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1

Curry, Andrew. "Ancient DNA tracks Vikings across Europe." Science 369, no. 6510 (September 17, 2020): 1416–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.369.6510.1416.

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2

Walsh, Christine. "Baptized but not Converted: The Vikings in Tenth–Century Francia." Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050117.

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This essay focuses on one particular encounter between pagan and Christian in tenth–century Western Europe, namely the aftermath of the Viking settlement in Rouen and its environs in or around the year 911. There is little contemporary evidence for the early settlement and such as exists was written from a Christian perspective. The Vikings left no records, although their descendants wrote several romanticized accounts of their origins, again from a Christian perspective. Despite this bias in the sources, it is possible to use them to examine the interaction between the two groups. In particular, two letters survive, one from Pope John X (914–28/9) and one from Archbishop Hervé of Reims (900–22), which together give a unique perspective on what it was like at the sharp end of the Viking influx.
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Samsonowicz, Henryk. "The long 10th century, or the creation of the New Europe." European Review 6, no. 3 (August 1998): 277–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003318.

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The tenth century was when the spread of Christianity through Europe commenced the transformation of various state and tribal formations into the form that persisted and that we can recognize today. The political and economic development of Islam created a demand for people from which the new states also derived material resources. Trade and plunder led by the Vikings stimulated the formation of states and strengthened them, this was aided further by the existence of a stable network of roads.
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4

Kershaw, Jane, and Ellen C. Røyrvik. "The ‘People of the British Isles’ project and Viking settlement in England." Antiquity 90, no. 354 (November 21, 2016): 1670–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2016.193.

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The recently concluded ‘People of the British Isles’ project (hereafter PoBI) combined large-scale, local DNA sampling with innovative data analysis to generate a survey of the genetic structure of Britain in unprecedented detail; the results were presented by Leslie and colleagues in 2015. Comparing clusters of genetic variation within Britain with DNA samples from Continental Europe, the study elucidated past immigration events via the identification and dating of historic admixture episodes (the interbreeding of two or more different population groups). Among its results, the study found “no clear genetic evidence of the Danish Viking occupation and control of a large part of England, either in separate UK clusters in that region, or in estimated ancestry profiles”, therefore positing “a relatively limited input of DNA from the Danish Vikings”, with ‘Danish Vikings’ defined in the study, and thus in this article, as peoples migrating from Denmark to eastern England in the late ninth and early tenth centuries (Leslieet al.2015: 313). Here, we consider the details of certain assumptions that were made in the study, and offer an alternative interpretation to the above conclusion. We also comment on the substantial archaeological and linguistic evidence for a large-scale Danish Viking presence in England.
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Michailidis, Melanie. "Samanid Silver and Trade along the Fur Route." Medieval Encounters 18, no. 4-5 (2012): 315–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342119.

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Abstract While much scholarly attention has been devoted to cultural exchange in recent years, most of the focus has been on the Mediterranean Sea and the land and sea routes connecting China to the Islamic world and beyond to Europe. In the tenth century, another major trading route also flourished between Central Asia and northeastern Europe. Furs and slaves were sent from Scandinavia, Russia and Eastern Europe in exchange for silver which was mined in the realm of the Samanids in Central Asia. Not only were Samanid coins used as currency by the Vikings, but Samanid luxury metalwork objects have also been found in Europe. Using the evidence of such finds, this paper posits the Fur Route as a major avenue of cultural interchange in the Middle Ages and the Samanids as important actors on the medieval global stage. An examination of their far-flung trading connections along the Fur Route not only reveals transmission between these regions, but also reiterates the importance of the Samanids in the history of Islamic art and in that of the broader medieval world.
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Krzewińska, Maja, Gro Bjørnstad, Pontus Skoglund, Pall Isolfur Olason, Jan Bill, Anders Götherström, and Erika Hagelberg. "Mitochondrial DNA variation in the Viking age population of Norway." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 370, no. 1660 (January 19, 2015): 20130384. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2013.0384.

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The medieval Norsemen or Vikings had an important biological and cultural impact on many parts of Europe through raids, colonization and trade, from about AD 793 to 1066. To help understand the genetic affinities of the ancient Norsemen, and their genetic contribution to the gene pool of other Europeans, we analysed DNA markers in Late Iron Age skeletal remains from Norway. DNA was extracted from 80 individuals, and mitochondrial DNA polymorphisms were detected by next-generation sequencing. The sequences of 45 ancient Norwegians were verified as genuine through the identification of damage patterns characteristic of ancient DNA. The ancient Norwegians were genetically similar to previously analysed ancient Icelanders, and to present-day Shetland and Orkney Islanders, Norwegians, Swedes, Scots, English, German and French. The Viking Age population had higher frequencies of K*, U*, V* and I* haplogroups than their modern counterparts, but a lower proportion of T* and H* haplogroups. Three individuals carried haplotypes that are rare in Norway today (U5b1b1, Hg A* and an uncommon variant of H*). Our combined analyses indicate that Norse women were important agents in the overseas expansion and settlement of the Vikings, and that women from the Orkneys and Western Isles contributed to the colonization of Iceland.
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Krim, Arthur. "Ancestral Journeys: The Peopling of Europe from the First Venturers to the Vikings." Geographical Review 108, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 334–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gere.12234.

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8

Gardeła, Leszek. "What the Vikings did for fun? Sports and pastimes in medieval northern Europe." World Archaeology 44, no. 2 (June 2012): 234–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2012.669640.

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9

Vogt, Helle. "The conversion of Scandinavia: Vikings, merchants, and missionaries in the remaking of Northern Europe." Comparative Legal History 3, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 216–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2049677x.2015.1041742.

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10

Sindbæk, Søren M. "Networks and nodal points: the emergence of towns in early Viking Age Scandinavia." Antiquity 81, no. 311 (March 1, 2007): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00094886.

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Did towns return to early medieval Europe through political leadership or economic expansion? This paper turns the spotlight on a particular group of actors, the long-distance traders, and finds that they stimulated proto-towns of a special kind among the Vikings. While social and economic changes, and aristocratic advantage, were widespread, it was the largely self-directed actions of these intrepid merchants which created what the author calls ‘the nodal points.’ One can think of many other periods and parts of the world in which this type of non-political initiative may well have proved pivotal.
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11

Vesteinsson, O. "ANDERS WINROTH. The Conversion of Scandinavia: Vikings, Merchants, and Missionaries in the Remaking of Northern Europe." American Historical Review 117, no. 5 (December 1, 2012): 1644–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/117.5.1644.

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12

Murphy, G. Ronald. "Book Review: The Conversion of Scandinavia: Vikings, Merchants, and Missionaries in the Remaking of Northern Europe." Christianity & Literature 63, no. 4 (September 2014): 542–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014833311406300419.

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13

Wilson, David M. "The Irish Sea and the Atlantic trade in the Viking Age." European Review 8, no. 1 (February 2000): 115–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004610.

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The Vikings initially ventured into the Irish Sea as raiders and took, from the monasteries and other rich centres, wealth in the form of goods and slaves. In the course of the tenth century, however, they became permanently established and founded and developed the first towns in Ireland, often under sufferance from the local population. From these towns they controlled the trade routes along the western coasts of Europe through the Irish Sea — routes that brought luxury goods to both the North and the South. The increasing economic power of the Irish towns was one of the factors that led to the English conquest of Ireland in 1170.
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14

Fedotova, P. I. "THE «IDEAL» WAY: WAS IT POSSIBLE TRANSCONTINENTAL WATER ROUT ALONG THE RIVES OF EASTERN EUROPE?" EurasianUnionScientists 9, no. 4(73) (May 14, 2020): 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/esu.2413-9335.2020.9.73.711.

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The article shows the fallacy of traditional ideas about the existence of a water transit route from the Baltic to the Volga and the Dnieper. Due to the low water content of the rivers of Eastern Europe during the water minimum of the first Millennium ad and the presence of rapids on the Volkhov, Msta and Lovat, these rivers were unsuitable for navigation, not only for keel Scandinavian, but also for any cargo ships. The water road from Ilmen to the Volga, as well as the Dnieper (the way «from the Varangians to the Greeks») never existed. The hydrographic characteristics of Msta and Lovat exclude the possibility of platoon movement of rowing vessels along these rivers. Shipping conditions along the Western Dvina and the Dnieper were extremely difficult. The belief of historians in the river routes of Eastern Europe in the era of the Vikings VIII –XI century based on the undue transfer of social and geographical conditions of navigation in the high water period and the era of the centralized state of the II Millennium ad in the pre-state period in the era of water minimum of I Millennium ad.
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15

Grove, J. "The Conversion of Scandinavia: Vikings, Merchants and Missionaries in the Remaking of Northern Europe, by Anders Winroth." English Historical Review 130, no. 542 (February 1, 2015): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceu392.

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16

Raitarovska, Natalia. "RUS` IN THE INTERNATIONAL LIFE OF EUROPE IN VIII-X CENTURIES." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 32 (April 28, 2021): 120–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2021-32-120-126.

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The article attempts to outline the main aspects of the situation of Rus` land in the international life of Europe in the VIII-X centuries. Vikings have long been known East Europe, and the first contacts began far away before the famous «Іnvitation of the Varangians» in the «Povist mynulykh lit». Old Ladoga became the center of a conglomerate of the surrounding Ugro-Finnish-Varyag-Slavic tribes, and is known in Arabic sources as «Slavia». Versions of Askold’s origin are also considered and the hypothesis that he probably belonged to the Scylding dynasty is supported. Askold pursued a very active foreign policy, in particular, he signed an agreement with the Byzantine Empire and was baptized. It is likely that he commissioned his own chronicle, the corrected version of which was included in the oldest Chronicle reports. As for Dyrr, the most likely assumption today is that Dyrr lived before Askold, and he was the first to try to get rid of dependence on the Khazars Khaganate, and information from the «Povist mynulykh lit» is an insert of chroniclers. The article analyzes information from the «Annales Bertiniani», which report on the famous embassy to the Frankish Emperor Louis the Pious from the Kagan of the Rus`. This message caused a heated discussion about the localization of the Rus` Khaganate. The assumption of Omelyan Pritsak, who claimed that the Rus` Khaganate was located not far from the Khazar Khaganate, and Kyiv was founded by the Khazars, does not have sufficient scientific arguments in its favor today. The localization of the Rus` Khaganate in the North-East Rus` is also unconvincing, because in the IX century the rulers of Aldeigyuborg did not make campaigns to the Byzantine Empire, and did not use the title of Khagan, but called themselves konungs. Based on a various sources, in particular using the Geographus Bavarus and archaeological research, the version of localization of the Rus` Khaganate in the Dnipro region with the center in Kyiv was supported.
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17

Görman, Marianne. "Influences from the Huns on Scandinavian Sacrificial Customs during 300-500 AD." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 15 (January 1, 1993): 275–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67216.

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Votive offerings may be our main source of knowledge concerning the religion of the Iron Age before the Vikings. An important question is the connection between two kinds of sacrificial finds, i.e. horse sacrifices and burial offerings. They are contemporary and they share the same background. They can both be traced back to the Huns. This means that in all probability religious ideas occurred in southern Scandinavia during the fourth to the sixth century which were strongly influenced by the Huns, who were powerful in Central Europe at that time. The explanation of this is probably that some Scandinavians, for instance by serving as mercenaries, had come in contact with the Huns and, at least to some extent, assimilated their ways of thinking and their religious ideas.
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18

MacLean, Simon. "THE EDICT OF PÎTRES, CAROLINGIAN DEFENCE AGAINST THE VIKINGS, AND THE ORIGINS OF THE MEDIEVAL CASTLE." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 30 (November 11, 2020): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044012000002x.

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ABSTRACTThe castle was one of the most characteristic features of the western European landscape in the Middle Ages, dominating social and political order from the eleventh century onwards. The origins of the castle are generally assigned to the ninth and tenth centuries, and the standard story begins with the defensive fortifications established against the Vikings during the reign of the West Frankish king Charles the Bald (843–77). In this article I argue that there are serious problems with this origin story, by re-evaluating some of the key sources on which it rests – particularly the Edict of Pîtres (864). I seek to demonstrate that my analysis of this source has important implications for how we think about the relationship between fortifications and the state in the Carolingian Empire; and by extension the evolution of the castle in north-western Europe between the ninth and twelfth centuries.
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19

Sanmark, Alexandra. "The Conversion of Scandinavia: Vikings, Merchants, and Missionaries in the Remaking of Northern Europe by Anders Winroth (review)." Catholic Historical Review 99, no. 1 (2013): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2013.0019.

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20

Jobling, Mark A. "The impact of recent events on human genetic diversity." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 367, no. 1590 (March 19, 2012): 793–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2011.0297.

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The historical record tells us stories of migrations, population expansions and colonization events in the last few thousand years, but what was their demographic impact? Genetics can throw light on this issue, and has mostly done so through the maternally inherited mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) and the male-specific Y chromosome. However, there are a number of problems, including marker ascertainment bias, possible influences of natural selection, and the obscuring layers of the palimpsest of historical and prehistorical events. Y-chromosomal lineages are particularly affected by genetic drift, which can be accentuated by recent social selection. A diversity of approaches to expansions in Europe is yielding insights into the histories of Phoenicians, Roma, Anglo-Saxons and Vikings, and new methods for producing and analysing genome-wide data hold much promise. The field would benefit from more consensus on appropriate methods, and better communication between geneticists and experts in other disciplines, such as history, archaeology and linguistics.
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21

Metcalf, Michael F. "P. H. Sawyer. Kings and Vikings: Scandinavia and Europe AD 700-1100. London and New York: Methuen, 1982. x, 182 pp. 16 plates." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 21, no. 2 (1987): 166–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023987x00466.

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22

Classen, Albrecht. "François-Xavier Fauvelle, The Golden Rhinoceros: Histories of the African Middle Ages, trans. Troy Tice. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2018 (orig. 2013), ix, 264 pp., b/w drawings, 7 color photos, 2 maps, 1 b/w facsimile." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.12.

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Recent scholarship has increasingly demanded that we translate our traditional research into Global Medieval Studies. The challenges are daunting, of course, and it might not be practically possible to pursue that goal because most scholars are working in their specific areas and can handle not more than two or three medieval languages. Reaching out to the Asian continent and its medieval past is a very promising, though also highly difficult effort, especially because it seems that if there were any contacts, then those were organized mostly by Europeans exploring the Orient, and hardly the other way around. The connections between Europe and Africa were tenuous and seem to have been limited to trade, primarily with representatives in northern Africa. Nevertheless, gold, ivory, and slaves coming from the kingdom of Mali, for instance, reached the Mediterranean coast. The Americas also experienced a medieval past, but we all know that the first direct contact was established only in 1492, here disregarding the efforts by the Vikings under Eric the Red around 1000. Australia or New Zealand constitute very different and highly distant players in that global spectrum.
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23

Lucotte, Gérard. "Distribution of the CCR5 gene 32-basepair deletion in West Europe. A hypothesis about the possible dispersion of the mutation by the vikings in historical times." Human Immunology 62, no. 9 (September 2001): 933–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0198-8859(01)00292-0.

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24

Bachrach, Bernard S., and David S. Bachrach. "nr="89"Military Intelligence and Long-Term Planning in the Ninth Century : The Carolingians and Their Adversaries." Mediaevistik 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2020.01.04.

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Abstract: Historians of warfare in the western tradition have devoted considerable attention to the problem of military intelligence from the Greek and Persian wars of the fifth century B.C.E. up to the recent past. Strikingly absent from this conversation, however, has been the treatment of the acquisition and analysis of information for military purposes in pre-Crusade Europe, particularly in the Carolingian and immediate post-Carolingian world. In part, this lacuna is the result of a general neglect by modern scholars of military matters in the ninth and tenth centuries. A second major reason for the lack of studies of military intelligence is the dead hand of nineteenth-century romantic-nationalist historiography that has imposed a “dark-age” straight-jacket on many aspects of the history of the early medieval world. This emphatically includes the history of warfare, which has been treated in the context of a putatively Tacitean or Beowulfian quest for honor and booty, rather than as a highly complex element of governmental activity. The present study addresses this gap in modern understanding of the complex nature of early medieval warfare through an examination of military intelligence in the ninth century with a focus on the Carolingians and their opponents, primarily the Vikings, the Muslim polity in Spain, and the Slavs. The study is divided into three parts that examine in turn, strategic intelligence, campaign intelligence, and tactical or battlefield intelligence.
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25

Falk, Oren. "Anders Winroth, The Conversion of Scandinavia: Vikings, Merchants, and Missionaries in the Remaking of Northern Europe. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012. Pp. xiii, 238. $38. ISBN: 9780300170269." Speculum 88, no. 4 (October 2013): 1186–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713413003047.

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26

Leiren, Terje. "The Conversion of Scandinavia: Vikings, Merchants, and Missionaries in the Remaking of Northern Europe. By Anders Winroth. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2012. Pp. vii, 238. $28.00.)." Historian 78, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 399–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12228.

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27

Madigan, Patrick. "The Conversion of Scandinavia: Vikings, Merchants, and Missionaries in the Remaking of Northern Europe. By Anders Winroth. Pp. xiv, 238, London/New Haven, Yale University Press, 2012, £30.00." Heythrop Journal 54, no. 3 (April 8, 2013): 458. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2012.00790_75.x.

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28

Cormack, Margaret. "The Conversion of Scandinavia: Vikings, Merchants, and Missionaries in the Remaking of Northern Europe. By Anders Winroth. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2012. xiv + 242 pp. $38.00 cloth." Church History 82, no. 3 (August 30, 2013): 692–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640713000760.

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Ruiz-Zapatero, Gonzalo. "Jean Manco. Ancestral Journeys: The Peopling of Europe from the First Venturers to the Vikings (London: Thames & Hudson, 2013, 312pp., 123 b/w & colour illustr., 2 tables, hbk, ISBN 978-0-500-05178-8)." European Journal of Archaeology 18, no. 4 (2015): 717–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957115z.000000000147.

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30

Bradley, Richard. "Houses of Commons, Houses of Lords: Domestic Dwellings and Monumental Architecture in Prehistoric Europe." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 79 (April 8, 2013): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ppr.2013.1.

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This paper is based on the 2012 Europa Lecture and discusses the relationship between the forms and structures of domestic buildings and those of public monuments. Its chronological scope extends between the Neolithic period and the Viking Age in western, northern and central Europe, with a special emphasis on the contrast between circular and rectilinear architecture. There were practical limits to the diameters of circular constructions, and beyond that point they might be organised in groups, or their characteristic outlines were reproduced in other media, such as earthwork building. By contrast, the main constraint on building rectangular houses was their width, but they could extend to almost any length. That may be one reason why they only occasionally provided the prototype for specialised forms of monument such as mounds or enclosures. Instead rectangular buildings played a wide variety of roles from domestic dwellings to ceremonial centres.
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Nærøy, Arne Johan. "Håkon Glørstad (red.): The Early Settlement of Northern Europe, Volumes 1–3." Viking 81 (November 30, 2018): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/viking.6487.

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32

Wilson, David M. "Retrospect." Antiquity 78, no. 302 (December 2004): 904–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00113547.

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Stebergløkken, Heidrun. "Ingrid Fuglestvedt: Rock Art and the Wild Mind – Visual Imagery in Mesolithic Northern Europe." Viking 81 (November 30, 2018): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/viking.6488.

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Engle, Eric. "A Viking We Will Go! Neo-Corporatism and Social Europe." German Law Journal 11, no. 6 (June 1, 2010): 633–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200018769.

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In Viking and Laval, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) adjudicated the rights of labor and capital mobility under E.U. law. Both cases strengthen the single European market through economic liberalization to generate greater prosperity for all Europeans as part of the process of European economic and political integration. Labor and capital mobility create greater prosperity for all through more rational market exchanges. Free trade is good for goods and is even better for labor. A liberalized and fully mobilized labor market results in more productivity and greater wealth in the European polity, as well as interdependence, and thereby deeper integration resulting in greater understanding and less conflict. The decisions, wrongly criticized by some as “bad for workers” are justified by the fact that they will benefit workers in Eastern Europe, consumers in Western Europe, and the Community as a whole by deepening integration. A key challenge for the European Union is to economically anchor and deepen the political restructuring of Eastern Europe by enabling the natural labor and capital movements which an open marketplace generates. Europe does this not with the failed neo-liberal model which has ravaged the wealth of the United States and squandered it in illusory booms based on consumer borrowing and deficit spending to fund war for oil. Rather, Europe is developing a neo-corporatist social model. This article uses the Viking and Laval cases as examples of this development.
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van de Schootbrugge, B., A. J. P. Houben, F. E. Z. Ercan, R. Verreussel, S. Kerstholt, N. M. M. Janssen, B. Nikitenko, and G. Suan. "Enhanced Arctic-Tethys connectivity ended the Toarcian Oceanic Anoxic Event in NW Europe." Geological Magazine 157, no. 10 (December 13, 2019): 1593–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0016756819001262.

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AbstractThe Toarcian Oceanic Anoxic Event (T-OAE, c. 182 Ma) represents a major perturbation of the carbon cycle marked by widespread black shale deposition. Consequently, the onset of the T-OAE has been linked to the combined effects of global warming, high productivity, basin restriction and salinity stratification. However, the processes that led to termination of the event remain elusive. Here, we present palynological data from Arctic Siberia (Russia), the Viking Corridor (offshore Norway) and the Yorkshire Coast (UK), all spanning the upper Pliensbachian – upper Toarcian stages. Rather than a ‘dinoflagellate cyst black-out’, as recorded in T-OAE strata of NW Europe, both the Arctic and Viking Corridor records show high abundance and dinoflagellate diversity throughout the T-OAE interval as calibrated by C-isotope records. Significantly, in the Arctic Sea and Viking Corridor, numerous species of the Parvocysta and Phallocysta suites make their first appearance in the lower Toarcian Falciferum Zone much earlier than in Europe, where these key dinoflagellate species appeared suddenly during the Bifrons Zone. Our results indicate migrations of Arctic dinoflagellate species, driven by relative sea-level rise in the Viking Corridor and the establishment of a S-directed circulation from the Arctic Sea into the Tethys Ocean. The results support oceanographic models, but are at odds with some interpretations based on geochemical proxies. The migration of Arctic dinoflagellate species coincides with the end of the T-OAE and marks the arrival of oxygenated, low-salinity Arctic waters, triggering a regime change from persistent euxinia to more dynamic oxygen conditions.
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Bonde, Niels, and Arne Emil Christensen. "Dendrochronological dating of the Viking Age ship burials at Oseberg, Gokstad and Tune, Norway." Antiquity 67, no. 256 (September 1993): 575–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00045774.

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Dendrochronology now provides a date, exact nearly to the year, for three Viking Age burial mounds of special importance for chronology in Scandinavia and across early medieval northern Europe. Their dating used to depend on the style of the carved wooden artefacts in the grave goods; now the grave-goods are exactly and independently dated by the tree-rings, those same links will provide dating bridges across the Viking world.
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Lund, Julie. "Connectedness with things. Animated objects of Viking Age Scandinavia and early medieval Europe." Archaeological Dialogues 24, no. 1 (May 4, 2017): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203817000058.

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AbstractThis article examines a small group of artefacts of the Viking Age that may have been perceived as animated objects. These specific weapons and pieces of jewellery appear in narratives in the Old Norse sources as named, as having a will of their own, as possessing personhood. In archaeological contexts the same types of artefact are handled categorically differently than the rest of the material culture. Further, the possible links between these perspectives and the role of animated objects in early medieval Christianity of the Carolingian Empire are examined through studies of the reopening of Reihengräber and the phenomenon offurta sacra. By linking studies of the social biographies of objects with studies of animism, the article aims to identify aspects of Viking Age ontology and its similarities to Carolingian Christianity.
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38

Davies, A. C. L. "How has the Court of Justice changed its management and approach towards the social acquis?" European Constitutional Law Review 14, no. 1 (March 2018): 154–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019618000068.

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Social Europe – Case law of the Court of Justice – ‘Real’ and ‘apparent’ displacement – Court’s interpretive task more complex and contested – Directives based on ‘flexicurity’ policy – Cases in which workers have competing interests, e.g. age discrimination – Viking and Laval – Re-framing of employers’ interests as fundamental rights under Article 16 EU Charter – Declining relevance of the Court in labour law – Challenges for EU labour lawyers
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39

Mańko, Rafał. "The Centre–Periphery Antagonism in Adjudication: A Case Study on the Spatial Dimension of the Political." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica 94 (March 30, 2021): 121–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6069.94.07.

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One of the key elements of the critical theory of adjudication is the identification of an objective antagonism that is at stake behind a given court case. The identification of the antagonism allows to develop an axis, along which interpretive possibilities can be spread and arranged from those most favourable to social group A (e.g. workers) to that most favourable to social group B (e.g. businesses). The paper discusses the famous Laval–Viking case-law which was concerned with the fundamental rights of workers (right to strike and undertake collective action) and their relation to the economic freedoms of businesses, seeking to escape the high standards of worker protection in their own country either by changing the flag of a ship to a flag of convenience (Viking) or by importing cheap labour force from abroad, without guaranteeing the workers equal rights (Laval). Whereas the vast majority of scholars have interpreted the Viking–Laval jurisprudence as relating to the fundamental socio-economic antagonism opposing workers and businesses, the Slovenian scholar Damjan Kukovec has proposed an alternative reading. According to him, the real antagonism is ultimately between workers from the periphery (Central Europe, in casu Baltic countries) and workers from the centre (Western Europe, in casu Scandinavian countries). By introducing the spatial dimension to the political, Kukovec entirely changes the formulation of the underlying antagonism. The paper engages critically with Kukovec’s analysis and argues that the objective interest of Central European workers lies not in selling their labour at dumping prices, but gaining the same guarantees of social protection as existing in the West.
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40

Castle, Tammy, and Tara Parsons. "Vigilante or Viking? Contesting the mediated constructions of Soldiers of Odin Norge." Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 15, no. 1 (September 22, 2017): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659017731479.

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In 2015, Europe experienced the worst refugee crisis since the Second World War. Along with terrorist attacks in Europe over the last decade, the refugee crisis has fueled a rise in the popularity of both far-right political parties and extremist groups—such as Finland’s Soldiers of Odin ( S.O.O.). The group debuted in late 2015, but quickly spread throughout Scandinavia. The popularity of S.O.O. coincided with a resurgent interest in Viking culture, and new country groups have been reported worldwide. This article explores the contested identity of the Norwegian chapter, Soldiers of Odin Norge ( S.O.O.N.), in national news (Norge) and networked spaces (social media). The mediated discourse was analyzed using ethnographic content analysis, with an appreciation for the intertextuality of the ambiguous political rhetoric. We found social media to be an important site for contesting the dominant narrative of ‘vigilante’ identified in the news articles. Drawing from cultural criminology, we further explored the contrast between mediated images, where Viking culture became the symbolic identifier for S.O.O.N., and the collective construction of meaning in the discourse. Finally, we argue that because the group’s identity was forged from, and exists because of, media-related communications, S.O.O.N. could be characterized as a ‘media-based collectivity’ (Couldry and Hepp, 2017).
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41

Blanke, Thomas. "The Viking case." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 12, no. 2 (May 2006): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890601200210.

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The decision of 3 November 2005 of the Court of Appeal in London in the Viking case, which it referred to the European Court of Justice, is of crucial importance in terms of indicating a direction for the future of the European social model. The issue involved is whether, and to what extent, industrial action by unions in order to prevent the imposition of very low wage rates is permissible when ships are transferred to flags of convenience within Europe. The relationship between rights of economic freedom of movement under the EC Treaty and collective freedom of activity for workers within the framework of their freedom of association has not as yet been definitively settled. Guarantees of transnational economic activity were assigned a prominent role in the EC Treaty from the outset, while the fundamental social rights of workers have acquired increased recognition in the EU only in the past 20 years. The success of European integration is dependent on effective limits for economic freedom being able to be set.
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42

Christiansen, E. "Review: Viking Rus: Studies on the Presence of Scandinavians in Eastern Europe." English Historical Review 120, no. 486 (April 1, 2005): 495–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei165.

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43

Callomon, John H. "The Middle Jurassic of western and northern Europe: its subdivisions, geochronology and correlations." Geological Survey of Denmark and Greenland (GEUS) Bulletin 1 (October 28, 2003): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.34194/geusb.v1.4648.

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The palaeogeographic settings of Denmark and East Greenland during the Middle Jurassic are outlined. They lay in the widespread epicontinental seas that covered much of Europe in the post-Triassic transgression. It was a period of continuing eustatic sea-level rise, with only distant connections to world oceans: to the Pacific, via the narrow Viking Straits between Greenland and Norway and hence the arctic Boreal Sea to the north; and to the subtropical Tethys, via some 1200 km of shelf-seas to the south. The sedimentary history of the region was strongly influenced by two factors: tectonism and climate. Two modes of tectonic movement governed basinal evolution: crustal extension leading to subsidence through rifting, such as in the Viking and Central Grabens of the North Sea; and subcrustal thermal upwelling, leading to domal uplift and the partition of marine basins through emergent physical barriers, as exemplified by the Central North Sea Dome with its associated volcanics. The climatic gradient across the 30º of temperate latitude spanned by the European seas governed biotic diversity and biogeography, finding expression in rock-forming biogenic carbonates that dominate sediments in the south and give way to largely siliciclastic sediments in the north. Geochronology of unrivalled finesse is provided by standard chronostratigraphy based on the biostratigraphy of ammonites. The Middle Jurassic saw the onset of considerable bioprovincial endemisms in these guide-fossils, making it necessary to construct parallel standard zonations for Boreal, Subboreal or NW European and Submediterranean Provinces, of which the NW European zonation provides the primary international standard. The current versions of these zonations are presented and reviewed.
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Hennius, Andreas, Rudolf Gustavsson, John Ljungkvist, and Luke Spindler. "Whalebone Gaming Pieces: Aspects of Marine Mammal Exploitation in Vendel and Viking Age Scandinavia." European Journal of Archaeology 21, no. 4 (May 21, 2018): 612–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eaa.2018.15.

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Discussions of pre-Viking trade and production have for many decades focused on products made of precious metals, glass and, to some degree, iron. This is hardly surprising considering the difficulties in finding and provenancing products made of organic matter. In this article we examine gaming pieces made from bone and antler, which are not unusual in Scandinavian burials in the Vendel and Viking period (c. ad 550–1050). A special emphasis is placed on whalebone pieces that appear to dominate after around ad 550, signalling a large-scale production and exploitation of North Atlantic whale products. In combination with other goods such as bear furs, birds of prey, and an increased iron and tar production, whalebone products are part of an intensified large-scale outland exploitation and indicate strong, pre-urban trading routes across Scandinavia and Europe some 200 years before the Viking period and well before the age of the emporia.
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45

Kelly, Morgan, and Cormac Ó Gráda. "The Waning of the Little Ice Age: Climate Change in Early Modern Europe." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 44, no. 3 (November 2013): 301–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00573.

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The supposed ramifications of the Little Ice Age, a period of cooling temperatures straddling several centuries in northwestern Europe, reach far beyond meteorology into economic, political, and cultural history. The available annual temperature series from the late Middle Ages to the end of the nineteenth century, however, contain no major breaks, cycles, or trends that could be associated with the existence of a Little Ice Age. Furthermore, the series of resonant images, ranging from frost fairs to contracting glaciers and from dwindling vineyards to disappearing Viking colonies, often adduced as effects of a Little Ice Age, can also be explained without resort to climate change.
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Arnarson, Eiríkur Örn. "The Saga of Behavioural Cognitive Intervention." Behavioural and Cognitive Psychotherapy 22, no. 2 (April 1994): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1352465800011899.

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It is of interest to link behavioural paradigms with the past and see whether the cultural roots of behavioural and cognitive therapies can be found in medieval literature. In this context the attention is drawn to the Icelandic Sagas. Iceland was destined to become a chosen sanctuary for Norse culture, a place where the memories and history of Northern Europe were more diligently preserved than anywhere else, and recorded in books that are today the richest source of knowledge of the Viking Age.
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Cross, Pamela J. "Horse Burial in First Millennium AD Britain: Issues of Interpretation." European Journal of Archaeology 14, no. 1-2 (2011): 190–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/146195711798369409.

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Burial of horses and horse-elements occurred throughout Europe during the first millennium AD. These burials are prevalent in northwest Europe and are perhaps more significant in Britain than previously realised. This article explores the position and value of the horse within Britain during this period and why the burials are likely to represent ritual deposition. Both horse and human-horse burials, are linked to non-Christian burial and sacrificial practices of the Iron Age and Early Medieval period and are particularly associated with Anglo- Saxon and Viking Britain. Some of the traditions appear to reflect the culture described in the Icelandic Sagas, Beowulf, and other legends and chronicles. Archaeologically, the human-horse burials are also linked with high status individuals and ‘warrior graves’, while complete-horse and horse-element burials may represent ritual feasting and/or sacrificial rites which are probably linked with fertility, luck, and the ancestors.
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Kovalev, Roman K. "Viking Rus: Studies on the Presence of Scandinavians in Eastern Europe. Wladyslaw Duczko." Speculum 82, no. 1 (January 2007): 177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400005789.

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49

COUPLAND, SIMON. "Viking Trade and Settlement in Continental Western Europe - Edited by Iben Skibsted Klaesøe." Early Medieval Europe 20, no. 1 (January 19, 2012): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0254.2011.00336_6.x.

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50

Milner, Nicky, James Barrett, and Jon Welsh. "Marine resource intensification in Viking Age Europe: the molluscan evidence from Quoygrew, Orkney." Journal of Archaeological Science 34, no. 9 (September 2007): 1461–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2006.11.004.

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