Relevant bibliographies by topics / Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (United States)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (United States)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 3 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (United States)"

1

Bhandari, Shreya. "Analysis of Violence Against Women Act and the South Asian Immigrants in the United States." Advances in Social Work 9, no. 1 (September 25, 2008): 44–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/170.

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The issue of domestic violence among South Asian immigrant population in the United States is examined in the light of the Violence Against Women Act. The paper gives a background to the issue of domestic violence in the South Asian community and examines the Violence Against Women Acts of 1994, 2000 and 2005 with regard to issues affecting South Asian women. It addresses issues around marriage and has emphasized the difficulties of women with dependent immigration status. Policy alternatives are examined and discussed with regard to efficacy and efficiency of the policy.
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Rashid, Sinan Salah. "The role of contemporary international provisions in reducing violence and discrimination against women." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 21 (September 28, 2020): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i21.238.

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Violence against women is related to the issue of human rights, especially the importance of the subject in the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, which was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1993, which states the following ((any act characterized by violence based on religion, gender, self or arbitrary deprivation of liberty Whether it occurs in public affairs or private affairs in life, and psychological violence that occurs in the family)), and we note that the most critical societies are the most prevalent of violence against women, although women have the right to equal enjoyment and protection of all human rights and fundamental freedoms In the political, economic, social, cultural and civil fields, international provisions define the measures that each country should take alongside the specialized agencies and agencies of the United Nations in order to eliminate violence against women
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Kim, Mimi E. "The Carceral Creep: Gender-Based Violence, Race, and the Expansion of the Punitive State, 1973–1983." Social Problems 67, no. 2 (May 29, 2019): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spz013.

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Abstract The development of the feminist anti-domestic violence movement in the United States illustrates the trajectory from a social movement field devoid of carceral involvement to one fully occupied by the agents of crime control. Countering a narrative that often begins with the Violence against Women Act of 1994, this study demonstrates how the roots of carceral feminism extend back to the movement’s first decade from 1973 to 1983. This study analyzes data from 60 social movement leaders. The pluralist coalition resulting from a successful lawsuit against the Oakland Police Department, the creation of the victim witness program in San Francisco, and the development of the Community Coordinated Response in Duluth, Minnesota, represent mechanisms of engagement with law enforcement tied to innovative organizational forms. The process called the “carceral creep” describes how early social movement successes against an initially unresponsive criminal justice system evolved into collaborative relationships that altered the autonomy and constitution of initial social movement organizations. The creation of new organizational forms and their replication contributed to today’s carceral feminism. These developments were accompanied by persisting gender, race, and class tropes used to justify pro-criminalization strategies and obfuscate impacts on marginalized communities.
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Goodmark, Leigh. "Reimagining VAWA: Why Criminalization Is a Failed Policy and What a Non-Carceral VAWA Could Look Like." Violence Against Women 27, no. 1 (August 20, 2020): 84–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801220949686.

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The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) is the signature federal legislative accomplishment of the anti-violence movement and has ensured that criminalization is the primary response to intimate partner violence in the United States. But at the time of its passage, some anti-violence activists, particularly women of color, warned that criminalization would be problematic for a number of reasons, a caution that has borne fruit in the 25 years since VAWA’s passage. This article critiques the effectiveness of criminalization as anti-domestic violence policy and imagines what a non-carceral VAWA could look like.
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Sattarzadeh, Sahar. "When We In/visibilize Our Nobility . . ." Journal of Bahá’í Studies 30, no. 3 (May 19, 2021): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31581/jbs-30.3.319(2020).

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In October 2011, an international faith-based women’s rights non-governmental organization (NGO) convened a press briefing for invited members of the United States Congress and their staff in the U.S. Capitol Building in Washington, D.C. The briefing was an advocacy initiative to address the Violence Against Women Act...
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Arum, Listiyanti Jaya, and Anindya Firda Khairunnisa. "MORE THAN A HOUSE: A GENDER ANALYSIS OF LAHSA’S THE VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN ACT (VAWA) HOUSING POLICY." Rubikon : Journal of Transnational American Studies 8, no. 2 (October 11, 2021): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/rubikon.v8i2.69690.

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Homelessness is a chronic problem worldwide, including in the United States. The country’s biggest homeless population occupies major cities like New York and Los Angeles. The fight against homelessness in L.A. has been going on for years, with the homeless population flooding places like Venice Beach, Echo Park, Hollywood, and its most famous homeless encampment, Skid Row. One of the groups constantly vulnerable to the threat of homelessness are women, and the intersection between women's homelessness and domestic violence remains to be a challenging subject. Enriching previous scholarship, this paper critically analyzes housing programs targeting female domestic violence survivors in Los Angeles. In order to get an in-depth examination, the focus is directed to the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) Housing Policy managed by the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority (LAHSA). The paper employs gender theory to examine the program’s shortcomings. Using Jeff Hearn’s conception of the ‘public men,’ this paper proposes that the program’s limitations stem from the prevailing patriarchy, which cultivates from home and extends to public policy through the domination of men. Furthermore, the policy is insufficient in combatting women's homelessness due to the absence of programs such as trauma centers, financial security & education program, and childcare unit that are vital to address the unique experience of domestic violence survivors. Thus, evaluation of the housing policy is immediately needed to overcome the problem of homelessness due to domestic violence.
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Lally, William, and Alfred DeMaris. "Gender and Relational-Distance Effects in Arrests for Domestic Violence." Crime & Delinquency 58, no. 1 (November 8, 2011): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128711420102.

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This study tests two hypotheses regarding factors affecting arrest of the perpetrator in domestic violence incidents. Black’s relational-distance thesis is that the probability of arrest increases with increasing relational distance between perpetrator and victim. Klinger’s leniency principle suggests that the probability of arrest is lower for male perpetrators assaulting female intimate partners, compared with other scenarios. The authors employed marginal logistic regression models using incident-based data from the National Survey of Violence and Threats of Violence Against Women and Men in the United States, 1994-1996, to test both effects. They found support for Black’s thesis: The likelihood of arrest was lower when the perpetrator was an acquaintance, a relative, or a romantic partner of the victim, versus a stranger. However, the authors’ results failed to support Klinger’s hypothesis. They found that men were more likely to be arrested when assaulting a female—regardless of relationship status—compared with assaulting another male.
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8

Editors, RIAS. "IASA Statement of Support for the Struggle Against Racialized Violence in the United States." Review of International American Studies 13, no. 1 (August 16, 2020): 291–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.9626.

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The International American Studies Association is dismayed to see the explosion of anger, bitterness and desperation that has been triggered by yet another senseless, cruel and wanton act of racialized violence in the United States. We stand in solidarity with and support the ongoing struggle by African Americans, indigenous peoples, ethnic minorities, migrants and the marginalized against the racialized violence perpetrated against them. As scholars of the United States, we see the killing of George Floyd and many before them as acts on the continuum of the history of the powerful committing racialized violence against the powerless in the United States from before the birth of that country to the here and now of the present day. This continuum stretches from the transatlantic slave trade, the genocide of the indigenous population, the denial of rights and liberties to women, through the exploitation of American workers, slavery and Jim Crow, to the exclusion and inhumane treatment of the same migrants who make a profit for American corporations and keep prices low for the U.S. consumer. As scholars of the United States, we are acutely aware of how racialized violence is systemic, of how it has been woven into the fabric of U.S. society and cultures by the powerful, and of how the struggle against it has produced some of the greatest contributions of U.S. society to world culture and heritage. The desperate rebellion of the powerless against racialized violence by the powerful is in turn propagandized as unreasonable or malicious. It is neither. It is an uprising to defend their own lives, their last resort after waiting for generations for justice and equal treatment from law enforcement, law makers, and the courts. In too many instances, those in power have answered such uprisings with deadly force—and in every instance, they have had alternatives to this response. We are calling on those in power and the people with the guns in the United States now to exercise their choices and choose an alternative to deadly force as a response to the struggle against racialized violence. You have the power and the weapons—you have a choice to do the right thing and make peace. We are calling on U.S. law makers to listen and address the issues of injustice and racialized violence through systemic reform that remakes the very fabric of the United States justice system, including independent accountability oversight for law enforcement. We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to redouble their efforts at teaching their students and educating the public of the truth about the struggle against racialized violence in the United States. We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to become allies in the struggle against racialized violence in the United States and in their home societies by publicizing scholarship on the truth, by listening to and amplifying the voices of black people, ethnic minorities and the marginalized, and supporting them in this struggle on their own terms. We are calling on all fellow scholarly associations to explore all the ways in which they can put pressure with those in power at all levels in the United States to do the right thing and end racialized violence. There will be no peace in our hearts and souls until justice is done and racialized violence is ended—until all of us are able “to breathe free.” Dr Manpreet Kaur Kang, President of the International American Studies Association, Professor of English and Dean, School of Humanities & Social Sciences, Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University, India;Dr Jennifer Frost, President of the Australian and New Zealand American Studies Association, Associate Professor of History, University of Auckland, New Zealand;Dr S. Bilge Mutluay Çetintaş, Associate Professor, Department of American Culture and Literature, Hacettepe University, Turkey;Dr Gabriela Vargas-Cetina, Professor of Anthropology, Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, Mexico;Dr Paweł Jędrzejko, Associate Professor of American Literature, University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland;Dr Marietta Messmer, Associate Professor of American Studies, University of Groningen, The Netherlands;Dr Kryštof Kozák, Department of North American Studies, Charles University, Prague;Dr Giorgio Mariani, Professor of English and American Languages and Literatures, Department of European, American and Intercultural Studies, Università “Sapienza” of Rome;Dr György Tóth, Lecturer, History, Heritage and Politics, University of Stirling, Scotland, United Kingdom;Dr Manuel Broncano, Professor of American Literature and Director of English, Spanish, and Translation, Texas A&M International University, Laredo, USA;Dr Jiaying Cai, Lecturer at the School of English Studies, Shanghai International Studies University, China;Dr Alessandro Buffa, Secretary, Center for Postcolonial and Gender Studies, University of Naples L’Orientale, Italy;
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9

Maguire, Brian J., Matthew Browne, Barbara J. O’Neill, Michael T. Dealy, Darryl Clare, and Peter O’Meara. "International Survey of Violence Against EMS Personnel: Physical Violence Report." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 33, no. 5 (October 2018): 526–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x18000870.

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AbstractIntroductionEach year, Emergency Medical Services (EMS) personnel respond to over 30 million calls for assistance in the United States alone. These EMS personnel have a rate of occupational fatality comparable to firefighters and police, and a rate of non-fatal injuries that is higher than the rates for police and firefighters and much higher than the national average for all workers. In Australia, no occupational group has a higher injury or fatality rate than EMS personnel. Emergency Medical Services personnel in the US have a rate of occupational violence injuries that is about 22-times higher than the average for all workers. On average, more than one EMS provider in the US is killed every year in an act of violence.Hypothesis/ObjectiveThe objective of this epidemiological study was to identify the risks and factors associated with work-related physical violence against EMS personnel internationally.MethodsAn online survey, based on a tool developed by the World Health Organization (WHO; Geneva, Switzerland), collected responses from April through November 2016.ResultsThere were 1,778 EMS personnel respondents from 13 countries; 69% were male and 54% were married. Around 55% described their primary EMS work location as “urban.” Approximately 68% described their employer as a “public provider.” The majority of respondents were from the US.When asked “Have you ever been physically attacked while on-duty?” 761 (65%) of the 1,172 who answered the question answered “Yes.” In almost 10% (67) of those incidents, the perpetrator used a weapon. Approximately 90% of the perpetrators were patients and around five percent were patient family members. The influence of alcohol and drugs was prevalent. Overall, men experienced more assaults than women, and younger workers experienced more assaults than older workers.Conclusions:In order to develop and implement measures to increase safety, EMS personnel must be involved with the research and implementation process. Furthermore, EMS agencies must work with university researchers to quantify agency-level risks and to develop, test, and implement interventions in such a way that they can be reliably evaluated and the results published in peer-reviewed journals.MaguireBJ, BrowneM, O’NeillBJ, DealyMT, ClareD, O’MearaP. International survey of violence against EMS personnel: physical violence report. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2018;33(5):526–531.
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Smith, Christen A. "Counting Frequency." Social Text 39, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-8903591.

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Abstract Examining Black women's experiences with policing, this article argues that police terror is not predicated upon gender; rather, it enacts gender by undoing gender. Thus, it requires a new arithmetic of time and space in order to read beyond normative, hypermasculine narratives of police violence. While the dominant discourse of race and policing asserts that police terror disproportionately affects Black men, the frequency of Black women's experiences with police terror attunes to a lingering yet deadly impact beyond the linear, Cartesian dimensions of body counting, a frequency the article terms sequelae. Policing stretches and bends time and space as part of its (un)gendering practice. Through a brief survey of cases in Brazil and the United States, this article considers sequelae as a new arithmetic for calculating the multiple frequencies of police terror against Black women. Specifically, the article examines the case of Luana Barbosa dos Reis, a Black lesbian mother who was beaten to death by police officers in São Paulo in 2016. The article argues that her beating was an act of (un)gendering—a desire to both discipline her as a Black female/mother and erase her potential humanity by denying her desired gender identification (female). In this sense, her death was an act of anti-Black terror “in the wake.” Through a close reading of the police ledger, the police report, and the physical violence she endured, the article argues that her story teaches us the need for a new way of counting the frequency of police terror in relationship to time, space, and the Black female/mother body.
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Books on the topic "Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (United States)"

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Abriel, Evangeline. The VAWA manual. 5th ed. San Francisco, Calif: Immigrant Legal Resource Center, 2008.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on the Judiciary. Implementation of the Violence Against Women Act: Hearing before the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, One Hundred Third Congress, second session, on the implementation of the Violence Against Women Act provisions of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act (Public Law 103-322), September 29, 1994. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1996.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on the Judiciary. The continued importance of the Violence Against Women Act: Hearing before the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, One Hundred Eleventh Congress, first session, June 10, 2009. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2010.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on the Judiciary. The Violence against Woman [sic] Act: Building on 17 years of accomplishments : hearing before the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, first session, July 13, 2011. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2011.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on the Judiciary. Reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act: Hearing before the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, One Hundred Ninth Congress, first session, July 19, 2005. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2009.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on the Judiciary. The increased importance of the Violence Against Women Act in a time of economic crisis: Hearing before the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, One Hundred Eleventh Congress, second session, May 5, 2010. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2011.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Special Committee on Aging. Elder abuse and violence against midlife and older women: Roundtable discussion before the Special Committee on Aging, United States Senate, One Hundred Third Congress, second session, Washington, DC, May 4, 1994. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Indian Affairs (1993- ). S. 1763, S. 872, and S. 1192: Hearing before the Committee on Indian Affairs, United States Senate, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, first session, on S. 1763, Stand Against Violence and Empower Native Women Act, S. 872, a bill to amend the Omnibus Indian Advancement Act to modify the date as of which certain tribal land of the Lytton Rancheria of California is considered to be held in trust and to provide for the conduct of certain activities on the land, S. 1192, Alaska Safe Families and Villages Act of 2011, November 10, 2011. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2012.

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United, States Congress Senate Committee on Labor and Human Resources Subcommittee on Children Family Drugs and Alcoholism. Before dreams disappear: Preventing youth violence : hearing before the Subcommittee on Children, Family, Drugs and Alcoholism of the Committee on Labor and Human Resources, United States Senate, One Hundred Third Congress, second session, on examining certain provisions establishing programs to prevent youth violence as contained in the proposed Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act, May 17, 1994. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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United, States Congress Senate Committee on Labor and Human Resources Subcommittee on Children Family Drugs and Alcoholism. Before dreams disappear: Preventing youth violence : hearing before the Subcommittee on Children, Family, Drugs and Alcoholism of the Committee on Labor and Human Resources, United States Senate, One Hundred Third Congress, second session, on examining certain provisions establishing programs to prevent youth violence as contained in the proposed Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act, May 17, 1994. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (United States)"

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Bataveljic, Dragan. "USLUGE ORGANIZACIJA ZA BORBU PROTIV NASILjA U PORODICI." In XXI vek - vek usluga i uslužnog prava: [Knj. 13], 247–72. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xxiv-13.247b.

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In the paper, the author points to the constant increase in domestic violence. This phenomenon has been particularly intense in the last few decades and represents a very significant problem. First of all, women and children are exposed to this violence, but for almost two decades, men have also suffered from domestic violence. We meet this phenomenon in the Republic of Serbia, as well as in other countries of the world. This problem is particularly expressed in the United States of America. The Republic of Serbia is trying to solve this problem by passing appropriate laws and adopting the National Strategy for the Prevention and Suppression of Violence. That is why domestic violence has become the subject of wider social discussion and scientific research. It was also characterized as a criminal offense by the adoption of the Criminal Code and the Family Law from 2005. Our society's answer is unambiguously, because the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia from 2006 guarantees every person equal legal protection without discrimination. This one, the highest general legal act, guarantees to every citizen of our country, the dignity and free development of personality, the inviolability of mental and physical integrity. That is why, in our country, there are numerous authorities responsible for preventing domestic violence and providing protection and support services to victims. Numerous legal and natural persons and associations, as well as non-governmental organizations, have a significant role in the provision of these services. Special attention is dedicated to the protection of minors and the realization of their rights, safety and security. Finally, a large increase violence against men is evident in the last decade. In order to protect, support and provide services to victims of violence, regardless of gender and age, there is an increasing number of safe houses, as shelters for vulnerable persons.
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