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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Violence – Turkey'
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Biner, Zerrin Özlem. "Attached citizens : subjectivity and violence in Southeast Turkey." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612709.
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Dogutas, Aysun. "School Violence in Turkey, Multiple Perspectives in Multiple Settings." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1310504543.
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Akgul, F. "Patriarchal theory reconsidered : torture and gender based violence in Turkey." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2016. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/9z94z/patriarchal-theory-reconsidered-torture-and-gender-based-violence-in-turkey.
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Gender theory in general, and patriarchal theory in particular, have been explored in this research to describe the procedures, processes, norms, values and, most importantly, structures that define the subject. Patriarchal theory mostly perceives men as the abusers and women as the abused. However, the nuances and particularities of these oppressive structures have not been explored in detail. In this research, the reader is introduced to the various manifestations of how being privileged and underprivileged is constructed. This research focuses on processes and structures and it mostly explores alternative approaches towards political sociology and its intersection with gender theory. The thesis adopts a multi-level analysis that involves the different manifestations of the ruler-subject binary at the societal and interpersonal levels of analysis. The so-called private and public spheres with their fluid identities have been analyzed after descriptions of internal mechanisms reproducing the social construction of oppression are understood. Similarities between analysis concerned with the household and the public sphere reflects on how binaries such as the masculine and feminine, and the ruler and the subject, reproduce, mirror and reinforce one another. This research, therefore, focuses on structural and systematic ways of reproducing patriarchy as a system that affects the society in an inclusive way. This required and understanding of norms and values that have been analyzed as a reflection of processes that accommodate oppression. The intersection of these processes has led the author to argue that ‘women are to men, what the citizen is for the state, in the context of Turkey’. The feminization of the male political subject has been argued after presenting three chapters that represent my original contribution to knowledge. Through utilizing interviews conducted by other scholars, I initially analyzed male and female statements on domestic violence in Turkey. Second, I analyzed written texts, including official documents, which inform the reader of state officials’ views on gender inequality. Third, I have analyzed the relationship between the state and the citizen through the research I conducted, on police violence during the Gezi Park protests and other interviews include the research conducted with feminist and human rights laywers. The similarities between the manner, processes and values between the male and female (as well as the ruler and the subject) led to a discussion that the male political subject is simultaneously masculine and feminine. The feminization of the male political subject represented an alignment between two spheres that reinforce one another, through mirroring the public and the private. These two systems created a contradiction within the subject often leading him to over-compensate his damage. Therefore, patriarchal relativity was introduced to discuss a perspective on over-compensation amongst subjects and agents that coincide and conflate within vertical patriarchy. Accordingly, new concepts of patriarchy were needed to capture the nuances within a system that defines the subject at macro and micro levels. Throughout this research, the contributions produced by scholars during the past forty years over debates on patriarchal theory have been reproduced to a great extent. This research has utilized a multi-level analysis through comparisons made by references to metaphors. Metaphoric reproduction is a rare approach within patriarchal theory, often different to utilizing a single theoretical framework. The employment of semi-structured and unstructured interviews with additional content analysis substantiates the author’s subjectivity. This subjectivity reflects a feminist understanding of politics, political sociology, philosophy, and gender theory. As a result, political structures, processes, privilege, and vulnerability have been explored with a view understanding and empowering the marginalized.
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Yildiz, Yesim Yaprak. "(Dis)avowal of state violence : public confessions of perpetrators of state violence against Kurds in Turkey." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/286872.
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Kayaoglu, Mustafa. "Terrorism and strain: An exploratory analysis of the impact that individual strain and negative affect have on violent behavior among trained Turkish Hezbollah members." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9076/.
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This study attempts to explore the strains that terror organization members experience prior to the training process in the organization. The primary goal of this research is to understand the relationship between the earlier experienced strains of terrorists and their violent behaviors. In the study a Turkish Hezbollah terror organization sample (N = 144) was utilized in the frame of Agnew's (1992) general strain theory. Initially, quantitative methods, such as bivariate analysis and multivariate analysis, were utilized to identify the cumulative effect of strains on the violent behaviors of terrorists. Later, by utilizing case studies with a qualitative approach the mediating effect of negative emotions (anger, frustration, depression and fear) were identified. This study found that among Turkish Hezbollah members, prior to joining the terrorist organization, individuals who experience higher levels of strain are more likely to perform violent acts when compared to individuals who experience lower levels of strain. This study affirmed earlier studies on strain-crime relationship. Moreover, utilized case studies support that negative emotions -specifically anger- mediate between strains and violent actions. In sum, this research retests and builds on Agnew's theory and argues that general strain theory can help terrorism studies to understand the sources of strains of terrorists and the effect of strains on their violent behavior.
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Lacroix-Martin, Jillian. "Violence and Recidivism at Point of Pines and Turkey Creek Pueblo Through Cranial Analysis." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/297684.
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This thesis documents the incidence of cranial trauma from the Mogollon sites of Turkey Creek and Point of Pines Pueblo, spanning the time from A.D. 1000- 1450. The Mogollon were located in the American Southwest and during this time period the population began to coalesce and eventually dispersed. This dispersal led to increased warfare and pillaging of resources and women and represents a time of considerable social change and tension throughout these two regions. The comparisons of cranial trauma made by placement of trauma on cranium, sex of the individual, and also the number and sex of individuals with evidence of recidivism may suggest the use of domestic violence towards women in the population. This is important because it may provide a snapshot into the violence that was used among the Mogollon. Data found that out of 518 skeletal samples, 40 (7.72%) showed signs of cranial trauma. Out of these 40 subjects there were 19 females (47.50%), 16 males (40.00%), 1 sub-adult (2.50%), and 4 unknown (10.00%). Out of these 40 subjects, 7 females (17.50%) and 5 males (12.50%) showed evidence of recidivism. By mapping cranial trauma based upon sex on one skull, the pattern of injury for females were found to be more centrally located on the frontal bone and along the saggital suture and more randomized all around the skull for males. Although these results were in accordance with the hypotheses tested for in this experiment, the results were too close to provide adequate support for domestic violence against women in these pueblos during this time period.
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Ertan, Bese. "Sociological Analysis Of Organised Criminality In Turkey." Phd thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605960/index.pdf.
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This thesis argues that organized crime is a sociological phenomenon with criminological dimensions that constitutes a threat to public security and order, economic development, social integrity, democracy and peace in Turkey, and consequently to the national security of the country. Sociological and political causes of organized criminality will be assessed through a multidimensional approach based on the identification of different conceptual areas and related indicators that characterize organized crime groups.
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Kayaoglu, Mustafa Williamson David A. "Terrorism and strain an exploratory analysis of the impact that individual strain and negative affect have on violent behavior among trained Turkish Hezbollah members /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2008. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-9076.
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Akrawi, Yousor. "Conditional Freedom: Identifying How Orientalism Informs Structural and Cultural Violence Towards Muslim Women in Turkey." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22710.
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This thesis aims to point out the ways in which Muslim women who wear the headscarf are subject to cultural and structural violence, and to discuss how that violence is informed by Orientalism. The study answers the following question: How does Orientalism inform structural and cultural violence against the wearing of the headscarf by Muslim women in Turkey? The theoretical framework applied to this study explores Johan Galtung’s different forms of violence: structural and cultural violence. The study also explores Edward Said’s ideas on Orientalism. In order to investigate the two aims of this study, interviews are conducted with five Turkish Muslim women who wear the headscarf. Moreover, Section E of the Turkish Constitutional Court Ruling regarding the headscarf ban in 1989 is analysed. This is done in order to examine the discourse related to modernisation, secularity and religion, as well as to identify structural and cultural violence, and how it may be informed by an Orientalist perspective. As a methodology, this study adopts a discourse analysis framework to gain a deeper understanding of the data.The findings indicate that there is structural and cultural violence towards Muslim women who wear the headscarf, through both institutional and individual parties. Through the discourse of the participants and Section E of the Turkish Constitutional Court Ruling, these findings show that Orientalist attitude is an underlying factor in these forms of violence.
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Kiymaz, Bahceci Sehnaz. "Evaluation Of Istanbul Convention Its Contributions And Constraints For Elimination Of Violence Against Women In Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614897/index.pdf.
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With 2011 womens movement in Turkey has a new tool for combating violence against women in their handsCouncil of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, a.k.a. the Istanbul Convention. The Convention will add several new tools to the ones used by the womens movement in Turkey since 1980s.
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Yelbaşi, Caner. "Civil War, violence and nationality from empire to nation state : the Circassians in Turkey (1918-1938)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2017. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/24388/.
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Okyay, Gaye. "Women Victimization: In The Case Of Family Honor In Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12608335/index.pdf.
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This study is conducted in order to obtain information on the causes and methods of killings grounded by honor, and through which processes and by whom these killings are realized. The rationale behind honor killings is based on a primitive understanding of justice. The relatives of the killed person assume the honor of their family, clan etc. is cleaned, and justice achieved. What may be the reasons of the persistence of such an understanding of justice in present day? In trying to answer this question, the meaning and perception of the concept of honor, the social and historical roots of the honor killings, how these killings come about, the role and impacts of these killings in society are examined.
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Benderlioglu, Zeynep A. "Perception of hostility and blameworthiness, anger, and aggression in the US, Turkey, and China." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1054591695.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains x, 139 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes bibliographical references (p. 92-100). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center.
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Gergin, Nadir. "The Nexus between the Ballot and Bullet: Popular Support for the PKK and Post-election Violence in Turkey." VCU Scholars Compass, 2010. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/426.
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This study examines the relationship between popular support for the Kurdish Worker’s Party (PKK), which is an ethnic insurgent and terrorist organization mainly operating in Turkey, and its terrorist activities during the pre-and post-election periods in Turkey . Popular support has been measured through popular votes for the political party affiliated with the PKK in 1999 general, 2004 local and 2007 general elections. Two leading theories of social movements, Resource Mobilization Theory (RMT) and Relative Deprivation Theory (RD), were used as theoretical approach. The study uses secondary data and constructs a longitudinal design. An advanced statistical analysis technique, a generalized hierarchical linear model: time nested within subjects (or GHLM repeated measures) was employed in this study. Findings indicate that popular support is positively related to terrorist attacks of the PKK in Turkey. More popular support for the insurgent leads to more terrorist attacks. Furthermore, terrorist attacks gradually increased over the pre-election period of general elections. However, terrorist attacks abruptly increased upon the election but then subsequent terrorist attacks decline over the post-election periods.
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Boularbah, Zuraiya Longdewa. "Med hedern som insats - hedersrelaterat våld i Sverige och Turkiet." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-227337.
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Hedersrelaterat våld har inga gränser. Det sker inte endast i ett land, av ett folk med en specifik etnicitet, kultur eller religion. Hedersrelaterat våld existerar världen runt, även i Sverige. Mordet på Fadime Sahindal fick internationell uppmärksamhet och folk var i chock, speciellt den svenska regeringen som länge försökte förneka våldets existens i vårt avlånga jämställda land. Hedersrelaterat våld är en kategori av våld som i de flesta fall drabbar unga kvinnor som vägrar att infinna sig i familjens eller släktens normer och regler. Forskningens syften är att jämföra det hedersrelaterade våldet i Sverige och Turkiet samt att undersöka förklaringarna till fenomenet. Målet är även att undersöka rättsväsendet i de båda länderna gällande hedersrelaterat våld och titta på hur olika organisationer arbetar för att motverka att fler kvinnor blir utsatta för våldet. Feministisk teori är ett verktyg som genomgående har använts i undersökningen och materialet är hämtat både från biografier och intervjuer som genomförts både i Sverige och i Turkiet. Regeringarna i både Sverige och Turkiet måste tydligt ta bättre ansvar för hedersproblematiken och inte lägga det i händerna på hjälporganisationerna. I Turkiet finns det alldeles för få kvinnoorganisationer för kvinnor utsatta för hedersrelaterat våld och i Sverige är boendena överfyllda och kvinnor blir nekade skyddat boende på grund av för få platser. Även polis och socialstyrelsen har fått kritik för deras otillräckliga arbete inom hedersproblematiken. Målet är att det inte skall finnas kvinnojourer, men i dagens läge verkar det som att det bara behövs fler. Det är något som inte stämmer, både i Sverige och i Turkiet.Honor-related violence has no boundaries. It does not only occur in a particular country or is associated with one specific ethnicity, culture or religion. Honor-related violence exists around the world, even in Sweden. The murder of Fadime Sahindal received international attention and people were in shock, especially the Swedish government which for a long time had tried to deny that such violence existed in our long-standing country of equality. Honor-related violence is a category of violence which in most cases affects young women who refuse to assimilate to their families’ or relatives’ norms and rules. The research objectives are to compare honor-related violence in Sweden and Turkey as well as investigating the reasons for the phenomenon. The aim also includes investigating the judiciary system in both countries regarding honor-related violence and looks at how different organizations work to counter more women from becoming victims of honor-related violence. Feminist theory is a tool which has been used consistently in the investigation and the analyzed information was taken from biographies and interviews which were conducted in Sweden and Turkey. The governments of Sweden and Turkey must clearly take more responsibility for the honor-related violence problem rather than leaving the problem in the hands of charitable organizations. In Turkey, there are far too few women organizations for women exposed to honor-related violence while in Sweden, shelters are overflowing and women are denied accommodation because of too few places. Even the police and authorities have received criticism for their inadequate work towards dealing with honor-related violence. The aim should be for creating a society where there is no need for women shelters; however, with the current situation, it seems that even more are needed. There is certainly something wrong occurring both in Sweden and Turkey.
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Akbal, Gül. "Femicides in Turkey : Understanding Femicides through the Social, Political, and Gendered Context." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för tema, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-178714.
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Turkey and its authoritarian policies are in the headlines: the topic of Syrian refugees and the EU – Turkey deal, gross human rights violations, repression against opposition parties, and last but not least the withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention in March 2021. Heavy protests of feminist activist groups are demanding the end of gender-based violence and femicide.Against this background, the thesis investigates the reasons for the rapidly rising number of femicides in Turkey since 2008. It is argued that femicides are not isolated, individualized acts. Rather, they need to be grasped by the present social, political, and gendered context of Turkey. A contextual intersectional analysis is applied to examine the multifaceted and multilayered political phenomenon of femicides.The analysis reveals that femicides are not caused by single-issue factors, but rather by a variety of interlocking determinants such as deeply entrenched gender roles and patriarchal structures, gender-based violence, the regulatory landscape and the creation of political conditions that institutionalize gender hierarchy and violence.The unique contribution of this paper is the adoption of a decolonial view that incorporates a view to the resistance practices embedded into practices of repression and violence.
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Farr, Michael. "The State of Violence : A Qualitative study of the Types of Violence committed against the Kurds by the Turkish State." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-313585.
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Abstract This study examines and analyzes the types of violence committed by the Turkish state against the Kurds. Using a comprehensive typology of violence and qualitative analysis of news and NGO reports, the researcheris study asks what types and forms of violence does the Turkish state and their affiliates commit against the Kurds? While answering this research question a rubric was formulated this study also formulates a rubric (actor, motivation, form of violence) to utilize with a typology of violence that fills gaps of State Repression theory (the leading theory used in this subject matter) analysis. The results of this analysis of this study show that the Turkish state (and affiliates) have used all types of violence in a multitude of forms against the Kurds. Furthermore, the theoretical contribution this study demonstratesis the recognition that that types of violence overlap and should be be recognized as doing so in or analyzed in this manner to better understand the complexity and layers of violence to provide tailored solutions. Word Count: 19869
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Kaytaz, Esra Stephanie. "The resigned, the restless and the resilient : risk perceptions among Afghan migrants in Turkey." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:82055b1f-a6df-4e32-9182-bf4c600df12e.
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This thesis seeks to account for diversity in the migratory decisions of Afghan migrants who have recently arrived in Turkey. It proposes that social theories on risk provide a framework that rectifies a theoretical gap in the migration literature with respect to intra-group heterogeneity in the decision-making processes of migrants. The thesis adopts Rosa’s (1998: 28) definition of risk as: ‘a situation or event where something of human value (including humans themselves) has been put at stake and where the outcome is uncertain.' I argue that variation in what migrants view as being ‘at stake’ and in how they evaluate the associated uncertainties— in other words, how migrants perceive risk— accounts for the diversity in the migration decisions of similarly situated migrants. Risk is therefore an analytical tool for understanding decision-making in its subjective and socio-cultural context. The thesis offers a typology as an analytical device for categorising the ways in which informants managed the risks associated with migration decisions. I identify three modes of managing risk, defined as resigned, restless and resilient, on the basis of migrants’ engagements with their social environment, their efforts at advocating for themselves and others, and their ability to gather and disseminate information. The thesis also explores subsidiary themes concerning migrants’ legal consciousness with regard to irregular immigration status, and the process of embodying the physical and emotional consequences of migration. Most of the ethnographic fieldwork for this project was conducted in the cities of Istanbul, Van, Kayseri and Sivas from February 2011 until December 2012.
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Arnold, Nathaniel M. "Targeting the Minority: A New Theory of Diversionary Violence." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1590166439219292.
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Celik, Hande. "A Sociological Analysis Of Women Criminals In The Denizli Open Prison." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609523/index.pdf.
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This study, through a questionnaire and in-depth interviews, aims to to make
a sociological analysis of female criminals in the Denizli Open Prison, including
their demographic characteristics, family structures, committed crimes and the
factors that led to their criminal acts. The questionnaire, composed of 57 questions,
has been evaluated in the SPSS program, and in-depth interviews were done with 6
female criminals for a detailed analysis of why the female criminals committed
crimes and the factors that led to their behavior. In the study, the concept of crime is
accepted as a social fact. The educational backgrounds, ages, families and subcultures
of the women have been examined and the dynamics of female criminality
in Turkey have been cross-examined within the limits of sampling. In the course of
the study, it was found that concepts of honor, domestic violence and patriarchal
structure have been key concepts of female criminality, and female criminality in
Turkey can be understood in terms of these phenomena
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Grumstedt, Anna. "Från Turkiet till Skåne - internationella studenters syn på migration, återvändande och våld." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23479.
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Det konfliktdrabbade Turkiet är hemlandet för denna studies fyra respondenter. Syftet var att undersöka dessa internationella studentmigranters syn och uppfattning angående tre teman; migration, återvändande och våld, vilket gjordes med den instabila politiska situationen i landet i åtanke. Analysen gjordes genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys av det producerade materialet där materialet klassificerades i koder och underkoder, för att kunna jämföra respondenternas uppfattningar utifrån den teoretiska grunden.Studien genererade en mängd resultat från vilka slutsatser kunde dras. Begreppet migration kopplades ihop med flyktingar, vilket visade på en vilja att hellre definiera sig som cirkulär migrant då detta innebär fler och bättre möjligheter i mottagarlandet, samt efter avklarade studier. Att hellre identifiera sig som en världsmedborgare än att tillhöra den nationella identiteten visades av flertalet vara viktigt. Begrepp som brain drain, brain circulation och push-pullfaktorer togs upp för att förstå processen från ett statligt perspektiv.Då våld diskuterades nämndes främst det direkta våldet, men alla respondenterna reflekterade över både strukturella och kulturella våldshandlingar så som diskriminering på olika grunder.The conflict-threatened Turkey is the home country for this study's four respondents. The purpose was to investigate the views of international student migrants on three themes; migration, return migration and violence, which was decided upon and discussed with the unstable political situation in the country in mind. The analysis was done by a qualitative content analysis of the produced material, where the material was classified into codes and sub-codes, in order to be able to compare the respondents' perceptions based on the theoretical framework. The study generated several results from which conclusions could be drawn. The concept of migration was coupled with refugees, which indicated a willingness to better define themselves as circular migrants, as this means more and better opportunities in the recipient country, as well as after completed studies.Preferably identifying themselves as a world citizens rather than belonging to a national identity was shown by most of them. Concepts such as brain drain, brain circulation and push-pull factors were raised to understand the process from a state perspective.When violence was discussed, the direct violence was mainly mentioned, but all respondents reflected on both structural and cultural acts of violence such as discrimination on different grounds
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Yilmaz, Bulent. "THE EFFECT OF BELIEF IN BECOMING A MEMBER OF A TERRORIST ORGANIZATON AND THE IMPACT OF THAT BELIEF ON THE LEVEL OF VIOLENCE EXERTED BY THE TERRORIST ORGANIZATION MEMBERS IN TURKEY." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1377000529.
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Gallo, Sevin Marie. "Honor Crimes and the Embodiment of Turkish Nationalism, 1926-2016." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1460417033.
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Guclu, Idris. "The Function of Social Structure in Controlling Violent Crime in Turkey." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc33225/.
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This dissertation examines the relationship between social structural factors and violent crime rates in Turkey. The relationship between social structural characteristics and violent crime is worth exploring in areas that have attracted little academic attention, such as violent crime in Turkey. In order to understand and prevent the occurrence of crime, researchers have long investigated possible factors related to crime. Examining how crime varies across different regions can help us to understand underlying reasons for violent crime, which is considered one of the enduring problems in society. The findings of this research, to some extent, support the assumptions of social disorganization theory regarding the distribution of violent crime. Both the findings of multivariate and bivariate analysis indicated that poverty, unemployment, and family disruptions may have a positive effect on the distribution of violent crime in the cities of Turkey. The analysis of the effects of the social structure variables through the mediating variables, such as religious institutions, libraries and voluntary associations on the number of violent crimes and violent criminals, to some extent, support the tenets of social disorganization theory. However, all mediating variables cannot mediate all the indirect effects of social structural covariates. In brief, none of their indirect impacts on the social structural variables on the outcome variable was significant via mediating variables.
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Gok, Ozkan. "Structural Disadvantage, Terrorism, and Non-terrorist Violent Crime in Turkey." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1258729259.
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Deryol, Rustu. "Lifestyle, Self-Control, and School-Based Violent Victimization in Turkey." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1439308217.
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Çelik, Adnan. "Temps et espaces de la violence interne : revisiter les conflits kurdes en Turquie à l’échelle locale (du XIXe siècle à la guerre des années 1990)." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH112.
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La présente thèse a pour objet les conflits intra-kurdes à travers le double prisme de l’échelle locale et de la longue durée. Elle part d’une interrogation sur la guerre entre le PKK et l’État turc durant laquelle certains habitants ont choisi de s’engager aux côtés de la guérilla, d’autres de collaborer avec l’État en devenant korucu, d’autres encore, très minoritaires, de s’engager dans l’organisation islamiste Hizbullah. Par l’étude comparatiste des localités de Lice, Kulp et Silvan (au nord-est de Diyarbakır) des années 1830 aux années 1990, elle vise à apporter un éclairage détaillé, situé, et ancré localement des phénomènes de déstructuration et restructuration qui ont affecté les Kurdes de Turquie. Son approche se situe à la croisée de l’histoire et de l’anthropologie, combinant l’étude des sources écrites et l’enquête ethnographique, notamment à travers la réalisation d’une centaine d’entretiens, effectués entre 2013 et 2017 principalement dans les villages et chefs-lieux des trois terrains étudiés. L’axe principal de la recherche vise à exposer comment les clivages et conflits intra-kurdes ont été influencés et déterminés à partir d’une série de facteurs (dynamiques locales, appartenances tribales, recompositions internes à certaines familles, effets de socialisation et de politisation etc.). Les nœuds et interactions entre les dynamiques conflictuelles internes aux sociétés kurdes et la manière dont les politiques du pouvoir central entrent en jeu dans ces configurations sont un des axes de réflexion privilégiés. La perspective mobilisée s’appuie largement sur les sources orales et s’efforce de produire une histoire commune ou connectée se démarquant des historiographies kurdo-centrées et/ou « sunno-centrées », en incluant les diverses communautés ethniques ou religieuses habitant ou ayant habité la région. Elle accorde une attention particulière aux histoires et mémoires « mineures », aux formes de résistance discrètes, ainsi qu’au au rôle de la construction et de la transmission de la mémoire dans la persistance ou dans la reconfiguration des conflictualités internes. Les résultats de cette recherche, attentifs aux phénomènes de temporalité et de subjectivité, permettent de mettre en lumière la variété des facteurs d’engagement et des loyautés impliquées dans les situations de violence opposant différents acteurs kurdes entre euxThis dissertation explores the internal conflicts in Kurdish society from local context and long term perspectives. It departs from an interrogation on the war between the PKK and the Turkish state, during which some residents took sides with the guerillas, others chose to collaborate with the state by becoming korucu, yet a small portion of others got involved in the Islamist organisation Hizbullah. Through a comparative examination of the three localities Lice, Kulp and Silvan (in the north-east of Diyarbakir) from 1830s to 1990s, the present research aims at providing a detailed, situated, and locally anchored account of the phenomena of destructuration and restructuration that have affected the Kurds of Turkey. The approach adopted in the study is at the intersection of history and anthropology, combining the examination of the written sources and ethnographic survey, particularly through a series of interviews realised between 2013 and 2017 in the villages and main localities of the field of this study. The principal dimension of the research tries to clarify how the intra-Kurdish cleavages and conflicts were influenced and determined by a series of factors (local dynamics, tribal affiliation, internal recomposition in some families, the impact of socialisation and politicisation, etc.). Of great importance in the study are the interactions between the conflicting dynamics internal to Kurdish societies and the manner in which the politics of the central power step in to influence these configurations. The perspective adopted in the study relies largely on oral sources and tries to produce a shared or connected history, thus detaching itself from Kurdish-centred and/or “sunnite-centred” historiographies, by including diverse ethnic and religious communities living or having lived in the region. Special attention is devoted to “minor” histories and memories, in the form of secret resistance, as well as to the role of constructing and transmitting the memory in the persistence or reconfiguration of internal conflicts. The results of this research, sensitive to the phenomena related to temporality and subjectivity, help to clearly see the variety of factors in the involvement and loyalties that are influential in situations of violence with different Kurdish actors opposing each other
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Ekrem, Mus. "Examining Violent and Property Crimes in the Provinces of Turkey for the Years of 2000 and 2007." VCU Scholars Compass, 2010. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2022.
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This dissertation explores the relationship between social, economical, and demographic variables and reported violent and property crime incidents in the provinces of Turkey between 2000 and 2007. The data on violent and property crimes comes from Turkish National Police. All other variables are secondary data gathered from open sources and Turkstat. The research is one of the first studies to examine this relationship in Turkey. The findings of the study suggest that family disruption rate and gross domestic product were significantly related to the violent crime rate while family disruption rate, gross domestic product, population, population density, and urbanization rate were significantly related to the property crime rate in the provinces of Turkey at bivariate level. The findings of the multivariate analysis for violent crimes reveal strong support that high school graduation rate, family disruption rate and gross domestic product have a considerable significant positive impact on violent crimes while unemployment rate and urbanization rate have significant negative relationship with violent crimes in the provinces of Turkey. Likewise, the findings of the multivariate analysis for property crimes reveal strong support that high school graduation rate, family disruption rate, gross domestic product and population in a province have a considerable significant positive impact on the number of property crimes in a province in Turkey. Implications of findings and policy recommendations and future research suggestions are also discussed.
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Gökalp, Deniz 1978. "Beyond ethnopolitical contention: the state, citizenship and violence in the 'new' Kurdish question in Turkey." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3720.
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This dissertation aims to illuminate the changing nature of the Kurdish contention in Turkey since the 1990s as well as its ubiquitous dissemination among the Kurdish grassroots through examining the repercussions of political violence and the relocation of the grassroots from rural to urban centers. My understanding of the recent internal displacement of Kurdish citizens in Turkey in the late 1980s, but en masse in 1990s relates the issue to three overarching intertwined trajectories; 1) the end of the cold war, resulting in the changing nature of political violence and of identity politics; 2) the incursion of neoliberalism and the changing paradigms regarding the nature of state-society relations, resulting in a tendency for decentralization and a decline in the welfare functions of the state 3) the increasing salience of new international concerns--particularly international human rights rhetoric--and their influence domestically. Against this backdrop, I examine how the displacement of Kurdish citizens on a large scale has become part of the changing nature of the Kurdish Question, and in turn has started to redefine its contemporary face in Turkey in the 1990s. I argue that following the 1990s, the Kurdish question in Turkey has [re]surfaced as 1) a problem of political legitimacy between the state and (Kurdish) citizens affected by conflict and displacement 2) an ethno-nationalist claim, 3) a poverty and social citizenship problem. I analyze these three propositions in relation to three main processes. First, I propose that new dynamics have been introduced into the state/center-citizen/periphery relations, through which 'legitimate' Kurdish citizens and secure spaces/geographies are distinguished by the Turkish state in contrast to the 'illegitimate,' 'so-called', 'undeserving' and/or 'suspicious' ones. This process, in turn, brought in question the legitimacy of the state in the eyes of the displaced Kurdish citizens. Second, previously existing Kurdish contention has turned into an ethno-political issue, which is entrenched among the Kurdish masses mired in poverty in the urban centers of southeastern Turkey. Finally, the discontents of neoliberal restructuring in the form of poverty, unemployment and social exclusion have converged with the ethnicized discontent prevailing among the Kurdish masses in the city centers in southeastern Turkey.
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Aciksoz, Salih Can. "Sacrificial limbs of sovereignty : disabled veterans, masculinity, and nationalist politics in Turkey." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3472.
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This dissertation concerns the disabled veterans of the Turkish army who fought against the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) guerillas as conscripted soldiers. While being valorized as sacrificial heroes, “ghazis,” in the realm of nationalist politics, these disabled veterans also face socio-economic marginalization and demasculinization anxieties in Turkey, where discrimination against the disabled is rampant. In such a context, disabled veterans emerged as important ultranationalist actors in the 2000s, championing a conservative agenda around the issues of state sovereignty, democratization, and Turkey’s pending European Union (EU) membership.
In this dissertation, I locate the disabled veteran body at the intersection of medical and welfare institutions, nationalist discourses, and cultural formations of gendered normativity to trace the embodied socio-cultural and political processes that constitute disabled veterans as ultranationalist political subjects. I approach the politicization of disabled veterans through the analytical lens of the body in order to understand how veterans’ gendered and classed experiences of warfare, injury, and disability are hardened into an ultranationalist political identity. Exploring the tensions between the nationalist construction of the disabled veteran body and veterans’ embodied experiences as lower-class disabled men, I show how the dialectic between political rites of consecration and everyday rites of desecration translates disability into a political force. By unraveling the ways in which disability caused by violence generates new forms of masculinity, embodiment, and political identity, I illustrate how the disabled veterans’ suffering is brokered into militarization and ultranationalist protest in contemporary Turkey.text
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Maze, Jacob Alan. "Foucalt a násilí: Genealogie národní sounáležitosti a zastupitelské moci v Turecku." Doctoral thesis, 2021. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-446807.
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The central aim of this dissertation is to introduce tools for studying a form of political violence in Michel Foucault's genealogical methodology. This is accomplished by reformulating theories from Hannah Arendt on violence to sync with Foucault's understanding of power, knowledge and experience. Violence is shown to be a relationship where one subject is prevented from fulfilling a strategy by another, which over time accumulates into widespread power relations, or nexuses of violence, within a society. This is contrasted with power, which is when one subject attempts to control the outcome of a situation, and as such it is productive. This method of genealogy is then employed in the case of national identity (i.e., nationalism) in Turkey. Tracing its historical emergence, the late Ottoman Empire becomes the focal point. A network of allegiances, referred to as sultanic power, constituted the relationships that were exercised prior to the nineteenth century. While one pledged their loyalty and subservience to their ruler, this required their ruler to offer them security and prosperity in return. Over the Long Nineteenth Century, a new network of power relations emerged based on representation through the practices and discourses that developed. I come to outline what I term representative power....