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Journal articles on the topic 'Violence – Sociologie – Burundi'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Vandeginste, Stef. "Political Representation of Minorities as Collateral Damage or Gain: The Batwa in Burundi and Rwanda." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 1 (April 2014): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900101.

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There is a remarkable discrepancy between the political representation of the Batwa ethnic minority group in Burundi compared to in Rwanda. Whereas Rwanda's focus on citizenship prevents the Batwa from claiming recognition as a politically salient societal segment, Burundi's governance model, characterized by ethnic, consociational power-sharing, guarantees the political representation of the Batwa in the legislative assemblies. The difference is mainly due to the various modalities of political transition that both countries have experienced. While in Rwanda, regime change came about through a military victory, Burundi's transition from conflict to peace involved a long and complex peace-negotiations process, with international mediators viewing the armed conflict and its resolution in explicitly ethnic terms. The Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement was a foundational moment for the recognition of the political participation rights of the Batwa in Burundi, despite the fact that they were not actively involved in Burundi's armed conflict, or in the peace negotiations. The comparative analysis in this paper offers insights into the potential of peace processes with respect to improved minority-rights protection following violent conflict.

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2

Vandeginste, Stef. "Power-Sharing, Conflict and Transition in Burundi: Twenty Years of Trial and Error." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 3 (December 2009): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400304.

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For the past twenty years, Burundi has experimented with power-sharing as an instrument of political liberalisation, democratisation and conflict resolution. This contribution analyses the different meanings the concept of power-sharing has had throughout Burundi's recent and extremely violent political transition, in particular during the lengthy peace process. It shows how national and international actors have found inspiration in the toolbox of consociationalism to negotiate and design the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi signed in August 2000 and its post-transition Constitution. Power-sharing has been instrumental in achieving the – short-term – objective of war termination. It has also de-ethnicised political competition and reduced the (potentially) destabilising effect of elections. Measured against more ambitious state-building objectives (democracy, rule of law, accountable and effective governance), power-sharing has (so far) not been able to make a difference. Several factors and developments threaten the “survival” of the power-sharing model in Burundi.

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3

Reyntjens, Filip. "Institutional Engineering, Management of Ethnicity, and Democratic Failure in Burundi." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 2 (August 2016): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100204.

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This article argues that constitutional engineering along consociational lines in Burundi – explicitly accommodating ethnicity rather than attempting to suppress it – was instrumental in reducing the political role of ethnicity, but that other endogenous and exogenous factors also played a role. After surveying developments since 1988, this article focuses on the 2005 polls. The outcome of the parliamentary elections suggests that the “disappearance of the ethnic factor,” extolled by many at the time, was achieved by constitutional constraints rather than by social or political dynamics. Nevertheless, with regard to the country's most important and lethal historical problem, the ethnic divide, constitutional engineering has proved hugely effective. Burundi's main cleavage is now between (and within) parties rather than ethnic groups, and when violence occurs it is political rather than ethnic. Burundi's current crisis is therefore not a failure of consociationalism but of democracy.

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4

Turner, Simon. "Times of Violence." Conflict and Society 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2021.070110.

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Over the past two decades, I have done ethnographic fieldwork amongst Burundians in Burundi and in exile, exploring the different ways they deal with the violence that the country has witnessed over the decades. In this article I follow my tracks back and forth and in and out of the country, reflecting on the advantages and challenges of long-term engagement. At a conceptual level, I propose that while violence is indeed lodged in a social context, violent events create a momentary temporal rupture, thereby dislodging meaning from its local context of understanding. My methodological contribution is to explore how long-term engagements, revisits, and diachronic comparisons in ethnography may help us understand violence and violent events. I explore how violent events have affected the past, the present, and the future, causing those who experience it to reorient their understanding not only of their pasts but also of their anticipations for the future.

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5

Schwartz, Stephanie. "Home, Again: Refugee Return and Post-Conflict Violence in Burundi." International Security 44, no. 2 (October 2019): 110–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00362.

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Conflict between returning refugees and nonmigrant populations is a pervasive yet frequently overlooked security issue in post-conflict societies. Although scholars have demonstrated how out-migration can regionalize, prolong, and intensify civil war, the security consequences of return migration are undertheorized. An analysis of refugee return to Burundi after the country's 1993–2005 civil war corroborates a new theory of return migration and conflict: return migration creates new identity divisions based on whether and where individuals were displaced during wartime. These cleavages become new sources of conflict in the countries of origin when local institutions, such as land codes, citizenship regimes, or language laws, yield differential outcomes for individuals based on where they lived during the war. Ethnographic evidence gathered in Burundi and Tanzania from 2014 to 2016 shows how the return of refugees created violent rivalries between returnees and nonmigrants. Consequently, when Burundi faced a national-level political crisis in 2015, prior experiences of return shaped both the character and timing of out-migration from Burundi. Illuminating the role of reverse population movements in shaping future conflict extends theories of political violence and demonstrates why breaking the cycle of return and repeat displacement is essential to the prevention of conflict.

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6

Ndarishikanye, Barnabe. "Burundi: des identites ethnico-politiques forgees dans la violence." Canadian Journal of African Studies 33, no. 2/3 (1999): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486266.

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7

Uvin, Peter. "Ethnicity and Power in Burundi and Rwanda: Different Paths to Mass Violence." Comparative Politics 31, no. 3 (April 1999): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422339.

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8

Lemarchand, René. "Managing Transition Anarchies: Rwanda, Burundi, and South Africa in Comparative Perspective." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 4 (December 1994): 581–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0001586x.

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Against the backdrop of Africa's recent transitions to multi-party democracy, two countries stand at opposite ends of a spectrum of success and failure that ranges from the apocalyptic to the nearly miraculous. At one extreme, South Africa, the site of what has been described as ‘one of the most extraordinary political transformations of the twentieth century’, where the people ‘have defied the logic of their past, and broken all the rules of social theory, to forge a powerful spirit of unity from a shattered nation’. At the other end of the scale, Rwanda, a synonym for abyssal violence — a name that will go down in history as the epitome of an African Holocaust. Burundi, though spared the agonies of her neighbour, has not fared much better. There a remarkably successful transition was abruptly brought to a halt by an attempted military take-over, setting off an explosion of ethnic violence on a scale consonant with her reputation as a leading candidate for the title of genocidal state.

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9

Daley, Patricia. "Ethnicity and political violence in Africa: The challenge to the Burundi state." Political Geography 25, no. 6 (August 2006): 657–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2006.05.007.

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10

Doughty, Kristin C. "Legal responses to violent conflict in Rwanda and Burundi." Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict 4, no. 1 (March 2011): 82–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2011.603094.

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11

Baeriswyl, Édith, and Alain Aeschlimann. "Reflections on a dissemination operation in Burundi: Declaration for standards of humanitarian conduct: Appeal for a minimum of humanity in a situation of internal violence." International Review of the Red Cross 37, no. 319 (August 1997): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400076610.

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The idea of the dissemination project described in the present article first came up at the end of 1993, when what is known as interethnic violence broke out in Burundi following the attempted coup of October 1993 and the assassination of President Ndadaye together with a number of other leading figures. Given the scale of destruction and the heavy loss of life (it is now generally acknowledged that tens of thousands of people were killed during the first few weeks), and in view of the cruelty of the acts committed, ICRC delegates were at first hesitant to embark on any specific operation to promote humanitarian principles. Initially, they confined themselves to a practical demonstration of humanitarian conduct and to the use of radio broadcasts to supply information designed to facilitate operational work.

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12

Van Acker, Tomas. "Exploring the Legacies of Armed Rebellion in Burundi'sMaquis par Excellence." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 2 (August 2016): 15–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100202.

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This contribution explores the legacies of armed rebellion in post-war Burundi, where two of the main political parties, the ruling CNDD-FDD and the FNL, are former rebel movements. It aims to add a micro-political perspective to the discussion on the transformation of rebel groups into political parties, and bring some nuance to the normative underpinnings of this debate. Based on observations of the role of local leaders with an FNL past, and of retrospective popular appreciation for wartime governance by the FNL in its stronghold of Bujumbura Rural, the paper argues that beyond the symptoms of a violent political culture, this legacy should also be understood as a complex source of post-war power and legitimacy.

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13

Cheeseman, Nic, Michaela Collord, and Filip Reyntjens. "War and democracy: the legacy of conflict in East Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 1 (March 2018): 31–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000623.

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AbstractThe historical literature on statebuilding in Europe has often portrayed a positive relationship between war, state making and long-term democratisation. Similarly, a number of large-n quantitative studies have concluded that war promotes democracy – even in cases of civil war. Against this, a growing area studies literature has argued that violent conflict in developing countries is unlikely to drive either statebuilding or democratisation. However, this literature has rarely sought to systematically set out the mechanisms through which war undermines democracy. Contrasting three ‘high conflict’ cases (Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda) with two ‘low conflict’ cases (Kenya and Tanzania) in East Africa, we trace the way in which domestic conflict has undermined three key elements of the democratisation process: the quality of political institutions, the degree of elite cohesion, and the nature of civil-military relations. Taken together, we suggest that the combined effect of these three mechanisms helps to explain why Kenya and Tanzania have made significantly greater progress towards democratic consolidation than their counterparts and call for more in-depth research on the long-term legacy of conflict on democratisation in the African context.

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14

Palmer, Jack. "Politics and Violence in Burundi: the language of truth in an emerging state by Aidan Russell Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019. Pp. 330. $99.99 (hbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 58, no. 2 (June 2020): 302–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x20000130.

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15

"Africa — Latin America — Asia — Middle East." International Review of the Red Cross 28, no. 267 (December 1988): 546–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400072028.

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The ICRC assisted more than 12 000 persons in northern Burundi following the outbreaks in August of violent ethnic disputes. Blankets, clothing, soap, cooking utensils and farming tools were distributed from mid-September to the affected population.Relief materials were in part transported by truck from Uganda and in part purchased locally by the ICRC.Distributions took place in the villages of Ntega and Marangara, near the border with Rwanda, where the recent clashes had occurred. Delegates distributed supplies first in the centres set up for displaced persons, then in the hills to which the population was gradually returning.

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