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Journal articles on the topic 'Vindication of the rights of woman'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 14 February 2022

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1

TAYLOR, BARBARA. "Feminists Versus Gallants: Manners and Morals in Enlightenment Britain." Representations 87, no. 1 (2004): 125–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2004.87.1.125.

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ABSTRACT Mary Wollstonecraft is usually portrayed as an Enlightenment thinker. But in A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) she denounced ““modern philosophers”” for purveying prejudicial images of women masked in a rhetoric of sexual compliment. This essay explores the relationship between Enlightenment attitudes to women and feminism in Britain, showing the gap that opened up between mainstream enlightened opinion (““modern gallantry””) and women's-rights egalitarianismin the 1790s.

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2

Denizot, Paul. "Quelques réflexions sur A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1)." XVII-XVIII. Revue de la société d'études anglo-américaines des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles 23, no. 1 (1986): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/xvii.1986.1108.

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3

Morvan, Alain. "L'indépendance dans A Vindication of the Rights of Woman de Mary Wollstonecraft." XVII-XVIII. Revue de la société d'études anglo-américaines des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles 49, no. 1 (1999): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/xvii.1999.2109.

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4

Hivet, Christine. "Mary Wollstonecraft, la Révolution française et A Vindication of the Rights of Woman." XVII-XVIII. Revue de la société d'études anglo-américaines des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles 49, no. 1 (1999): 269–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/xvii.1999.2108.

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5

Smith, Amy Elizabeth. "Roles for Readers in Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman." Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900 32, no. 3 (1992): 555. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/450921.

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6

Gane, Mike. "1792: Mary Wollstonecraft's social theory in A Vindication of the Rights of Woman." Economy and Society 21, no. 1 (February 1992): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085149200000001.

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7

Kramer, Kaley. "Called to Civil Existence: Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman." Women's Writing 22, no. 2 (October 27, 2014): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09699082.2014.974859.

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8

Caroline Wigginton. "A Late Night Vindication: Annis Boudinot Stockton's Reading of Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman." Legacy 25, no. 2 (2008): 225–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/leg.0.0030.

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9

Ramos, Adela. "Species Thinking: Animals, Women, and Literary Tropes in Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman." Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature 37, no. 1 (2018): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tsw.2018.0002.

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10

Hodson, Jane. "Women write the rights of woman: the sexual politics of the personal pronoun in the 1790s." Language and Literature: International Journal of Stylistics 16, no. 3 (August 2007): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963947007079113.

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This article investigates patterns of personal pronoun usage in four texts written by women about women's rights during the 1790s: Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), Mary Hays' An Appeal to the Men of Great Britain (1798), Mary Robinson's Letter to the Women of England (1799) and Mary Anne Radcliffe's The Female Advocate (1799). I begin by showing that at the time these texts were written there was a widespread assumption that both writers and readers of political pamphlets were, by default, male. As such, I argue, writing to women as a woman was distinctly problematic, not least because these default assumptions meant that even apparently gender-neutral pronouns such as I, we and you were in fact covertly gendered. I use the textual analysis programme WordSmith to identify the personal pronouns in my four texts, and discuss my results both quantitatively and qualitatively. I find that while one of my texts does little to disturb gender expectations through its deployment of personal pronouns, the other three all use personal pronouns that disrupt eighteenth century expectations about default male authorship and readership.

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11

Badowska, Ewa. "The Anorexic Body of Liberal Feminism: Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman." Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature 17, no. 2 (1998): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/464390.

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12

Dzwonkowska-Godula, Krystyna. "„A vindication of the rights of woman” – activity of watchdog organisations in the area of reproductive rights in Poland." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Sociologica, no. 69 (June 22, 2019): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-600x.69.04.

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The article discusses watchdog activities in the area of reproductive rights undertaken by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Poland. This analysis covered the activity of two organisations: Childbirth with Dignity Foundation and Federation for Women, and Family Planning, which were selected for the study due to both of the history and scope of their activity. The different types of watchdog actions undertaken by both NGOs were identified and examples of observation and monitoring, whistleblowing, interventions, legal and political actions and activity in field of education and social activisation are presented. Both watchdog organisations are active on the macrostructural level influencing the politics, legal regulations and social awareness as well as the mezzo- and microstructural level by controlling public institutions in the local communities and supporting and empowering individuals. They not only vindicate women’s rights, but also encourage and prepare women to react to violations of their reproductive rights.

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13

Keshavarzian, Ramin, and Pyeaam Abbasi. "Visions of the Daughters of Albion: The Influence of Mary Wollstonecraft’s Life and Career on William Blake." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 40 (September 2014): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.40.48.

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The present study discussed the influence of one of the eighteenth-century British women of color, the feminist Mary Wollstonecraft, on William Blake. By adopting a biographical and also a comparative approach, the authors tried to highlight the influences of Wollstonecraft‟s personal life, character, and career, chiefly her A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), on one of William Blake‟s less-referred-to poems Visions of the Daughters of Albion (1793). The study will help readers to both know Wollstonecraft‟s prominence and also to grasp more of William Blake and his poetry. The authors also attempted to show that William Blake was part of the early feminism of the late eighteenth century.

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14

Campoi, Isabela Candeloro. "O livro "Direitos das mulheres e injustiça dos homens" de Nísia Floresta: literatura, mulheres e o Brasil do século XIX." História (São Paulo) 30, no. 2 (December 2011): 196–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-90742011000200010.

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O livro Direitos das mulheres e injustiça dos homens foi publicado por Dionísia Gonçalves Pinto (1810-1885), mais conhecida como Nísia Floresta, em 1832. Tal obra foi considerada uma tradução livre de A Vindication of the rights of woman de Mary Wollstonecraft (1759-1797), autora inglesa que se tornou o principal nome em defesa dos direitos das mulheres no século XIX. No entanto, tratava-se da tradução de Woman not inferior to man de Mary Wortley Montagu (1689-1762). O artigo apresentado contextualiza o livro de Wollstonecraft no período, enfoca a trajetória da autora brasileira e a influência do Positivismo na sua obra, principalmente no que tange ao papel social das mulheres.

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15

Saha, Priyanka. "Human Rights of Women With Reference to Mary Wollstonecraft’s Vindication of the Rights of Women." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 6, no. 1 (January 17, 2021): 43–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2021.v06.i01.009.

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16

Kitts, Sally-Ann. "Mary Wollstonecraft's "A Vindication of the Rights of Woman": A Judicious Response from Eighteenth-Century Spain." Modern Language Review 89, no. 2 (April 1994): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3735238.

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17

Bour, Isabelle. "Epistemological Ambiguities : Reason, Sensibility and Association of Ideas in Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Woman." XVII-XVIII. Revue de la société d'études anglo-américaines des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles 49, no. 1 (1999): 299–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/xvii.1999.2110.

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18

Monsam, Angela. "Biography as Autopsy in William Godwin'sMemoirs of the Author of “A Vindication of the Rights of Woman”." Eighteenth-Century Fiction 21, no. 1 (September 2008): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ecf.21.1.109.

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19

Griffin, Cindy L. "A web of reasons: Mary Wollstonecraft'sa vindication of the rights of woman andthe re‐weaving of form." Communication Studies 47, no. 4 (December 1996): 272–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10510979609368483.

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20

Tomaselli, Sylvana. "REMEMBERING MARV WOLLSTONECRAFT ON THE BICENTENARY OF THE PUBLICATION OF A VINDICATION OF THE RIGHTS OF WOMAN." Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 15, no. 2 (October 1, 2008): 125–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-0208.1992.tb00140.x.

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21

Beard, M. "'Whither am I wandering?' A journey into the Self – Mary Wollstonecraft’s travels in Scandinavia, 1795." Literator 25, no. 1 (July 31, 2004): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v25i1.246.

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To place the letters written by Mary Wollstonecraft from Scandinavia to her lover, Gilbert Imlay, besides the journal in epistolary form that she published on her return to England, is to discern something of the complexity of Wollstonecraft’s personality. The two sets of documents, each of distinctive interest, reveal by their juxtaposition the struggle of an intelligent woman to reconcile her feelings and her reason as she strives to pursue a trajectory towards the emotional and financial independence that she had claimed for women in her polemical work A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. The comparison between the two sets of documents also demonstrates the ways in which the characteristics of the letter – its potentiality for immediacy, for the expression of the self and the emotions – are consciously shaped in the published Letters. Such strategies are designed for the perceived reader in each case: on the one hand, Imlay himself and, on the other, all those readers likely to purchase a work from the imprint of Joseph Johnson.

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22

BAYRAM, Atıf Can, and Esma TEZCAN. "The Reflections of Mary Wollstonecraft’s a Vindication of the Rights of Woman on Jane Austen’s Pride and Prejudice." İSTANBUL AYDIN ÜNİVERSİTESİ INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MEDIA CULTURE AND LITERATURE 6, no. 1 (2015): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/iau.ijmcl.2015.014/ijmcl_v06i1003.

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23

Paiva, Wilson Alves de. "A questão da mulher em Rousseau e as críticas de Mary Wollstonecraft." ethic@ - An international Journal for Moral Philosophy 18, no. 3 (December 31, 2019): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1677-2954.2019v18n3p357.

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Rousseau foi um dos maiores expoentes da intelectualidade europeia do século XVIII e que, juntamente com os demais, não escapou de reproduzir em seus escritos a visão da família patriarcal, sobretudo no Emílio. Wollstonecraft foi uma escritora e filósofa inglesa, conhecida defensora dos direitos das mulheres, que criticou Rousseau. O presente texto procura discutir diferenças e aproximações entre os dois, buscando ressaltar que o filósofo genebrino contribuiu com o debate, mesmo sem ter discutido o tema diretamente. Também procura demonstrar que é um equívoco interpretá-lo como um anti-feminista ou alguém que tenha sido contrário à educação da mulher, tal como o fez Wollstonecraft em seu livro A vindication of the rights of woman.

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24

Tyrrell, Alex. "Samuel Smiles and the Woman Question in Early Victorian Britain." Journal of British Studies 39, no. 2 (April 2000): 185–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386216.

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When Samuel Smiles (1812–1904) looked back over his career from the vantage point of old age he saw himself as one who had labored for “the emancipation and intellectual improvement of women.” His self-description will surprise those who know him, either through his famous book, Self-Help (1859), where women make fleeting appearances as maternal influences on the achievements of great men, or through the attempts that have been made during the Thatcher years to offer him as an exemplar of a highly selective code of “Victorian Values.” Nonetheless, there is much to be said for Smiles's interpretation: not only was he a prolific author on the condition of women, but his writings on this subject from the late 1830s to the early 1850s were radical in tone and content.By directing attention to these writings, this article makes three points about early Victorian gender relations, radicalism, and Smiles's own career. First, it challenges the lingering notion that this was a time when patriarchal values stifled debate on gender issues. For some historians who write about the women's movement, the early Victorian era has the status of something like a dark age in the history of the agitation for women's rights; this period is overshadowed on the one side by the great debates initiated by Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) and on the other by the new feminist movements that developed after the 1850s. Barbara Caine, for example, has written recently that the exclusion of women from the public sphere was “absolute” in the mid-century years; few women had the financial resources necessary to set up a major journal even if they had been bold enough to do so, and the sort of man who wrote sympathetically about women was concerned primarily with his own needs.

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25

Kim, Jin Ok. "Blake’s Visions of the Daughters of Albion : As a Revision of Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the Rights of Woman." NEW STUDIES OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE & LITERATURE 72 (February 28, 2019): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21087/nsell.2019.02.72.57.

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26

Volkova, Inna. "“I Have Looked Steadily around Me”: The Power of Examples in Mary Wollstonecraft’sA Vindication of the Rights of Woman." Women's Studies 43, no. 7 (October 2, 2014): 892–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00497878.2014.938188.

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27

Ty, Eleanor. "The Vindications: The Rights of Men and The Rights of Woman by Mary Wollstonecraft." ESC: English Studies in Canada 24, no. 4 (1998): 475–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esc.1998.0027.

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28

Monsam, Angela. "Biography as Autopsy in William Godwin's Memoirs of the Author of "A Vindication of the Rights of Woman"." Eighteenth Century Fiction 21, no. 1 (2008): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecf.0.0029.

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29

Khatun, Nurjima. "The Roots of Modern Feminism and the French Revolution in Mary Wollstonecraft’s Text ‘A Vindication of the Rights of Woman’." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 6, no. 1 (January 17, 2021): 38–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2021.v06.i01.008.

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30

Williams, Valerie. "Mary Wollstonecraft on Motherhood and Political Participation: An Overlooked Insight into Women's Subordination." Hypatia 34, no. 4 (2019): 802–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12486.

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Scholars consider Mary Wollstonecraft an early feminist political theorist for two reasons: (1) her explicit commitment to educational equality, and (2) her implicit suggestion that the private‐sphere role of motherhood holds political import. My reading of Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman uses Wollstonecraft's works and draws upon recent claims made by Sandrine Bergès in The Social and Political Philosophy of Mary Wollstonecraft to connect these points: educated women are better at performing motherly duties and, therefore, of greater benefit to society. Although many scholars have read Wollstonecraft's arguments for educational equality as a starting point for greater equality, Bergès does not. In this article, I further Bergès's claims and argue that Wollstonecraft's project is limited and likely to reinforce inequality between the sexes. Specifically, I show that Wollstonecraft's educational reforms incentivize women to become nothing more than highly educated housewives. In the process of fulfilling their social and political duty to instill public spirit and private virtue in future citizens, women are re‐entrenched in domestic affairs instead of being freed for public pursuits. This realization, I contend, should cause us to be wary of panaceas for women's subordination that rest on increasing their education.

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31

Mullally, Siobhán, and Claire Murray. "Regulating Abortion." Social & Legal Studies 25, no. 6 (December 2016): 645–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663916668248.

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This article forms the introduction to a special issue on comparative perspectives on the regulation of abortion and on the sociopolitical contexts within which proposals to expand access to abortion for women are won and lost. This introduction frames the collection of articles in the special issue and highlights key themes that reappear throughout the articles, such as the risks associated with the turn to law to secure the vindication of rights. Many of the articles contained in the special issue are concerned with the ‘after-rights’ moments associated with the implementation of abortion law in practice.

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32

Sireci, Fiore. "“Writers Who Have Rendered Women Objects of Pity”: Mary Wollstonecraft’s Literary Criticism in the Analytical Review and A Vindication of the Rights of Woman." Journal of the History of Ideas 79, no. 2 (2018): 243–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhi.2018.0015.

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33

Antal, Eva. "Irony and Culture in Feminist Educational Writings: Wollstonecraft, Macaulay, Edgeworth." Practice and Theory in Systems of Education 12, no. 2 (May 1, 2017): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ptse-2017-0010.

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Abstract The context of the present paper is given by my research on philosophy of female education and the questions of female culture in the 18th and 19th centuries in England. I have been studying not only works of educationalist and philosophical concerns, but also literary works such as the education romans and utopias written in the related period. Female writings - either literary-utopian or educational-philosophical - seemingly rely on the framework and theoretical background of wellknown male works so that they should present a critical and ironical reading while also raise the questions of social solidarity and (e)quality in individual education. I will mainly highlight the strategies of feminist rhetoric, taking my textual examples from Mary Wollstonecraft’s anti- Rousseau A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), while I also refer to two of her contemporaries, Catherine Macaulay’s and Maria Edgeworth’s educational writings.

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34

SEGHIRI, Miriam. "Mary Astell: el camino hacia la felicidad y la armonía interior a través del conocimiento." Hikma 7 (October 1, 2008): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/hikma.v7i.5295.

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Con anteroridad a su tiempo, y un siglo antes de que Mary Wollstonecraft escribiera A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (Una reivindicación de los derechos de la mujer), Mary Astell ya había redactado sendos tratados defendiendo el lugar de la mujer en el mundo y el derecho de ésta a la educación, así como reflexionado sobre la relación entre hombres y mujeres, todos ellos escritos con un estilo claro y fluido. Sin duda, el mejor exponente de su obra es A Serious Proposal to the Ladies for the Advancement of their True and Greatest Interest: By a Lover of Her Sex, o en español, Una propuesta seria para las damas, en beneficio de sus verdaderos y más altos intereses. Por una amante de su sexo (1694). Fue una mente brillante en una época en la que era socialmente inaceptable para una mujer pensar y, aún más, verbalizar ese pensamiento. Percibió esa injusticia y dedicó toda su vida a combatirla con su pluma.

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35

Davidson, Jenny. ""Professed Enemies of Politeness": Sincerity and the Problem of Gender in Godwin's "Enquiry concerning Political Justice" and Wollstonecraft's "Vindication of the Rights of Woman"." Studies in Romanticism 39, no. 4 (2000): 599. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25601474.

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36

Mahmoodi-Bakhtiari and Najar. "Zahrā Khānūm Tāj al-Salṭana and Mary Wollstonecraft: A Comparative Study of “Memoirs of Tāj al-Salṭana” and “A Vindication of the Rights of Woman”." International Journal of Persian Literature 2, no. 1 (2017): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/intejperslite.2.1.0161.

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37

Pallares-Burke, Maria Lúcia G. "Globalizing the Enlightenment in Brazil." Cultural History 9, no. 2 (October 2020): 195–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2020.0221.

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Recent studies of the Enlightenment have begun to emphasize its global dimension, arguing that the leading ideas of the movement did not simply ‘spread’ from Europe, but were consciously adapted to local circumstances and problems. This article offers a case-study of nineteenth-century Brazil, focusing on two examples. The first is that of the priest Lopes Gama and his journal O Carapuceiro, inspired by the English Spectator but aimed at reforming the morals of Brazilian readers. The second example is that of the early feminist Nisia Floresta, who was long thought to have been the translator into Portuguese of Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Women, although the text that she translated under that name was actually a more radical English pamphlet by ‘Sophia, a Person of Quality’.

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38

Galvíncio, Amanda Sousa, Maíra Lewtchuk Espindola, and Jean Carlo de Carvalho Costa. "A universidade popular na Parahyba do Norte: reflexões sobre o direito das mulheres." Revista HISTEDBR On-line 18, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/rho.v18i1.8651670.

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As mulheres, na virada do século XIX para século XX, começaram a protagonizar o debate público brasileiro. Nísia Floresta traduziu e publicou “O Direito das Mulheres e injustiça dos Homens”, em 1832, o escrito da inglesa, Mary Wollstonecraft, originalmente intitulado de “Vindication Of The Rights Of Woman”, em 1792. Na Parahyba do Norte, em 1913, Catharina Moura, em conferência pública na Universidade Popular, proclamou discurso com igual título, retomando as teses defendidas pelas suas antecessoras. O objetivo desse trabalho é compreender o projeto educacional proposto pelas mulheres intelectuais que participaram do debate público, particularmente, o da Catharina Moura. As fontes utilizadas são os jornais e revistas do período que foram suporte da escrita dessas mulheres, mais especificamente, o jornal parahybano, A União. Como referencial teórico-metodológico foi utilizado a História dos Intelectuais que auxilia a compreender a trajetória, a geração e as redes de sociabilidades que atravessaram a vida dessas mulheres, bem como a participação delas e as ideias que propagavam no debate público do período. Nesse sentido, é possível concluir que as mulheres atuaram como intelectuais se posicionando em favor da emancipação feminina pela via da educação escolar e cultural. Catharina Moura fez parte da tradição de mulheres escritoras e engajadas do período, defendendo a igualdade de oportunidades entre homens e mulheres nas mais diversas profissões e também destacando a legitimidade do voto feminino.

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39

Purinton, Marjean D. "BOOK REVIEW: Sylvana Tomaselli. Mary Wollstonecraft: ?A VINDICATION OF THE RIGHTS OF MEN WITH A VINDICATION OF THE RIGHTS OF WOMAN AND HINTS?. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. and Maria J. Falco. FEMINIST INTERPRETATIONS OF MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT. and Ella Mazel. AHEAD OF HER TIME: A SAMPLER OF THE LIFE AND THOUGHT OF MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT selected and arranged." NWSA Journal 9, no. 2 (July 1997): 175–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/nws.1997.9.2.175.

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40

Purinton, Marjean D. "The Mental Anatomies of William Godivin and Mary Shelley. William D. Brewer.Memoirs of the Author of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. William Godwin, edited by Pamela Clemit and Gina Luria Walker." Wordsworth Circle 32, no. 4 (September 2001): 217–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/twc24044875.

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41

GARNER, KATIE. "A Vindication of the Rights of Woman: Abridged, with Related Texts. By MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT. Edited by PHILIPBARNARD and STEPHENSHAPIRO. Indianapolis, IN, and Cambridge: Hackett. 2013. 132 p. £6.95 (pb). ISBN 978-1-60384-938-8." Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 37, no. 4 (November 6, 2014): 574–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1754-0208.12170.

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42

Allen, Graham. "The Mother of Feminism: A Contemporary Wollstonecraft? Mary Wollstonecraft, The Vindications: The Rights of Men, The Rights of Woman. Eds. D. L. Macdonald and Kathleen Scherf. Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1997. ISBN: 1-55111-088-1. Price: US$12.95." Romanticism on the Net, no. 10 (1998): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/005799ar.

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43

Stępkowska, Agnieszka. "USTANOWIENIE A UKONSTYTUOWANIE SIĘ POSAGU W RZYMSKIM PRAWIE KLASYCZNYM." Zeszyty Prawnicze 6, no. 1 (June 22, 2017): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2006.6.1.12.

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On the Distinction between Assignment of the Dowry and its Constitution in Classical Roman LawSummaryThe dowry in Roman law (dos) was considered to be the husband’s property. Nevertheless its legal status was quite peculiar, when compared with the rest of the husband’s patrimony. The constitution of a dowry had a number of important legal consequences. Therefore it was crucial to indicate the moment of its establishment. The sole assignment of a dowry (dotis institutio) did not always have this effect. The reason for this was, that in classical Roman law there was a clear distinction between real and personal aspects of the property law.There were three ways for dotis institutio: dotis datio, dotis dictio, dotis promissio. In classical period only dotis datio had real effect and was the means by which - if done after marriage - dowry was immediately established. The other two were dowry agreements conferring on husband [or future husband] mere personal right to claim transfer of the patrimony subject to dictio or promissio. Therefore the dos took effect only after the husband became owner of the patrimony. In postclassical period this sharp distinction between assignment of a dowry and its material constitution gradually disappeared, and dotis institutio was considered to be only a real transfer of a property intended as a dowry. It was only Justinian who tried to restore this classical distinction.Nevertheless, acquiring the property subject to dotis institutio, although necessary, was not sufficient for dowry to take effect. The Roman dos derived its peculiar character from marriage. In case the transfer of patrimony dotis causa had taken effect before marriage (ante nuptias in dotem data) it acquired dotal character only after the marriage. If there was no marriage, the person assigning dowry (either woman, her pater familias, or a third person) was able to claim restitution of the patrimony intended previously to be dos, by means of condictio, or even by rei vindication in case the would-be husband did not acquired ownership, but only possession of the patrimony.

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44

Anker, Peder. "A vindication of the rights of brutes." Philosophy & Geography 7, no. 2 (August 2004): 259–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1090377042000285462.

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Trepagnier, Barbara. "A Vindication of the Rights of Children." Humanity & Society 24, no. 3 (August 2000): 280–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016059760002400306.

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Gunkel, David J. "A Vindication of the Rights of Machines." Philosophy & Technology 27, no. 1 (July 30, 2013): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13347-013-0121-z.

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Belchem, John. "The Preston Cock, Adultery, Homophobia and the First Petition for Female Suffrage." Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire: Volume 170, Issue 1 170, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/transactions.170.7.

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Originally spurred by determination to bring the Manchester authorities to justice in the aftermath of the Peterloo massacre, Henry Hunt persisted in seeking to gain election for the popular constituency of Preston. Eventually successful in 1830, he entered parliament pledged to present every petition sent to him, including that from Mary Smith calling for female suffrage. Having provided a rational vindication of the rights of women, her petition descended into a diatribe against married men who indulged in homosexual acts to the despair of their suicidal wives. This was a thinly veiled reference to alleged goings on in the household of the radical journalist William Cobbett. This article seeks to place in context the allegations and subsequent heated controversy by examining the long-term relationship between Hunt and Cobbett, dating back to the early nineteenth century and their mutual conversion from loyalism to radicalism. Already strained by the longstanding animus of Cobbett’s wife towards Hunt on account of his adulterous domestic circumstances, the radical allies were increasingly at odds in the years after Peterloo, divided over political and personal issues in a bewildering and increasingly unrestrained manner. Jealous of Hunt’s electoral success at Preston and furious with his radical condemnation of the Reform Bill, Cobbett inveighed against the ‘Preston Cock’. Hunt responded in kind, repeating allegations soon taken up in Mary Smith’s petition. Historians have simply noted how the petition was greeted with derision, but as this article shows, it merits deeper study. An early milestone on the long journey to secure votes for women, Mary Smith’s petition reveals political, personal and sexual divisions in early nineteenth-century radicalism - over feminism, homosexuality and adultery - attitudes and prejudices which inhibited any decisive pre-Victorian advance beyond manhood suffrage. The article concludes with a postscript noting Hunt’s fall from favour as the Reform Bill was passed, losing his Preston seat in the first election under the new propertied franchise. He died shortly thereafter but was rehabilitated and revered a few years later by the Chartists. His presentation of the first petition for female suffrage has seemingly been lost from history.

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Guseva, A. A. "An Object of Vindication: Problems of Law Enforcement." Actual Problems of Russian Law 16, no. 4 (May 3, 2021): 76–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2021.125.4.076-093.

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The paper is devoted to examining objects of civil rights in order to establish whether it is possible to subject them to vindication. The paper analyzes such objects as things, “incorporeal things”, non-cash funds, uncertified securities, intellectual property, shares in the authorized capital of limited liability companies, digital rights, cryptocurrency, etc. The author determines the legal nature of the objects under consideration with due regard to the theory of law and legal stances of courts. As a consequence, the author substantiates the relativity of the possibility or impossibility of their vindication under Art. 301 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation. Also, the author examines the issues of existence of special mechanisms for protection of rights holders of uncertified securities and shares in the authorized capital of limited liability companies to find the interrelation between them and vindication. The paper provides the analysis of judicial practice on the issue of claiming civil law objects from someone else’s illegal possession. Conclusions are drawn as to which objects can be subject to vindication under Art. 301 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation, which objects can be claimed by analogy of the law and which objects cannot be subjected to vindication.

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Cavadino, Michael. "A Vindication of the Rights of Psychiatric Patients." Journal of Law and Society 24, no. 2 (June 1997): 235–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-6478.00044.

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McTavish, Lianne. "Blame and Vindication in the Early Modern Birthing Chamber." Medical History 50, no. 4 (October 1, 2006): 447–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300010280.

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Who was to blame when a labouring woman or her unborn child died during the early modern period? How was responsibility assessed, and who was charged with assessing it? To answer such questions, this article draws on French obstetrical treatises produced by male surgeons and female midwives between 1550 and 1730, focusing on descriptions of difficult deliveries. Sometimes the poor outcome of a labour was blamed on the pregnant woman herself, but more often a particular medical practitioner was implicated. Authors of obstetrical treatises were careful to assign fault when injuries or deaths occurred in cases concerning them. Chirurgiens accoucheurs (surgeon men-midwives) regularly accused female midwives of incompetence, yet also attacked fellow surgeons as well as those male physicians officially superior to them in the medical hierarchy. Female midwives similarly condemned the actions of male practitioners, without hesitating to censure other women when their mismanagement of deliveries had tragic consequences. Part of authors' eagerness to blame others stemmed from the fear of being held accountable for mistakes preceding practitioners had made. Ascribing responsibility usually went hand-in-hand with defensive claims of innocence, or boastful declarations of having saved a suffering woman from the bungling attempts of less skilled birth attendants.

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