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Journal articles on the topic 'Vikings'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Jørgensen, Lea Grosen. "Vikingens udødelige sang." Passage - Tidsskrift for litteratur og kritik 34, no. 81 (June 1, 2019): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/pas.v34i81.114430.

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Lea Grosen Jørgensen: “The Viking’s Undying Song – A Comparison of Old Norse Poems and Heroic Portrayals in Vikings (2013-) and Oehlenschläger’s Regnar Lodbrok (1849)” This article discusses the portrayal of the legendary Viking Regnar Lodbrok in Michael Hirst’s TV series Vikings and Adam Oehlenchläger’s Romantic poem Regnar Lodbrok. Focusing on the incorporation of the Old Norse death song “Krákumál” in both the series and the poem, the article shows that the reinterpretations of the death song determine the versions of the Viking hero. Reinventing the hero after the fashion of their own age, as either a modern self-made hero or as a tender warrior-skald , Hirst and Oehlenschläger contribute to the perception of the Viking Age in the twenty-first and the nineteenth century, respectively.

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Ball, Kimberly. "Orientalism meets Occidentalism in Tarkan versus the Vikings." Journal of Scandinavian Cinema 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jsca_00084_1.

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Tarkan Viking kani (Tarkan versus the Vikings) (), a low-budget feature film made in the heyday of Turkey’s prolific Yeşilçam film industry, anachronistically pits Viking against Hun in an allegory of Turkey’s position between East and West. By figuring Vikings as representatives of an essential westernness, this film partakes in what I propose is a Viking-film commonplace, but does so from a rare non-western perspective, positioning Vikings within a discourse that is both Orientalist and Occidentalist. This article examines Tarkan versus the Vikings in its historical and ideological contexts, using this film as a critical vantage point from which to consider the (mostly) western Viking film genre, and the stylized image of the West that is the cinematic Viking.

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3

Coroban, Costel. "Some linguistic remarks regarding Romanian Viking Studies." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 5, no. 2 (December 15, 2013): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v5i2_6.

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In Romania there is no academic program dedicated entirely to the study of the Viking period in Scandinavia and Europe, but Romanian historiography can still boast with a decent number of monographs, translations and studies relating to early medieval Northern Europe. The concern of the present study is that of offering a general view on the language variations used by Romanian historians or translators when referring to certain Viking historical characters, rituals, artefacts or any other aspects regarding the history of the Norsemen. One of the first terms that ought to be considered by this study is the Old Norse word “viking” (used in runic inscriptions in contexts such as the verbal group “fara í víking” – meaning “to go on a raid”, “to go a-viking”). The complexity of translating this verbal structure into Romanian comes from the difficulty of turning the borrowed ethnonym “Viking” into a verbal phrase. Thus, it has been rendered as “a merge in expediţie vikingă”/”going on a Viking [+fem. desinence] expedition”. The only downside of using this phrase is that it might imply pleonasm since the Romanian noun “viking” already refers to raids and seafaring activities. Other authors have instead proposed the translation of “cineva care face un înconjur”/”somebody who goes on an expedition”, or simply “care e departe de casă”/”someone away from home”. But a royal saga also tells us about a noble who was “stundum í kaupferdum en stundum í víkingu” which is translated into Romanian as “în acelaşi timp în călătorie de afaceri şi în expediţie vikingă [at the same time in business trip and in viking expedition]”. The translation of í víking as “a merge în expediţie viking [going on a viking expedition]” also appears. In the translation of Frans G. Bengtsson’s well know The Long Ships, going a-viking is translated into Romanian as “seceriş [reaping], incursiune de jaf [raid for plundering]”, which is interestingly the only identifiable metaphor for this activity. Vikings also rarely appear as “wikingi” instead of the very common “vikingi” in Romanian translations.

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Andrade Gutierrez, Márcia Haydée. "O “viking” de hoje: uma análise das interpretações contemporâneas sobre os vikings em HQs." Medievalis 12, no. 1 (April 5, 2024): 116–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.55702/medievalis.v12i1.53215.

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A procura por temas associados a Mitologia Nórdica e a Era Viking tem crescido em decorrência de produções televisivas e cinematográficas. No âmbito da escrita e da leitura as HQS e os Romances também buscam inspiração nesse universo, bem como atraem jovens e adultos a embarcar nas jornadas de “personagens vikings”, mas a figura dos Vikings é apresentada a partir de uma nova visão e liberdade criativa que surge a partir da criação de um fenótipo durante o séc.XIX. E que acaba por perpetuar a visão de homens loiros, de olhos azuis e fortes, naqueles que definem para si tais obras como verdade absoluta. O presente artigo visa realizar uma discussão sobre o imaginário dos Vikings em Hqs, passando também pelas origens históricas dessas representações, bem como trazendo um arcabouço de sugestões de leituras, para amantes de historias em quadrinhos e de estudos relacionados com a Era Viking.

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5

Biddle, Martin, and Birthe Kjølbye-Biddle. "Repton and the Vikings." Antiquity 66, no. 250 (March 1992): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00081023.

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In 873 the Viking Great Army took winter quarters at the Anglo-Saxon monastery of Repton in the heart of Mercia. Excavations 1974–88 found their D-shaped earthwork on the river bank, incorporated in the stone church. Burials of Viking type were made at the east end of the church, and an existing building was cut down and converted into the chamber of a burial mound containing at least 249 individuals. Here is a first account of the evidence for the Vikings at Repton in and after the campaigning season of 873-4.

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Horváth, Gábor, András Barta, István Pomozi, Bence Suhai, Ramón Hegedüs, Susanne Åkesson, Benno Meyer-Rochow, and Rüdiger Wehner. "On the trail of Vikings with polarized skylight: experimental study of the atmospheric optical prerequisites allowing polarimetric navigation by Viking seafarers." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 366, no. 1565 (March 12, 2011): 772–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2010.0194.

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Between AD 900 and AD 1200 Vikings, being able to navigate skillfully across the open sea, were the dominant seafarers of the North Atlantic. When the Sun was shining, geographical north could be determined with a special sundial. However, how the Vikings could have navigated in cloudy or foggy situations, when the Sun's disc was unusable, is still not fully known. A hypothesis was formulated in 1967, which suggested that under foggy or cloudy conditions, Vikings might have been able to determine the azimuth direction of the Sun with the help of skylight polarization, just like some insects. This hypothesis has been widely accepted and is regularly cited by researchers, even though an experimental basis, so far, has not been forthcoming. According to this theory, the Vikings could have determined the direction of the skylight polarization with the help of an enigmatic birefringent crystal, functioning as a linearly polarizing filter. Such a crystal is referred to as ‘sunstone’ in one of the Viking's sagas, but its exact nature is unknown. Although accepted by many, the hypothesis of polarimetric navigation by Vikings also has numerous sceptics. In this paper, we summarize the results of our own celestial polarization measurements and psychophysical laboratory experiments, in which we studied the atmospheric optical prerequisites of possible sky-polarimetric navigation in Tunisia, Finland, Hungary and the high Arctic.

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7

Steenbakker, Margaret. "“But in the Thunder, I Still Hear Thor”: The Character Athelstan as a Narrative Focal Point in the Series Vikings." Religions 12, no. 3 (March 18, 2021): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12030203.

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This article explores the way the character Athelstan serves as a narrative focal point in the popular television series Vikings. Using this series as its main case study, it addresses the question of the ways in which the character functions as a synthesis between the two opposing world views of Christianity and Norse religion that are present in the series. After establishing that Vikings is a prime example of the trend to romanticize Viking culture in popular culture, I will argue that while the character Athelstan functions as a narrative focal point in which the worlds can be united and are united for a while, his eventual death when he has reverted back to Christianity shows that the series ultimately favors Viking culture and paints a very negative picture of (medieval) Christianity indeed.

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8

Bouet, Pierre. "Rollon et la fondation de la Normandie." Études Normandes 7, no. 1 (2018): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/etnor.2018.3841.

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Rollon n’est pas le premier chef viking à être venu dévaster l’ouest de la France. De nombreuses bandes scandinaves l’ont précédé aussi bien dans les îles Britanniques que sur nos rivages. Sur ce personnage, comme sur les autres chefs vikings, nous ne disposons que d’informations lacunaires ou partisanes.

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Hegedüs, Ramón, Susanne Åkesson, Rüdiger Wehner, and Gábor Horváth. "Could Vikings have navigated under foggy and cloudy conditions by skylight polarization? On the atmospheric optical prerequisites of polarimetric Viking navigation under foggy and cloudy skies." Proceedings of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences 463, no. 2080 (February 6, 2007): 1081–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspa.2007.1811.

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In sunshine, the Vikings navigated on the open sea using sundials. According to a widespread hypothesis, when the Sun was occluded by fog or clouds the Vikings might have navigated by skylight polarization detected with an enigmatic birefringent crystal (sunstone). There are two atmospheric optical prerequisites for this alleged polarimetric Viking navigation under foggy/cloudy skies: (1) the degree of linear polarization p of skylight should be high enough and (2) at a given Sun position, the pattern of the angle of polarization α of the foggy/cloudy sky should be similar to that of the clear sky. Until now, these prerequisites have not been investigated. Using full-sky imaging polarimetry, we measured the p - and α -patterns of Arctic foggy and cloudy skies when the Sun was invisible. These patterns were compared with the polarization patterns of clear Arctic skies. We show here that although prerequisite (2) is always fulfilled under both foggy and cloudy conditions, if the fog layer is illuminated by direct sunlight, prerequisite (1) is usually satisfied only for cloudy skies. In sunlit fog, the Vikings could have navigated by polarization only, if p of light from the foggy sky was sufficiently high.

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10

Pentz, Peter. "Vikings and Vellum: Viking Encounters with Book Culture." Medieval Archaeology 66, no. 1 (January 2, 2022): 84–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00766097.2022.2065069.

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11

Jahn, Christoph. "When Balts Met Vikings at the Curonian Lagoon. Strategies of Social Representation at the Viking-Age Cemetery at Linkuhnen." Światowit, no. 60 (December 5, 2022): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/0082-044x.swiatowit.60.1.

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The cemetery at Linkuhnen by River Memel had a long history of usage by local Baltic tribes, starting in the early Roman Period and continuing to the Viking Age, with the highest number of burials in the 10th–11th centuries AD. When Linkuhnen was excavated in the 1930s by German archaeologists, it was considered a Viking cemetery, since some of the grave goods (especially weaponry) seemed to bear signs of Scandinavian influences. However, the Scandinavian influence was overstated and the interaction between local Balts and Vikings was never thoroughly explained by the excavators. New research on the old excavation archives indicates that Linkuhnen was not a Viking burial ground but that incoming influences from Scandinavia brought a shift to the internal strategies of representation by local Baltic elites. The burial rite changed from simple single cremation graves to lavishly equipped collective cremation graves for members of powerful families or military units. Another remarkable feature is the large number and ‘international’ character of weaponry in the burials, some of the highest quality (Ulfberht), while the jewellery represents local types only. Unlike other Scandinavian-influenced sites on the southern Baltic coast, the Scandinavian presence in the River Memel area only led to minor interactions between Balts and Vikings, though it had a significant influence on the local Baltic elites’ internal representation of status.

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Sellheim, Nikolas P. "‘The rage of the Northmen’: Extreme metal and North-motivated violence." Polar Record 54, no. 5-6 (September 2018): 339–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247419000020.

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AbstractThe Vikings have for generations yielded significant output in different cultural venues. Also the music scene has utilised perceptions of the North and the Northmen to generate a stereotypical image of medieval Scandinavian society. Extreme metal, most notably black and Viking metal, have applied narratives pertaining to the Viking Age for its own purposes. This paper examines one particular aspect of the black and Viking metal music scene: violence. It examines how the North and its inhabitants are utilised to justify violent behaviour. Drawing from pinpointed examples of extreme metal, this paper shows that stereotypical assumptions of violent Viking expansion as well as fear of subjugation motivate the ‘rage of the Northmen.’

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13

Fischer, Lenore. "The Viking domination of Munster." North American journal of Celtic studies 7, no. 2 (September 2023): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cel.2023.a909948.

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ABSTRACT: Through their settlement at Limerick, the Vikings of Dublin ruled ninth-century Munster via puppet-kings until the abandonment of Dublin in 902. Thorir’s invasion of 922 quickly achieved an entente with the Éoganacht kings, giving Viking Limerick effective control of Munster. Once Limerick became subject to Dublin, the Éoganachta were able to operate more or less independently until subju-gated by Ivar. The reigns of Munster’s outstanding Éoganacht kings, Fedelmid, Cormac mac Cullenáin, and Cellachán Caisil, synchronize contrapuntally with periods when the Viking town of Limerick was non-existent, abandoned or weak.

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14

Robinson, D. "Plants and Vikings: Everyday Life in Viking Age Denmark." Botanical Journal of Scotland 46, no. 4 (January 1994): 542–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13594869409441761.

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15

Lubis, Bayu Aditia Ramdani. "FANATISME VIKING YOGYAKARTA TERHADAP KLUB SEPAK BOLA PERSIB BANDUNG." Commsphere: Jurnal Mahasiswa Ilmu Komunikasi 2, no. I (March 29, 2024): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37631/commsphere.v2ii.1356.

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The research aims to look at the fanaticism of the Yogjakarta Vikings as football supporters in Indonesia using social identity theory, which is the accumulation of various group values that are integrated with the individual (social class, family or football which is considered a very important source of pride and self-esteem). . The research approach used is qualitative. Data collection techniques consist of observation and interviews. Data analysis through data collection stages, data analysis process using reality and theory. The theoretical framework is Henri Tajfel and John Turner's social identity. The results of the research show that fanaticism is formed through regional/tribal groups as an identity that individuals have. These groups are formed because they feel they have the same beliefs, behavior, values and norms. This results in strong support among the Jogja Vikings to support their favorite team when competing. The basis for the formation of the fanaticism of the Jogja Vikings is the frequent gatherings every time Persib Bandung competes in the stadium or event, thus creating harmony. This includes social categories, such as based on nationality, race, politics, religion, values and beliefs. Social identification, of course, provides members with a sense of pride and social support. In terms of inherent culture, social identity influences individuals to become fanaticism towards a football club. Keywords: Fanaticism, Social Identity, Fans, Yogyakarya Viking and Football

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16

Kobiałka, Dawid. "The Mask(S) and Transformers of Historical Re-Enactment: Material Culture and Contemporary Vikings." Current Swedish Archaeology 21, no. 1 (June 10, 2021): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.37718/csa.2013.12.

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The paper discusses the role of material culture for his- torical re-enactors of the Viking Age. Three issues are analysed: (a) the clothing and accessories worn by a typical contemporary warrior, craftsman and woman of the Viking times and the range of goods available for purchase at historical re-enactment markets, (b) the active and transformative aspect of material culture for present-day Vikings, (c) the paradox of how mirroring the material past by historical re-enactors is actually a deeply ahistorical category. The main con- clusion of this study is that historical re-enactment of the Viking Age is essentially about material culture. The paper is based on observations made during the Viking Week that took place at the Museum of Fote- viken (Sweden) on 24–30 June 2013.

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Kershaw, Jane, and Ellen C. Røyrvik. "The ‘People of the British Isles’ project and Viking settlement in England." Antiquity 90, no. 354 (November 21, 2016): 1670–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2016.193.

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The recently concluded ‘People of the British Isles’ project (hereafter PoBI) combined large-scale, local DNA sampling with innovative data analysis to generate a survey of the genetic structure of Britain in unprecedented detail; the results were presented by Leslie and colleagues in 2015. Comparing clusters of genetic variation within Britain with DNA samples from Continental Europe, the study elucidated past immigration events via the identification and dating of historic admixture episodes (the interbreeding of two or more different population groups). Among its results, the study found “no clear genetic evidence of the Danish Viking occupation and control of a large part of England, either in separate UK clusters in that region, or in estimated ancestry profiles”, therefore positing “a relatively limited input of DNA from the Danish Vikings”, with ‘Danish Vikings’ defined in the study, and thus in this article, as peoples migrating from Denmark to eastern England in the late ninth and early tenth centuries (Leslieet al.2015: 313). Here, we consider the details of certain assumptions that were made in the study, and offer an alternative interpretation to the above conclusion. We also comment on the substantial archaeological and linguistic evidence for a large-scale Danish Viking presence in England.

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18

Graham-Campbell, James. "'Danes . . . in this Country': discovering the Vikings in Scotland." Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 134 (November 30, 2005): 201–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/psas.134.201.239.

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The Rhind Lectures for 1995–6, on ‘Death and Wealth in Viking Scotland’, commenced with a review of the earliest known records pertaining to the discovery of the Vikings in Scotland, beginning in the 16th century. This paper expands on the lectures, surveying the development of our knowledge and understanding of Scandinavian settlement in Scotland, from an archaeological perspective, down to the opening years of the 20th century. Particular attention is given to the publications by J J A Worsaae and Daniel Wilson, in the mid-19th century, given their fundamental impetus towards the replacement of ‘antiquarian speculation’ by ‘scientific archaeology’ in Scotland. The latter part of the paper is devoted to a description and discussion of the outstanding contribution made by Joseph Anderson to Scottish Viking studies, during the second half of the 19th century.

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Ó Corráin, Donnchadh. "Vikings I." Peritia 10 (January 1996): 224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.peri.3.21.

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Ó Corráin, Donnchadh. "Vikings II." Peritia 10 (January 1996): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.peri.3.22.

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Ó Corráin, Donnchadh. "Vikings III." Peritia 10 (January 1996): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.peri.3.23.

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22

Raffield, Ben. "Playing Vikings." Current Anthropology 60, no. 6 (December 2019): 813–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/706608.

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23

Walsh, Christine. "Baptized but not Converted: The Vikings in Tenth–Century Francia." Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050117.

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This essay focuses on one particular encounter between pagan and Christian in tenth–century Western Europe, namely the aftermath of the Viking settlement in Rouen and its environs in or around the year 911. There is little contemporary evidence for the early settlement and such as exists was written from a Christian perspective. The Vikings left no records, although their descendants wrote several romanticized accounts of their origins, again from a Christian perspective. Despite this bias in the sources, it is possible to use them to examine the interaction between the two groups. In particular, two letters survive, one from Pope John X (914–28/9) and one from Archbishop Hervé of Reims (900–22), which together give a unique perspective on what it was like at the sharp end of the Viking influx.

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Lățug, Diana. "Northern Norway in Viking age." Vikings: New Inquiries into an Age-Old Theme 9, no. 2 (December 15, 2017): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v9i2_3.

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The aim of this paper is to present some aspects of the image of Northern Norway in the Viking period. The article first sketches the Viking Age and its underlying causes, by also defining, in brief, the specificity of the Vikings. It continues with considerations on the creation of Norway, so as to finally outline the country’s image in the Viking Age. Aspects of navigation, language and trade are also presented in short. This entire portrayal of Northern Norway in Viking times is based on Ottar’s account about Northern Norway at the court of King Alfred. From a literary perspective, Harald Hårfagrets Saga (The Saga of Harald Fairhair) from about 850 was analysed. This saga tells the story of a Danish princess being transformed into a Norwegian woman. Thus, one encounters the myth of Northern women. All these aspects lead to a comprehensive image of Northern Norway in the Viking Age.

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Lind, John. "“Vikinger”, vikingetid og vikingeromantik." Kuml 61, no. 61 (October 31, 2012): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v61i61.24501.

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“Vikings”, the Viking Age and Viking RomanticismThe aim of this article is to take a critical look at the term “Vikings”, both as it was used in the time now referred to as the Viking Age, and as it is used today. It will also examine the degree to which Scandinavian activity during the Viking Age can justify this name being given to the epoch.With regard to the term “Vikings”, it is pointed out that, from the term’s earliest known occurrence in Anglo-Saxon glossaries around AD 600 up until some point in time around 1300 when it seems to disappear from the Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian languages, with Icelandic as a possible exception, it was unequivocally used in reference to pirates. In this respect it had no ethnic or geographic connotations but could, in Anglo-Saxon or Norse sources, be used in reference to anyone who behaved as a pirate, anywhere: Israelites crossing the Red Sea, Muslims encountering Norwegian crusaders in the Mediterranean, Caucasian pirates, Estonian and Baltic pirates in the Baltic Sea. Accordingly, a “Viking” was, in the earliest sources, not yet synonymous with a Scandinavian.Furthermore, those who have attempted to derive an etymology for the word have omitted to take into consideration that at an early stage – in the first centuries AD – it was borrowed into Slavonic with the meaning: hero and warrior. Consequently, these attempts were unsuccessful.After having disappeared as a living word, it subsequently emerged from obscurity when Danish and Swedish historians began to compete with respect to creating the most glorious past for their respective countries and, in the process, became aware of the Icelandic sagas as a possible source. However, these historians no longer understood Old Icelandic and had to have the texts translated. The year 1633 saw the first major translation into Danish of Snorri’s Heimskringla. It is apparent from this that the translator was convinced his readers would not know what a “Viking” was. Consequently, explanatory additions were inserted at virtually all its occurrences. These clearly demonstrate that, for the translator, the word still meant pirate and was, as yet, still not synonymous with a Scandinavian.A “Viking” first became a Scandinavian with the advent of Romanticism, primarily thanks to the two Swedish poets Erik Gustaf Geijer (1783-1847), with the poem Vikingen, and Esaias Tegnér (1782-1846), with his new version of the Old Norse Friðþjófs saga hins frœkna. With the publication of these two works “Viking” became for the first time a household word and was now used exclusively in reference to Scandinavians; with this meaning it rapidly spread to other languages. Around the middle of the 19th century the word also began to be used in this sense by archaeologists and historians.Soon the word “Viking” also became linked with the term for a period, the Viking Age, a period which was characterised by increasing Scandinavian activity outside Scandinavia. As the archaeological evidence could not, at that time, yet be dated with any precision, it was the evidence from written sources with respect to attacks on monasteries in the British Isles towards the end of the 8th century AD which, just as is still the case, came to mark the beginning of the Viking Age. While the written sources are today more or less the same as they were in the 19th century, the archaeological record continues to expand rapidly and the potential for dating is constantly being refined. As a consequence, we now know that Scandinavians were active both in the British Isles to the west and along the East European rivers long before the attacks on the above-mentioned monasteries.Although the activities of Scandinavians in the east have never played a major role in general Viking studies, it is perhaps there that they had their most radical consequences for posterity.Dendrochronological dates now show that Scandinavians settled at Staraja Ladoga around AD 750 from where, at an early point in time, they continued along the Volga towards the Caliphate. Later, however, towards the end of the 9th century, the route along the Dnepr to Byzantium became of greater importance. It was here that Scandinavians, known as “Rus”, by establishing military bases intended to safeguard the trade route and, by forging alliances with the local populations, established the principality to which they gave their name and which subsequently became Russia: Undoubtedly the most marked consequence of Scandinavian activity during the Viking Age.These trade-related bases, together with several rapidly growing trading places in the Scandinavian and Baltic areas, were part of a major long-distance trade network which conveyed goods between east and west. A characteristic feature of these trading places was that, apart from the local population, Scandinavians were the only group to be represented at more or less all of them. It seems that this long-distance trade network was based around Scandinavians. If justification is to be found for Scandinavian activity giving its name to an epoch in European history it must be in the form of this long-distance trade network, rather than war and plunder. At the same time, the temporal boundary for this period should be shunted back to the early 8th century.It is clear that our use of the term “Vikings” in reference to Scandinavians of that period is erroneous. In principle it should, in a research perspective, be abandoned in favour of “Scandinavians” or narrow contemporaneous ethnically- or geographically-based terms. But is this possible given that “Viking” has today become one of the most successful brands for Scandinavians and Scandinavia, and with powerful associated commercial interests?John LindCenter for MiddelalderstudierSyddansk Universitet

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Price, Neil. "Performing the Vikings." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift 74 (March 25, 2022): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v74i.132101.

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ABSTRACT: With a starting point in Jens Peter Schjødt’s studies of Ibn Faḍlān, this article explores the performative dimensions of late Iron Age ritual practice, as mediated especially through mortuary behaviour and ceremony. The interplay of textual and archaeological perspectives is in focus here, including a critical contribution to the interdisciplinary discussion on what has been termed the ‘performance turn’ in Viking studies. In several short case studies, notably the new work on the textile fragments from the Oseberg ship burial, the positive potential of this line of research is asserted as a source of considerable insight into Viking-Age world-views. RESUME: Med udgangspunkt i Jens Peter Schjødts studier af Ibn Faḍlān, undersøger denne artikel de performative aspekter af den ældre jernalders rituelle praksis som den kommer til udtryk i begravelsesadfærd og -ceremoni. Samspillet mellem skriftlige og arkæologiske perspektiver er i fokus i denne artikel, inklusiv et kritisk bidrag til den interdisciplinære diskussion omkring det, der er blevet kaldt ’the performance turn’ i studier af vikingetiden. Gennem flere korte casestudier, især nyt arbejde omkring tekstilfragmenterne fra Oseberg-skibsbegravelsen, fastslås det positive potentiale i denne form for forskning som en kilde til betragtelig indsigt i vikingetidens verdenssyn.

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Zorich, Zach. "Greenland's Vanished Vikings." Scientific American 316, no. 6 (May 16, 2017): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/scientificamerican0617-66.

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Batey, Colleen. "Vikings! By GunnarAndersson." Archaeological Journal 170, no. 1 (January 2013): 313–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2013.11021020.

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Mason, Allen. "Those Vikings Again!" Physiotherapy 78, no. 10 (October 1992): 770. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0031-9406(10)61643-4.

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Lange, Michael A. "Vikings in the Nor’ Wast: The Roots of Orkney’s Identity in Norway and Canada." Scandinavian-Canadian Studies 17 (December 1, 2007): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/scancan20.

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ABSTRACT: This article delves into the cultural identity of the Orkney Islands by examining the narratives people tell about Orkney’s historical relationships with Norway and Canada. Orkney, just off the northern coast of Scotland, was settled by Scandinavians during the Viking period, and the people of Orkney still draw strongly on Scandinavian, primarily Norwegian, imagery in their own conceptions of the islands’ identity. A millennium after the Vikings arrived, people went from Orkney to Canada with the Hudson’s Bay Company, and family and cultural ties were forged between Orcadians and First Nations people throughout Canada. I explore both relationships through an ethnographic study of Orcadians’ ideas about their islands’ connections to Canada and to Norway. Both relationships include characterizations of a tough, rugged, individualistic person—a Viking explorer.

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Bennett, Lisa, and Kim Wilkins. "Viking tattoos of Instagram: Runes and contemporary identities." Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 26, no. 5-6 (August 29, 2019): 1301–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354856519872413.

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In this essay, we explore how and why rune tattoos – that is, tattoos created out of single runes or longer runic inscriptions – become implicated in modern reimaginings of Viking identity. What is critically interesting here is not whether Vikings actually wore rune tattoos. Rather, we are interested in analysing the cultural processes by which certain contemporary subjects come to adapt and inscribe Viking runes as living artwork on their own bodies and to display images of these personal markings on Instagram. That is, we are not arguing from the perspective of trying to find a simple equivalence between the medieval and the modern. Instead, we are trying to understand what kind of cultural work the medieval (in the form of Viking runes) performs in shaping 21st-century identities in a cultural moment when self-perception and social relations have become increasingly embedded in social media.

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Smed, Karina, Stefanie Dressler, and Patricia Have. "The Vikings Are Here! Experiencing Volunteering at a Viking Heritage Site." Scandinavian Journal of Hospitality and Tourism 16, no. 1 (October 16, 2015): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15022250.2015.1084149.

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33

Larrington, Carolyne. "A Viking in Shining Armour? Vikings and Chivalry in the Fornaldarsögur." Viking and Medieval Scandinavia 4 (January 2008): 269–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.vms.1.100315.

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34

McLeod, Shane. "Human sacrifice in viking age Britain and Ireland." Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 14 (2018): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35253/jaema.2018.1.5.

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Human sacrifice, as part of pre-Christian religious rites, is one of a number of violent attributes commonly associated with the Vikings both in post-Viking Age medieval written and visual sources and in popular imagination, the latter perhaps best exemplified by the 'blood eagle' as performed on Jarl Borg and King AElle of Northumbria in the popular television show Vikings. But is there any unequivocal contemporary evidence for human sacrifice? This paper will briefly discuss the problems of interpreting the evidence for human sacrifice, before concentrating on the evidence from Britain and Ireland. Despite the silence of contemporary insular written sources, it is found that there is one certain and other probable examples of human sacrifices in the archaeological records of England, Scotland, the Isle of Man, and Ireland. Amongst the probable examples is a new suggestion that human sacrifice occurred at Whithorn, the site of a Northumbrian bishopric and monastery, but now in southern Scotland. Discussion of Whithorn will be the focus of the article. The evidence for human sacrifice will be briefly discussed with regard to the active practice of Norse religious beliefs in Britain, and in the Scandinavian acculturation to indigenous practices, including Christianity, in the ninth and tenth centuries CE.

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Krzewińska, Maja, Gro Bjørnstad, Pontus Skoglund, Pall Isolfur Olason, Jan Bill, Anders Götherström, and Erika Hagelberg. "Mitochondrial DNA variation in the Viking age population of Norway." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 370, no. 1660 (January 19, 2015): 20130384. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2013.0384.

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The medieval Norsemen or Vikings had an important biological and cultural impact on many parts of Europe through raids, colonization and trade, from about AD 793 to 1066. To help understand the genetic affinities of the ancient Norsemen, and their genetic contribution to the gene pool of other Europeans, we analysed DNA markers in Late Iron Age skeletal remains from Norway. DNA was extracted from 80 individuals, and mitochondrial DNA polymorphisms were detected by next-generation sequencing. The sequences of 45 ancient Norwegians were verified as genuine through the identification of damage patterns characteristic of ancient DNA. The ancient Norwegians were genetically similar to previously analysed ancient Icelanders, and to present-day Shetland and Orkney Islanders, Norwegians, Swedes, Scots, English, German and French. The Viking Age population had higher frequencies of K*, U*, V* and I* haplogroups than their modern counterparts, but a lower proportion of T* and H* haplogroups. Three individuals carried haplotypes that are rare in Norway today (U5b1b1, Hg A* and an uncommon variant of H*). Our combined analyses indicate that Norse women were important agents in the overseas expansion and settlement of the Vikings, and that women from the Orkneys and Western Isles contributed to the colonization of Iceland.

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Jochens, Jenny M., and Erik Wahlgren. "The Vikings and America." American Historical Review 92, no. 4 (October 1987): 937. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1863972.

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37

Price, Neil. "DISTANT VIKINGS: A MANIFESTO." Acta Archaeologica 89, no. 1 (December 2018): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0390.2018.12195.x.

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Vaughn, Sally N., and F. Donald Logan. "The Vikings in History." History Teacher 19, no. 2 (February 1986): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/493807.

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39

McGovern, Thomas H. "Secrets of the Vikings." Science 369, no. 6507 (August 27, 2020): 1063. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.abb3580.

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Wienberg, Jes. "Vikings go multi-media." Antiquity 88, no. 339 (March 2014): 292–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00050432.

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The temporary exhibition ‘Viking’ was on show at the National Museum of Denmark in Copenhagen from 22 June–17 November 2013, and will be on display in London from March–June 2014 and Berlin from September 2014–January 2015. The exhibition is accompanied by a catalogue, titled Viking, edited by Gareth Williams, Peter Pentz & Matthias Wemhoff.

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Marshall, Michael. "Origins of the Vikings." New Scientist 243, no. 3241 (August 2019): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(19)31405-8.

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42

Vigarié, André. "Vikings, vaillants, violents, vainqueurs." Cahiers Nantais 55, no. 1 (2001): 223–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/canan.2001.1015.

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Renaud, Jean. "Normandie, terre des Vikings." Moderna Språk 87, no. 2 (November 22, 1993): 164–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.58221/mosp.v87i2.10141.

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Les Vikings assaillirent l'Europe et le mirent à feu et sang. La Neustrie ne fut évidemment pas épargnée mais, ce qui allait faire l'originalité de la future Normandie, c'est qu'après l'avoir ravagée, les Scandinaves la relevèrent de ses ruines et en firent une puissante province, ancrée sur un double héritage, norrois et franc.

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44

Bernáth, Balázs, Alexandra Farkas, Dénes Száz, Miklós Blahó, Ádám Egri, András Barta, Susanne Åkesson, and Gábor Horváth. "How could the Viking Sun compass be used with sunstones before and after sunset? Twilight board as a new interpretation of the Uunartoq artefact fragment." Proceedings of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences 470, no. 2166 (June 8, 2014): 20130787. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspa.2013.0787.

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Vikings routinely crossed the North Atlantic without a magnetic compass and left their mark on lands as far away as Greenland, Newfoundland and Baffin Island. Based on an eleventh-century dial fragment artefact, found at Uunartoq in Greenland, it is widely accepted that they sailed along chosen latitudes using primitive Sun compasses. Such instruments were tested on sea and proved to be efficient hand-held navigation tools, but the dimensions and incisions of the Uunartoq find are far from optimal in this role. On the basis of the sagas mentioning sunstones, incompatible hypotheses were formed for Viking solar navigation procedures and primitive skylight polarimetry with dichroic or birefringent crystals. We describe here a previously unconceived method of navigation based on the Uunartoq artefact functioning as a ‘twilight board’, which is a combination of a horizon board and a Sun compass optimized for use when the Sun is close to the horizon. We deduced an appropriate solar navigation procedure using a twilight board, a shadow-stick and birefringent crystals, which bring together earlier suggested methods in harmony and provide a true skylight compass function. This could have allowed Vikings to navigate around the clock, to use the artefact dial as a Sun compass during long parts of the day and to use skylight polarization patterns in the twilight period. In field tests, we found that true north could be appointed with such a medieval skylight compass with an error of about ±4° when the artificially occluded Sun had elevation angles between +10° and −8° relative to the horizon. Our interpretation allows us to assign exact dates to the gnomonic lines on the artefact and outlines the schedule of the merchant ships that sustained the Viking colony in Greenland a millennium ago.

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Kolev, Konstantin. "Visual-material evidence of viking presence in the Balkans." Hiperboreea 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.1.0053.

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Abstract The Swedish and Norwegian Vikings were present in the Balkans including in Bulgaria. The archaeological and visual materials found on the Romanian, Bulgarian and Turkish territory support this statement. The majority of the objects constitute parts of weapons and tools related to the Scandinavian warfare. Most of these artifacts were discovered in North East of Bulgaria close to the Romanian border. They can be attributed to the Rus princes (father and son): Igor I (912–945) and Svyatoslav I Igorevich (942–972) who passed by the Bulgarian lands in the 10-th century and the Norwegian prince Harald who supported the Byzantine Empire to cause the downfall of the First Bulgarian kingdom at the beginning of the next century. Despite this sorrowful reputation, though, the Viking material culture in Bulgaria, Romania and Istanbul gives evidence to the multicultural mosaic of our region. It also enriches the Balkan history and culture. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to outline the Viking objects discovered in the Balkans.

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46

Timofeeva, Olga. "The Viking outgroup in early medieval English chronicles." Journal of Historical Sociolinguistics 2, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 83–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jhsl-2016-0004.

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AbstractThis paper relates diachronic change in discourse strategies of the Viking-age historical writing to political changes of the period and to communities of practice that produce these histories and chronicles. It examines the labels and stereotypes applied to the Vikings and establishes their sources and evolution by applying a fourfold chronological division of historical sources from around 800 to 1200 (based on the political developments within Anglo-Saxon history and on the manuscript history of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle). The data for the study come from both Old English and Anglo-Latin chronicles. The results are interpreted in terms of critical discourse analysis. It is demonstrated that the chroniclers employ strategies of dissimilation exploiting the notion of illegitimacy and criminality of the Viking outgroup. These strategies change over time, depending on the political situation (raiding vs. settlement vs. reconquest period) and communities of practice involved in the maintenance and dissemination of a particular political discourse.

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47

Bertilsson, Carolina, Maria Vretemark, Henrik Lund, and Peter Lingström. "Caries prevalence and other dental pathological conditions in Vikings from Varnhem, Sweden." PLOS ONE 18, no. 12 (December 13, 2023): e0295282. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0295282.

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In a late Swedish Viking Age population dating from around 10th-12th century AD, the prevalence, distribution and location of dental caries were studied. Tooth wear, other dental pathology and anatomical variations were identified and recorded clinically and radiographically. A total of 3293 teeth were analyzed from 171 individuals with complete and partial dentitions, of which 133 were permanent and 38 deciduous/mixed dentition. The dentitions were studied clinically, using a dental probe under a strong light source, and radiographs were taken for 18 of the individuals to verify and complement the clinical caries registration. Almost half the population, 83 of 171 individuals (49%), had at least one carious lesion. All individuals with deciduous or mixed dentitions were caries-free. The number of teeth affected by caries among adults was 424 (13%) and the surface most susceptible to caries was the root surface. The tooth most commonly affected by caries was the first mandibular molar. Other findings included apical infections, which were detected clinically in 4% of the teeth, and one case of filed front teeth. The findings gave a unique understanding of life and death in this early Christian Viking community and indicated that it was common to suffer from dental caries, tooth loss, infections of dental origin and tooth pain. These Vikings also manipulated their teeth through filing, tooth picking and other occupational behaviors.

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Coupland, Simon. "The Rod of God's Wrath or the People of God' Wrath ? The Carolingian Theology of the Viking Invasions." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42, no. 4 (October 1991): 535–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900000506.

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The Viking invasions of the ninth and early tenth centuries were referred to in a large number of contemporary Frankish texts, including not only annals and chronicles, but also saints’ lives, miracle texts, capitularies, royal and private charters, letters, sermons, biblical commentaries, hymns, poems and prayers. The great majority of these texts were written by clerics, either religious or secular, and as a result the raids are frequently described in religious terms and set within a religious framework. For example, the Vikings are often denoted as ‘pagani’ and the Franks as’ christiani’; towns are burned ‘divino iuditio’ and battles won ‘adiuvante Domino’,1 and the invasions are represented as a punishment for the Franks’ sins in fulfilment of biblical prophecy.

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49

Filipowiak, Wojciech, Michał Bogacki, and Karolina Kokora. "The Center of Slavs and Vikings in Wolin, Poland. History, scenography, story and efect." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 29, no. 1 (2021): 89–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2021.106.

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In this paper, the authors analyze the Center of Slavs and Vikings (hereinafter Centrum), a reconstruction of early medieval Wolin functioning as an open air museum. The reconstruction was made on an islet on the Dziwna Strait, opposite the center of Wolin. In the early Middle Ages, the city was one of the largest craft and trade centers on the Baltic Sea. It appears in numerous written sources and has been the subject of archaeological research for nearly 200 years. Its history is connected with the legend of Jómsborg and Vineta. The idea of building an archaeological and ethnographic open-air museum was established in 1958 in archaeological circles. For various reasons, this intention was not realized during the period of the Polish People’s Republic. In 1992, the Viking Festival (today the Festival of Slavs and Vikings) was initially organized in Wolin, which is now one of the largest reenactors’ events in Europe. As the festival developed, elements of its scenery were created. In 2002, the local Wolin–Jomsborg–Vineta Center of Slavs and Vikings Association was registered with the aim of building the Center. It was opened in 2008 and has been gradually expanding with new elements. The center is a historical park that presents a simplified vision of the early Middle Ages, with little reference to the history of the city and the region. The success of the Slavs and Vikings Festival and the Center became its greatest disadvantage ― it ceased to be a reconstruction of early medieval Wolin. The content presented there is related to the subculture of performers and as such is not original ― similar forms can be found in other facilities of this type in Poland and abroad. The presented image of the Slavs is simplified in a way that is assimilable to the contemporary recipient ― the emphasis is on nature-related spirituality, courage, honor, freedom, ecology. On the other hand, content that would be unacceptable in contemporary culture (e. g. the role of women) is omitted. The lack of cooperation with professionals makes the activities of the Center chaotic, confusing the notion of tradition with reconstruction, history with story, archeology with handicraft, and finally science with guesswork. Creating new content on the basis of selective historical knowledge and presenting it as «revived traditions» requires special attention in Western Pomerania, where due to the population exchange after 1945 there is a real problem of regional identity. The center, run by a private association, is dynamic and is a success as a product of promotion and tourism. Nevertheless, its success resulted in the «privatization of heritage», which most of the region’s inhabitants do not identify with. To counteract this, the authors postulate increasing cooperation between private entities (Association, Center) and public institutions (the Museum, Institute of Archeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences).

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Chenery, Carolyn A., Jane A. Evans, David Score, Angela Boyle, and Simon R. Chenery. "A Boat Load of Vikings?" Journal of the North Atlantic 7, sp7 (November 2014): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.002.sp704.

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