the United States. Our qualitative analysis of Mexico’s Tierra Caliente (‘Hotlands’) revealed profound processes of institutional deterioration in politics and the economy that have created conditions ripe for vigilantism. In the absence of substantial improvements in the quality of Mexico’s democracy, especially at the levels of state and municipal government, the emergence of other forms of vigilantism and ongoing violence are foreseeable.

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20

Legocki, Kimberly V., Kristen L. Walker, and Tina Kiesler. "Sound and Fury: Digital Vigilantism as a Form of Consumer Voice." Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 39, no. 2 (February 17, 2020): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0743915620902403.

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The authors examine consumer activism as a form of power used by individuals when they experience a perceived failure with organizational service performance. Consumer citizens demonstrate the power of their voices through digital vigilantism consisting of injurious and constructive digital content sharing. The authors use agency theory and power concepts to study an instance in which a public service provider breached consumer performance expectations. They study digital responses to the 2017 Charlottesville Unite the Right rally because an independent review found the public service providers culpable. Tweets (n = 73,649) were analyzed utilizing qualitative thematic coding, cluster analysis, and sentiment analysis. Consumer conversations (tweets) during and after the rally yielded five types of digital vigilantism characterized by the following consumer voice clusters: “Shame on them!”, “Hear ye, hear ye…”, “Can you believe this?”, “Let’s get ‘em!”, and “Do the right thing.” The authors also present a new facet of digital vigilantism represented by the pessimistic and optimistic power of consumer voice. Several proactive and reactive responses are presented for policy and practice when responding to digital vigilantism.

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Kucera, Michal, and Miroslav Mares. "Vigilantism during democratic transition." Policing and Society 25, no. 2 (July 16, 2013): 170–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2013.817997.

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22

Abrahamsen, Rita. "Domesticating vigilantism in Africa." Review of African Political Economy 40, no. 137 (September 2013): 496–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2013.820520.

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Jauregui, Beatrice. "Just War." Conflict and Society 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2015.010105.

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This article describes and explains “police vigilantism” as a mode of authoritative extralegal coercion performed by public police officials conceived as doing their duty to realize justice in the world. Based on ethnographic observations, interviews, and content analysis of news and entertainment media as well as official government reports, this essay examines a specific form of police vigilantism in contemporary India known as “encounter killings”. Demonstrating that encounter killings are widely constituted as a form of ritual purification and social defense by self-sacrificing police, it theorizes a metaphysics of police vigilantism in India that combines generalized experiences of insecurity with shared cosmologies of just war. Comparing this metaphysics with justifications of state violence in other Global South contexts, this study sheds light on how such violence may be legitimated through the conceptual inextricability of law and war as embodied in a uniquely constituted human figure: the police vigilante.

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Zaman, Md Sayeed Al. "Islamic vigilantism and women in social media." Informasi 51, no. 1 (July 4, 2021): 65–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/informasi.v51i1.38170.

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In Bangladesh, the number of cyber-citizens has been skyrocketing since the 2010s. Violence against women is also proliferating along with the presence of Islam in public spheres and discourses. Using thematic analysis, this study analyzes the discourse data collected from Facebook, the dominant social media of Bangladesh. The key aim of the research is to find out the bedrock of Islamic vigilantism and verbal aggressiveness against women in social media. Subsequently, three interlinked themes have been explored: women’s religiosity, women’s attire, and women’s virtue. The findings have shown that men mainly capitalize on these three conventional and stereotyped ideas of popular Islam to conduct vigilantism against women in social media, which is most often accompanied by different types of verbal aggressiveness. Further, this study considering deep-rooted misogyny and patriarchy in Bangladesh society argues that these factors might have contributed to directing online vigilantism against women. As little research has been done in this area, this research study would lead to further researches in this area.

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25

Goldfarb, Ronald L. "Commentary: Violence, vigilantism, and justice." Criminal Justice Ethics 6, no. 2 (June 1987): 2–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0731129x.1987.9991813.

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Clark, Martin. "Italian Squadrismo and Contemporary Vigilantism." European History Quarterly 18, no. 1 (January 1988): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569148801800102.

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Suzara, Araceli. "Cultist Vigilantism in the Philippines." Sociology of Religion 54, no. 3 (1993): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3711724.

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Sundar, Nandini. "Vigilantism, Culpability and Moral Dilemmas." Critique of Anthropology 30, no. 1 (March 2010): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x09360140.

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Kosseff, Jeff. "The hazards of cyber-vigilantism." Computer Law & Security Review 32, no. 4 (August 2016): 642–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.clsr.2016.05.008.

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Gabdulhakov, Rashid. "Citizen-Led Justice in Post-Communist Russia: From Comrades’ Courts to Dotcomrade Vigilantism." Surveillance & Society 16, no. 3 (October 12, 2018): 314–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v16i3.6952.

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This paper aims to provide a theoretical conceptualization of digital vigilantism in its manifestation in the Russian Federation where cases do not emerge spontaneously, but are institutionalized, highly organized, and systematic. Given the significant historical context of collective justice under Communism, the current manifestation of digital vigilantism in Russia raises questions about whether it is an example of re-packaged history backed with collective memory or a natural outspread of conventional practices to social networks. This paper reviews historical practices of citizen-led justice in the Soviet state and compares these practices with digital vigilantism that takes place in contemporary post-Communist Russia. The paper argues that despite new affordances that digital media and social networks brought about in the sphere of citizen-led justice, the role of the state in manifesting this justice in the Russian Federation remains significant. At the same time, with technological advances, certain key features of these practices, such as participants, their motives, capacity, targets, and audience engagement have undergone a significant evolution.

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Adamu, Fatima L. "Gender, Hisba and The Enforcement of Morality in Northern Nigeria." Africa 78, no. 1 (February 2008): 136–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000089.

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Vigilantism is a term often used to describe any form of policing and ordering that is non-state, and under analysis ‘vigilantism’ has often emerged as negative, associated with violence and violation of individual rights. However, a closer examination of the origin, practice, function and structure of some of the groups often referred to as vigilantes in Nigeria has revealed that not all of them fit into our understanding of vigilantes as gangs of youths that mete out violence and jungle justice to their victims. Some of these vigilantes have their roots in the community and are a preferred form of policing in Nigeria. Many such groups exist across the shari‘a states of northern Nigeria, drawing their legitimacy from different and sometimes competing sources: the Yan'banga from the Hausa traditional and communal establishment, the hisba from the religious establishment and the Yan'achaba from the political establishment. What can we say about the operation, structure and function of these various `vigilantes'? How is the politicking and struggle between religio-political and Hausa traditionalist elites shaping and reforming these three forms? What impact does this struggle have on women and the vulnerable? This article has two aims. One is to question the over-generalization associated with vigilantism in Nigeria by analysing one form of vigilantism – hisba – within the context of informal policing in Zamfara and Kano states. The other is to situate the issue of vigilantes within the northern Nigerian political context rather than within a simple moral framework that casts vigilantes as violent criminals.

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Bungsadewo, Rafi Damar, Nabila Indah Chairunnisa, and Shofiyah Adila Farhana. "Polemik Penghidupan Kembali Pengamanan Swakarsa: Dilema antara Community Policing dan Vigilantisme [Controversy Surrounding the Reestablishment of Civil Security Forces (Pam Swakarsa): a Dilemma Between Community Policing and Vigilantism]." Jurnal Politica Dinamika Masalah Politik Dalam Negeri dan Hubungan Internasional 12, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22212/jp.v12i1.2148.

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Meagher, Kate. "Hijacking civil society: the inside story of the Bakassi Boys vigilante group of south-eastern Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 1 (January 2007): 89–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06002291.

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Analyses of the rise of violent vigilantism in Africa have focused increasingly on the ‘uncivil' character of African society. This article challenges the recourse to cultural or instrumentalist explanations, in which vigilantism is portrayed as a reversion to violent indigenous institutions of law and order based on secret societies and occultist practices, or is viewed as a product of the contemporary institutional environment of clientelism and corruption in which youth struggle for their share of patronage resources. The social and political complexities of contemporary African vigilantism are revealed through an account of the rise and derailment of the infamous Bakassi Boys vigilante group of south-eastern Nigeria. Based on extensive fieldwork among the shoe producers of Aba who originally formed the Bakassi Boys in 1998, this article traces the process through which popular security arrangements were developed and subsequently hijacked by opportunistic political officials engaged in power struggles between the state and federal governments. Detailing the strategies and struggles involved in the process of political hijack, this inside account of the Bakassi Boys reveals the underlying resilience of civil notions of justice and public accountability in contemporary Africa.

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Trottier, Daniel. "Confronting the digital mob: Press coverage of online justice seeking." European Journal of Communication 35, no. 6 (June 9, 2020): 597–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323120928234.

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This article offers an exploratory account of press coverage of digitally mediated vigilantism. It considers how the UK press renders these events visible in a sustained and meaningful way. News reports and editorials add visibility to these events, and also make them more tangible when integrating content from social media platforms. In doing so, this coverage directs attention to a range of social actors, who may be perceived as responsible for these kinds of developments. In considering how other social actors are presented in relation to digital vigilantism, this study focusses on press accounts of those either initiating or being targeted by online denunciations, and also on a broader and often amorphous range of spectators to such events, often referred to as ‘internet mobs’. Relatedly, this article explores how specific practices related to digital vigilantism such as denunciation are expressed in press coverage, as well as coverage of motivations by the public to either participate or facilitate such practices. Reflecting on how the press represent mediated denunciation will illustrate not only how tabloids and broadsheets frame such practices, but also how they take advantage of connective and data-generating affordances associated with social platforms.

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Isnaini, Muhamad, Sarwititi Sarwoprasodjo, Rilus A. Kinseng, and Kholil Kholil. "Praktik vigilantisme digital di media sosial dalam konflik antarkelompok." Jurnal Studi Komunikasi (Indonesian Journal of Communications Studies) 4, no. 3 (November 5, 2020): 749. http://dx.doi.org/10.25139/jsk.v4i3.2468.

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This research was conducted based on the frequent conflicts in Johar Baru sub-district, Central Jakarta. Tawuran or brawls has become a daily routine in that particular sub-district. This study aimed to analyse practices of digital vigilantism on social media amid intergroup conflict. Researchers explored Facebook accounts of several groups that are often involved in a conflict. This study used a qualitative content analysis method. The results revealed that digital vigilantism practices found were security, supervision, control, discipline, and punishment of one group against other groups through social media, where punishment, i.e. name-calling, and shaming are the most common practices, so that conflicts from the virtual world lead to conflicts in the real world.

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Padayachee, Anshu. "Prohibition, vigilantism and human rights violations." International Journal of Drug Policy 12, no. 4 (October 2001): 291–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0955-3959(01)00103-7.

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Tyson, Adam. "VIGILANTISM AND VIOLENCE IN DECENTRALIZED INDONESIA." Critical Asian Studies 45, no. 2 (June 2013): 201–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2013.792570.

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38

Kowalewski, David. "Rejoinder on Vigilantism in the Philippines." Sociology of Religion 54, no. 3 (1993): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3711725.

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Smirnov, A. M. "Vigilantism Among Adolescents and Young People." Sociological Research 58, no. 3-4 (July 4, 2019): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10610154.2019.1792235.

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Trottier, Daniel. "Digital Vigilantism as Weaponisation of Visibility." Philosophy & Technology 30, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13347-016-0216-4.

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Singh, Santosh Kumar. "Book review: Nicholas Rush Smith, Contradictions of Democracy: Vigilantism and Rights in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Insight on Africa 13, no. 1 (December 24, 2020): 114–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087820965159.

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McDonald, David. "The Politics of Hate Crime: Neoliberal Vigilance, Vigilantism and the Question of Paedophilia." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 3, no. 1 (April 2, 2014): 68–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v3i1.140.

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This article examines vigilantism and the question of hate crime. Broader shifts in penology have occurred in tandem with changes in the ways in which child sexual abuse has come to be understood. Using these shifts as a contextual backdrop, the article examines vigilance against the fear of crime where it manifests into vigilantism against real or perceived paedophiles. In doing so, the article attends to the politics of hate crime: namely, whether these actions belong within the confines of hate crime provisions or, alternatively, whether such provisions should expressly exclude the category of paedophilia. In its entirety, the article interrogates the dimensions of disgust associated with paedophilia, and explores issues arising from an alignment between paedophilia and hate crime.

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McCall, John C. "Juju and Justice at the Movies: Vigilantes in Nigerian Popular Videos." African Studies Review 47, no. 3 (December 2004): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600030444.

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Abstract:This article examines the rise of vigilantism in southeastern Nigeria. Two opposing discourses on Nigerian vigilantism are examined. The first is characterized by the valorization of vigilantes as heroes in popular Nigerian video movies. The second is represented by a recent Human Rights Watch (HRW) report denouncing die vigilantes as criminals. My research utilizes ethnographic research to contextualize the video movies as a means toward understanding the ideological gap between these discourses. A close analysis of theIssakabavideo series reveals a subtle treatment of the vigilante phenomenon designed to appeal to an indigenous perspective that is cognizant of the inherent risks of vigilante justice but also aware of the limitations of reform strategies such as those proposed by the HRW report.

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Campbell, Elaine. "Policing paedophilia: Assembling bodies, spaces and things." Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 12, no. 3 (July 8, 2016): 345–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659015623598.

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In recent years, digital vigilantism, often dubbed ‘paedophile hunting’, has grabbed media headlines in the US, UK and Europe. Though this novel style of policing carries no legal or moral authority, it is nonetheless ‘taking hold’ within a pluralised policing landscape where its effectiveness at apprehending child sex offenders is capturing public attention. While the emergence of digital vigilantism raises normative questions of where the boundaries of citizen involvement in policing affairs might be drawn, this paper is concerned with firstly, how this kind of citizen-led policing initiative comes into being; secondly, how it emerges as an identifiable policing form; and thirdly, how it acquires leverage and makes its presence felt within a mixed economy of (authorised) policing actors, sites and technologies. The paper sets out a detailed case study of a ‘paedophile hunter’ in action, read through a provocative documentary film, first broadcast on mainstream UK television in October 2014. This lays the groundwork for thinking through the cultural relations of digital vigilantism, and how this proliferating mode of policing practice is engendered and mobilised through affective connectivities, performative political imaginaries and culturally-mediated dialogical praxis. In seeking an entry point for theorising emergent policing forms and their connectedness to other policing bodies, spaces and things, the paper concludes with a thumbnail sketch of assemblage thinking.

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Fleisher, Michael L. "Sungusungu: State-Sponsored Village Vigilante Groups Among the Kuria of Tanzania." Africa 70, no. 2 (May 2000): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2000.70.2.209.

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AbstractIn the mid-1990s the village vigilantism known as sungusungu emerged, for the first time, in Tarime District, in northern Tanzania, in response to high levels of cattle theft and related violence—not in the form of independently organised but co-operating village vigilante groups, as it had first manifested itself a decade and a half earlier, in west central Tanzania, among the Sukuma and Nyamwezi peoples, but under state sponsorship. This article describes the organisation and operation of this form of state-sponsored vigilantism as it unfolded in a village of the agro-pastoral Kuria people, and argues that, while it offers a number of significant benefits both to the state and to local people, it nonetheless suffers from some of the same weaknesses that plague the official law enforcement system.

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Loveluck, Benjamin. "Le vigilantisme numérique, entre dénonciation et sanction." Politix 115, no. 3 (2016): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pox.115.0127.

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Dementavičienė, Augustė. "How the New Technologies Shapes the Understanding of the Political Act: the case of Digital Vigilantism." Politologija 95, no. 3 (September 12, 2019): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2019.95.4.

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This paper is part of a bigger project where I try to evaluate and merge different philosophical and sociological approaches in order to understand and show how new technologies could change political life. This article aims to propose conceptual instruments suitable for that endeavor through the analysis of a small example of postmodern life – Digital Vigilantism – and based on ideas of Daniel Trottier, Zygmunt Bauman, and Michel Foucault. The swarm is a metaphor used by Zygmunt Bauman to show how the understanding of communities is changed in liquid modernity. Swarms are based on untied, uncontrolled, short-term relationships between consumers/users that are formed with the express purpose of achieving some goals. Swarms could be massive in numbers and have a lot of power for a quite short period. One such example could be Digital Vigilantism, which is an act of punishing certain citizens – those believed to be deserving of punishment by Internet users. One particular form of digital vigilantism is disclosing someone’s personal information (addresses, phone numbers, emails, Facebook accounts, etc.) for everybody to see in order to spread shaming acts. The acts of DV sometimes gain enough power to change the political agenda. The problem is that the interest of people to solve certain issues is often extremely short; meanwhile, a sustainable political act/change requires an active and stable effort for a much longer period. The main intrigue lies in whether the political act itself can change from being influenced by the swarm effect.

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Listianto, Donny Eko. "Police Role Big City of Semarang in Vigilantism (Eigenrechting) Prevention by Society." Jurnal Daulat Hukum 1, no. 4 (December 20, 2018): 915. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jdh.v1i4.4006.

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The violence that is rife today one of which is an act of vigilantism. Police as law enforcement officers play an important role in the response to vigilantism. Problems in this study were analyzed using role theory and the theory of criminal prevention. Semarang Polrestabes role in the response to vigilante violence committed by groups of people is to undertake pre-emptive, preventive and repressive. Preemptive effort is socialization and approach to society, while preventive measures are done by counseling or routine patrol. A repressive measure is a law enforcement efforts through a series of investigative actions until the submission of the dossier to the level of prosecution that the prosecutor's office. Internal obstacles that arise in the response to vigilante violence is the lack of personnel Satreksim, the concern experienced by police in law enforcement and the difficulty in calling witnesses. To overcome these obstacles with the addition of personnel and coordinate with the nearest police-police. The external resistance is distrust of the justice system, the spontaneous nature of the group of people who come from social pressure factors, the absence of mediator or parties who try to block such vigilante action. To overcome external obstacles to build partnerships with the community, especially the community leaders, religious leaders, youth leader, in the form of law sicialization dan another activities that can made the harmonization dan society understanding.�Keywords: Prevention; Vigilantism

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Manggola, Alen. "Tantangan Mencegah Eigenrichting dalam Bingkai Komunikasi Sosial." JOPPAS: Journal of Public Policy and Administration Silampari 2, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31539/joppa.v2i2.2383.

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The purpose of this study is to see the description of vigilante or eigenrichting in social communication. The method in this study uses a quantitative approach, with explanatory research methods. The results of the study that this act of vigilantism (Eigenrichting) is then in the national legal order contrary to the principle of presumption of innocence. So a person should not be convicted or not without going through a legal process, because there is a possibility that someone is innocent but becomes a victim of vigilantism. The conclusion of the research shows that vigilante will respond to situations that are full of undirected ambition into a spurring attitude, that something needs careful consideration before acting, because it does not rule out the possibility that it will result in greater losses. Keywords: Eigenrichting, Social Communication.

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Wolff, Michael J. "Insurgent Vigilantism and Drug War in Mexico." Journal of Politics in Latin America 12, no. 1 (April 2020): 32–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x20915477.

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The proliferation of armed, anti-crime self-defence groups ( autodefensas) in Mexico since 2013 has sparked renewed scholarly interest in vigilantism and the politics of collective violence more generally. Whilst most of this recent scholarship attempts to explain where and why such groups emerge in the first place, very little attention has been paid to the micro-foundations of vigilante organisation and behaviour. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in Mexico in 2018, and incorporating theoretical insights from the social movements, civil war, and organised crime literatures, this paper examines the political strategies and collection action regimes of contemporary vigilante mobilisation. I argue that vigilante groups in Mexico employ the tactics of popular insurgency both as a negotiating tool to influence government behaviour or policy, and as a primary mechanism to overcome collection action problems in high-risk environments.

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