Relevant bibliographies by topics / Violent conflicts

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Violent conflicts'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Violent conflicts"

1

Winstok, Zeev. "Conflict escalation to violence and escalation of violent conflicts." Children and Youth Services Review 30, no. 3 (March 2008): 297–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2007.10.007.

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Engels, Bettina. "Rape and Constructions of Masculinity and Femininity." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 8 (September 30, 2004): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.8.5.

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With her paper Rape as a War Crime (Politikon 6/2003, p. 55-69), Andrea Theocharis has put an issue on the agenda, which has long been missing in Politikon’s discussions. I am grateful to Andrea for starting an important debate, which I would like to continue by giving some remarks to her contribution focusing on the gender constructionist dimension of rape in violent conflicts. Agreeing with Andrea, I will argue that rape and sexual violence are not only systematic and strategic weapons in violent conflicts but gendered crimes which cannot be analyzed appropriately without theorizing social and cultural constructions of masculinity and femininity. I will outline how gender-blind approaches fail to meet the issue of rape in violent conflicts. By mentioning some exemplary empirical figures, I will show that rape in violent conflicts is neither a new phenomena nor can it be considered a by-product of war. It must be emphasized that rape is not an act of sexuality but a crime against human physical and psychical integrity. I will discuss gender-sensitive approaches, which analyze rape in violent conflicts. Special attention will be paid to the view of rape as an act of male violence against women, which has also been outlined by Andrea. I will then focus on the construction of hegemonic masculinity and the widely ignored fact that also men are victims of rape and sexual torture in violent conflicts. I will conclude with emphasizing that constructions of femininity and masculinity are integral to violent conflicts in general and to rape and sexual violence in particular. If mainstream conflict analysis continues to ignore the dimensions of gender constructions, it will fail to meet its subject appropriately.
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Sola García, Marina. "Challenging Violence and Victimisation Discourses in International Relations. The experiences of Men and Women during the Rwandan Genocide = Desafiando los discursos de violencia y victimización en las relaciones internacionales. Las experiencias de hombres y mujeres durante el genocidio de Ruanda." FEMERIS: Revista Multidisciplinar de Estudios de Género 3, no. 1 (February 5, 2018): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2018.4076.

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Abstract. The study of the roles of men and women during violent conflicts and postconflict situations has traditionally restricted the experiences of women to those of victims, and those of men to violent perpetrators. This paper adopts a feminist constructivist approach to explore how traditional gender discourses have sustained the victimisation of women and the association of violence with men in the roles of aggressors and protectors. Throughout the case study of the Rwandan genocide, this research illustrates gender stereotypes tend to ignore on the one hand the role of women as violent perpetrators, and on the other hand, the victim status of men during conflicts. This study attempts to show experiences of Rwandan women were not limited to those of victims, but they planned and participated in genocidal violence and abuses. Additionally, and also contrary to traditional gender discourses, Rwandan men compromised the first targets of violence during the conflict. This thesis concludes that a broader and deeper understanding of conflict studies and ultimately world politics can be acquired by challenging traditional gender discourses, and investigating and recognizing the multifaceted experiences of women and men in conflict and post-conflict situations.Keywords: victimisation, violence, masculinity, femininity, “beautiful souls”, “just warriors”, passivity, agency.Resumen. El estudio de los roles de hombres y mujeres durante situaciones de conflictos y de los escenarios post-conflicto, tradicionalmente ha restringido las experiencias de las mujeres a las de las víctimas, y las de los hombres a los perpetradores de violencia. Este documento adopta un enfoque constructivista feminista para explorar cómo los discursos tradicionales de género han sostenido por un lado, la victimización de las mujeres, y por otro lado, la asociación de la violencia con los hombres bien sea en su papel de agresores y/o protectores. A lo largo del estudio de caso del genocidio de Ruanda, esta investigación ilustra que en situaciones de conflicto los estereotipos de género tienden a ignorar, por una parte, el papel de las mujeres como perpetradoras violentas y, por otra parte, el estatus de víctima de los hombres. Este estudio intenta mostrar que las experiencias de las mujeres ruandesas no se limitaron únicamente a las de las víctimas, sino que planificaron y participaron de manera active en la violencia y abusos genocidas. Además, y también en contra de los discursos de género tradicionales, los hombres de Ruanda conformaron los primeros objetivos y víctimas de la violencia durante el conflicto. Esta tesis concluye que se puede adquirir una comprensión más amplia y profunda de los estudios de conflicto y, en última instancia, de la política mundial, desafiando los discursos tradicionales de género e investigando y reconociendo las experiencias multifacéticas de mujeres y hombres en situaciones de conflicto y posconflicto.Palabras clave: victimización, violencia, masculinidad, femininidad, “almas hermosas”, “guerreros justos”, pasividad, agencia.
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Řezníček, Dan, and Radek Kundt. "Violent CRED s toward Out-Groups Increase Trustworthiness: Preliminary Experimental Evidence." Journal of Cognition and Culture 20, no. 3-4 (August 26, 2020): 262–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685373-12340084.

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Abstract In the process of cultural learning, people tend to acquire mental representations and behavior from prestigious individuals over dominant ones, as prestigious individuals generously share their expertise and know-how to gain admiration, whereas dominant ones use violence, manipulation, and intimidation to enforce obedience. However, in the context of intergroup conflict, violent thoughts and behavior that are otherwise associated with dominance can hypothetically become prestigious because parochial altruists, who engage in violence against out-groups, act in the interest of their group members, therefore prosocially. This shift would imply that for other in-groups, individuals behaving violently toward out-groups during intergroup conflicts become simultaneously prestigious, making them desirable cultural models to learn from. Using the mechanism of credibility enhancing displays (CRED s), this article presents preliminary vignette-based evidence that violent CRED s toward out-groups during intergroup conflict increase the perceived trustworthiness of a violent cultural model.
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Milburn, Thomas W. "Resolving violent conflicts." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 6, no. 4 (2000): 351–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327949pac0604_07.

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Ristanti, Destin Nurafiati. "Interreligious Violent Conflict Resolution: Discoursing Communal Violence between Christians and Moslems in Poso City, Indonesia." Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2022): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/hjsis.v1i1.24845.

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After the reformation occurred in 1998, the political situation in Indonesia became unstable. Military forces had been concentrated in the central government to maintain stability. Thus, the situation in Indonesia became vulnerable and easy to be provoked. During that period, various conflicts happened and escalated, such as ethnic and interreligious group conflicts. One of those conflicts occurred in Poso, considered one of the most violent conflicts in Indonesia after the reformation. It was an interreligious conflict between the Christian and Muslim groups in Poso, a city in Central Sulawesi. In this city, the interreligious conflict between these two groups took place a few times through some phases, involving both militant and violent groups. The conflict was eventually settled through the dialogue between two conflicting groups, each led by respected religious local figures. The government mediated the dialogue through one of the public officials who was respected in the country. In the last stage of Poso conflict resolution, Malino Declaration was set to end the conflict, and the military was sent to the city to keep the peace process, and the conflict perpetrators were sent to trial.
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Grassiani, Erella, Alexander Horstmann, Lotte Buch Segal, Ronald Stade, and Henrik Vigh. "Editorial." Conflict and Society 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2015.010101.

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Violence, defined as the intentional inflicting of injury and damage, seems to always have been a fact of human life. Whether in the shape of raids, ambushes, wars, massacres, genocides, insurgences, terrorism, or gang assaults, socially organized violence, that is, human groups orchestrating and committing violent acts, has been a steady companion of human life through the ages. The human quest to make sense of violence is probably as old as violence itself. Academic conflict research both continues and advances this quest. As long as wars were waged between nations, the research on armed conflicts focused on international relations and great power politics. This paradigm was kept alive even when the asymmetrical warfare of decolonization spread across the world, because by then the frame of analysis was the binary system of the Cold War and regional conflicts were classifi ed as proxy wars. After the end of the Cold War, the academic interest in forms of organized violence other than international conflict became more general in the social sciences, not least in anthropology, a discipline whose long-standing research interest in violent conflict previously had been directed almost exclusively towards “tribal warfare.” But, following their research tradition, anthropologists also began to conduct field studies in contemporary war zones and other violent settings.
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Piccolino, Giulia. "Conference Report: The Legacy of Armed Conflicts: Southern African and Comparative Perspectives." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 3 (December 2016): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100307.

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This report deals with the international workshop “The Legacy of Armed Conflicts: Southern African and Comparative Perspectives,” held on 28–29 July 2016 at the University of Pretoria. The workshop facilitated discussions and exchanges between regional and comparative experts and focused on three themes: the relationship between peace processes and long-term peacebuilding, the role of former armed actors in post-conflict societies, and the persistence of violence after conflict. The importance of legitimacy for peacebuilding was often evoked as was the necessity to consider the continuity between armed conflict and other forms of violent and non-violent social action.
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Yang, Xueyan, and Moye Xin. "“Boy Crisis” or “Girl Risk”? The Gender Difference in Nonsuicidal Self-Injurious Behavior Among Middle-School Students in China and its Relationship to Gender Role Conflict and Violent Experiences." American Journal of Men's Health 12, no. 5 (March 26, 2018): 1275–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557988318763522.

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Purpose: We attempted to test if there were gender differences in nonsuicidal self-injurious (NSSI) behaviors among Chinese middle-school students, and analyze the impact of gender role conflict and violent experiences on these behaviors among middle-school students of different genders. Method: Based on the survey data from seven middle schools in Xi’an region of China, the gender difference in NSSI behaviors and its associated factors were analyzed in this study. Results: There was no significant gender difference in NSSI behaviors among middle-school students; however, female middle-school students were more likely to experience gender role conflicts while male students were more likely to experience all kinds of violence earlier. Gender role conflicts and violent experiences can explain the prevalence of NSSI behaviors by gender, to some extent. Conclusions: The hypothesis on gender patterns of “boy crisis” or “girl risk” on NSSI prevalence was not verified; however, a “girl risk” for gender role conflicts and a “boy crisis” in violent experiences were found. The gender role conflicts were significantly associated with NSSI prevalence among middle-school students to some extent; however, this relationship was adjusted by variables of violent experiences. The different variables of violent experiences were the important predictors of NSSI prevalence among male and female middle-school students with specific contents varying across genders.
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Gleditsch, Kristian Skrede. "An Ever More Violent World?" Political Studies Review 17, no. 2 (February 13, 2019): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929919830051.

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A recent report by the United Nations and the World Bank argues that the world has seen “a surge in violent conflicts in recent years,” with a sharp increase in reported battle-related and terrorist attacks, and calls for preventive action to ensure that increasing conflict does not undermine the UN Sustainable Development Goals. I will argue that this is a far too pessimistic assessment of conflict trends and not borne out of the available evidence, which indicates a decline in violent conflict since the end of the Cold War. Alarmist warnings may seem helpful to call for action, but they detract attention from what we can learn about the causes for why conflict has declined. For example, resort to violence has become less frequent where factors that can motivate resort to violence such as political and ethnic exclusion have decreased. Moreover, conflict of interest does not imply violence, and the space for nonviolent alternatives has increased. The future of conflict and peace depends on our confidence in whether positive changes will continue and our understanding of the possible challenges.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Violent conflicts"

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Jackson, Richard D. W. "Negotiation versus mediation in international conflict: Deciding how to manage violent conflicts." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/8905.

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The thesis is an attempt to fill the theoretical and empirical gap in current conflict management research, which has failed to examine methods of conflict management comparatively. Two dominant paradigms exist, neither of which is adequate to the task of comparing negotiation and mediation in the real world of international politics: the Psychology paradigm and the Third Party Intervention paradigm. An alternative theoretical framework, the Contingency framework of negotiation and mediation was therefore, constructed. This model suggests that negotiation and mediation are conceptually and empirically different, and specifies a series of contextual and process variables which are vital to any examination of conflict management. Utilising a unique data set of thousands of cases of negotiation and mediation coded according to the variables specified in the Contingency model, a general bivariate analysis, followed by a more in-depth multivariate analysis, revealed a number of important differences and similarities between the two methods. The results suggest that negotiation and mediation are different forms of conflict management, which are most likely to be successful under contrasting conditions in international politics. Negotiation is the most successful method overall, but tends to be limited to low intensity, interstate conflicts. Mediation tends to occur in the most intense, intractable, and primarily civil conflicts, and is useful under a number of onerous circumstances.
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Ayres, IV Russell William. "Strategies for peace : resolution in violent nationalist conflicts /." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487947908402298.

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Gustafsson, Jenny. "The Role of the United Nations in Preventing Violent Ethnic Conflicts." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21617.

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The aim of the following study was to create a limited framework, based on normative and constructive reflections, of how the UN can work to prevent violent ethnic conflicts. The study was divided into two phases. The first phase originated from Joseph S. Nye’s analytical framework and gave an overview of the theories available on the causes of ethnic conflicts. From these theories three major problems were drawn; poverty, structural inequalities and society in transition. The second phase of the study had a normative and constructive approach, using two overlapping circles of theories. The normative chapter discussed how conflict prevention ought to be in the best of worlds and which moral position the UN should have. The constructive chapter discussed which means and limitations the UN faces considering conflict prevention and how the UN can work to address the major problems outlined in the first phase. The conclusion drawn from the analysis was that the UN has the knowledge, experience and operational capacity to address these issues, but that several problems concerning the UN system and the member states of the UN makes it difficult for the organization to effectively use the potential it has to prevent violent ethnic conflicts.
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Leonardo, Elias Leju. "Induced agricultural innovations in violent conflicts and post-conflict situations : lessons from Southern Sudan." Thesis, University of Reading, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.542264.

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Schweitzer, C. "Strategies of intervention in protracted violent conflicts by civil society actors : the example of interventions in the violent conflicts in the area of former Yugoslavia." Thesis, Coventry University, 2009. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/f10df296-dcc0-062b-8ba7-85d3f28687e7/1.

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This thesis seeks to contribute to the understanding of conflict intervention in protracted violent conflicts by studying the activities of civil society actors in regard to the conflicts in what was Yugoslavia until 1991. A very broad understanding of ‘intervention’ is used for this purpose that includes all kinds of activities that relate to the conflicts. Based on a survey of activities in the period between 1990 and 2002, a framework for categorising and describing these interventions is applied according to basic functions in four ‘grand strategies’ of ‘peace-making’, ‘peace-keeping’, ‘peacebuilding’, and ‘information, support, protest and advocacy’, with a total list of about 230 instruments of conflict intervention identified. The study concludes that civil society actors played three different basic roles: They complemented the work of state actors, they were the avant-garde for approaches, strategies and methods that later became ‘mainstream’ in conflict intervention, and in some cases, they were able to control or correct actions by governments through advocacy or direct action. The development of instruments of civil conflict transformation received a massive boost through this engagement in the 1990s. The study supports the position taken recently by some researchers making comparative studies of cases of conflict intervention regarding the limited role played by dialogue and reconciliation work in regard to dealing with the overall conflicts: In spite of ‘reconciliation’ and inter-ethnic cooperation being at the core of the vast majority of all projects and programmes undertaken in the area, indicators of real impact regarding an overall positive change in society and prevention of future violence seem to be rather weak. The study further observes that there was a social movement developed relating to former Yugoslavia in many Western countries that in a hitherto unknown way combined traditional methods of protest and advocacy with concrete work in the field.
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Kramer, Reik. "Network-centric peace : an application of network theory to violent conflicts." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3323/.

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Social networks are complex adaptive systems made up of nodes - human beings - and the links between those nodes. The links in any given network provide individuals with goods and services necessary for survival, including the quest for meaning, narrative and identity. This thesis argues that social networks are not rapidly increasing in complexity (a common view) but that the process of making and breaking links, and the ability to observe and document such processes, has been accelerated and simplified by modern technology. It is this ability to observe the dynamics within networks, networks that are subject to constant and on-going change and evolution, which makes the study of networks useful. Most approaches to social network analysis focus on spoken and written communication along links between the nodes, but shared suffering or execution of violence, or the simple association with a narrative involving violence, is a powerful dynamic in networks. It is a dynamic which has thus far been largely overlooked, but one which has important implications for international relations. Violence creates a shared identity and provides guidance for the behaviour of individuals, but also destroys life. The thesis analyses the case studies of Lebanon and Afghanistan from these perspectives. Whilst most studies on the Lebanese Civil War argue that the outbreak of violent conflict was unavoidable due to domestic and regional antagonisms, these studies do not explain why and how the war ended in 1990 in circumstances where the same factors continued to exist yet suddenly with a relative absence of large-scale violence. In contrast, violence has plagued Afghanistan since the 1970s and shows no signs of abating. Violence here is not tied to a specific conflict but has become the defining form of communication between the various network actors. Network theory can be used to gain a deeper understanding of the causes of violent conflict as well as, importantly, the forces that maintain or limit violence. Once these forces are understood, they can be utilised in an effort to change the prevailing dynamics of violence within a network, and to initiate a more successful approach to peacebuilding efforts within violent conflicts.
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Guo, Ting. "Surviving in violent conflicts : Chinese interpreters in the second sino-Japanese war (1931-1945)." Thesis, Aston University, 2009. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/15314/.

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In the past decade interpreting studies has gradually adopted a sociological perspective, taking into account social and cultural factors that affect interpreters actual behaviour in different settings. However, there have been few studies of interpreters practices as forms of social interaction, especially of the ways in which they become professionals and operate as social agents. Drawing upon Pierre Bourdieus theory of practice, this thesis aims to offer a contribution to the history of interpreting by examining the professional training and practices of Chinese interpreters during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1931-1945). On the basis of Bourdieus concept of field, this thesis reconstructs three competing fields dominated by three political and military powers: the Chinese Kuomingtang (KMT) government, the Chinese Communist Party, and the Japanese forces. By investigating interpreters training, employment and practices within these three fields, the thesis examines how the interpreting profession was affected by shifts in foreign policy, and how interpreters professional habitus were formed through their training and interaction with other social agents and institutions. It then highlights the interpreters active position-taking in pursuit of individual interests by examining particular interpreters career development through case studies of two interpreters, Xia Wenyun and Yan Jiarui, who served the Japanese forces and the Chinese KMT government, respectively. The study shows that the practices of the interpreters were broader than the scope of language transfer. In order to survive violent conflicts, interpreters often intertwined their interpreting with other political and professional activities. For them, interpreting was not a mere linguistic practice, but a strategy for self-protection, a route to power, or just a chance for a better life. Frequently crossing social, political and military borders, interpreters sometimes played a crucial cushioning role by protecting local residents from loss of life and property during the war.
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Situmorang, Mangadar. "Intrastate conflicts and international humanitarian intervention: case studies in Indonesia." Thesis, Curtin University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/822.

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The differences in the international responses to the violent conflicts in East Timor (1998–1999), Maluku (1999–2003) and Aceh (1998–2005) are examined in this research. Given the growing acceptance of the significance of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes, the humanitarian crises in Maluku and Aceh might prima facie have justified humanitarian intervention similar to that in East Timor. By analysing the differences from the Indonesia’s domestic political point of view it is clear that the conscience-shocking situation caused by the violent conflicts was not the compelling factor for the international community to militarily intervene. The deployment of a multinational force in East Timor (INTERFET) was decided only after the UN and foreign major countries believed that such military intervention would not jeopardize the ongoing process of democratization in Indonesia. This suggested that Indonesia’s domestic circumstance was central to whether a similar measure in Maluku and Aceh would take place or not. Due to the reformasi (political reform) in Indonesia within which the independence of East Timor took place, two main changes within Indonesian politics, namely the growing sentiment of anti-international intervention and the continuing democratization process, helped to ensure that humanitarian intervention in the two other regions did not happen.These two conditions were fortified by the increasingly consolidated democratic politics which brought the communal conflict in Maluku to the Malino Peace Agreement. The emergence of a stronger and democratic government in Indonesia, furthermore, made cooperation with the international community possible in seeking a peaceful resolution to the armed conflict in Aceh. By involving the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) the government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) agreed to the Helsinki peace agreement and accepted the role of the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) to secure its implementation. Thus, a strong democratic government made an international military intervention for humanitarian purposes unnecessary.
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Situmorang, Mangadar. "Intrastate conflicts and international humanitarian intervention: case studies in Indonesia." Curtin University of Technology, Dept. of Social Sciences, 2007. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18582.

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The differences in the international responses to the violent conflicts in East Timor (1998–1999), Maluku (1999–2003) and Aceh (1998–2005) are examined in this research. Given the growing acceptance of the significance of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes, the humanitarian crises in Maluku and Aceh might prima facie have justified humanitarian intervention similar to that in East Timor. By analysing the differences from the Indonesia’s domestic political point of view it is clear that the conscience-shocking situation caused by the violent conflicts was not the compelling factor for the international community to militarily intervene. The deployment of a multinational force in East Timor (INTERFET) was decided only after the UN and foreign major countries believed that such military intervention would not jeopardize the ongoing process of democratization in Indonesia. This suggested that Indonesia’s domestic circumstance was central to whether a similar measure in Maluku and Aceh would take place or not. Due to the reformasi (political reform) in Indonesia within which the independence of East Timor took place, two main changes within Indonesian politics, namely the growing sentiment of anti-international intervention and the continuing democratization process, helped to ensure that humanitarian intervention in the two other regions did not happen.
These two conditions were fortified by the increasingly consolidated democratic politics which brought the communal conflict in Maluku to the Malino Peace Agreement. The emergence of a stronger and democratic government in Indonesia, furthermore, made cooperation with the international community possible in seeking a peaceful resolution to the armed conflict in Aceh. By involving the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) the government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) agreed to the Helsinki peace agreement and accepted the role of the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) to secure its implementation. Thus, a strong democratic government made an international military intervention for humanitarian purposes unnecessary.
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Sottsas, Simon [Verfasser]. "Segregation and integration as challenges for hegemony projects in violent conflicts : A historical-materialist study of the conflict system on the southern Philippines / Simon Sottsas." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1036130436/34.

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Books on the topic "Violent conflicts"

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Guo, Ting. Surviving in Violent Conflicts. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46119-3.

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Kramer, Christian R. Network Theory and Violent Conflicts. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-41393-8.

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Kampf, Zohar, and Tamar Liebes. Transforming Media Coverage of Violent Conflicts. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137313218.

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Aall, Pamela, and Dan Snodderly, eds. Responding to Violent Conflicts and Humanitarian Crises. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-59463-3.

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Aall, Pamela, and Dan Snodderly, eds. Responding to Violent Conflicts and Humanitarian Crises. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-59463-3.

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Lund, Michael S. Preventing violent conflicts: A strategy for preventive diplomacy. Washington, D.C. (1550 M St., Washington 20005): U.S. Institute of Peace Press, 1996.

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Lund, Michael S. Preventing violent conflicts: A strategy for preventive diplomacy. Washington, D.C: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1996.

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Centre for Development and Conflict Management Studies, ed. Oil and violent conflicts in the Niger Delta. [Ile-Ife, Nigeria]: Obafemi Awolowo University Press, 2002.

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Stoltz, Pauline. Gender, Resistance and Transnational Memories of Violent Conflicts. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41095-7.

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Violent conflicts, fragile peace: Perspectives on Africa's security problems. London: Adonis & Abbey Publishers, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Violent conflicts"

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Guo, Ting. "Introduction." In Surviving in Violent Conflicts, 1–22. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46119-3_1.

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Guo, Ting. "Responsibility and Accountability: Military Interpreters and the Chinese Kuomintang Government." In Surviving in Violent Conflicts, 23–72. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46119-3_2.

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Guo, Ting. "Political Beliefs or Practical Gains?: Interpreting for the Chinese Communist Party." In Surviving in Violent Conflicts, 73–101. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46119-3_3.

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Guo, Ting. "Interpreting for the Enemy: Collaborating Interpreters and the Japanese Forces." In Surviving in Violent Conflicts, 103–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46119-3_4.

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Guo, Ting. "A Case Study of Two Interpreters: Xia Wenyun and Yan Jiarui." In Surviving in Violent Conflicts, 139–68. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46119-3_5.

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Guo, Ting. "Conclusion." In Surviving in Violent Conflicts, 169–74. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46119-3_6.

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Ferreira, Marcos Alan S. V. "Violent Conflicts in South America." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Peace and Conflict Studies, 1–9. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11795-5_65-1.

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Buckley-Zistel, Susanne. "Violent Conflicts and Their Termination." In Conflict Transformation and Social Change in Uganda, 12–29. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230584037_2.

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Ferreira, Marcos Alan. "Violent Conflicts in South America." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Peace and Conflict Studies, 1649–57. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77954-2_65.

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Kemmerling, Birgit, Conrad Schetter, and Lars Wirkus. "Addressing Food Crises in Violent Conflicts." In Science and Innovations for Food Systems Transformation, 217–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15703-5_12.

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AbstractFood insecurity and hunger continue to threaten the lives and livelihoods of millions of people. Many of today’s food crises are linked to violent conflicts in various ways. The number of people affected by conflict-driven food crises increased from 77 million in 2019 to more than 99 million one year later, particularly in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Afghanistan, Syria and Yemen. The objective of food security ending hunger and malnutrition and enabling sustainable agricultural production as addressed by Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 2 of ‘Zero Hunger’ therefore largely depends on the progress made on SDG 16 in promoting peaceful and inclusive societies.However, the severe food crises of the past decade have demonstrated the weaknesses in governing food (in)security in conflict settings. While national governments or belligerents are often unable or unwilling to respond adequately to food crises, humanitarian relief operations face the challenges of reaching those people most in need of food supply and simultaneously avoiding exacerbation of the conflict. This has left many of the affected communities having to find their own responses to food insecurity. If food crises are to be effectively addressed, research and policy actions need to tackle both food crises and violent conflict.
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Conference papers on the topic "Violent conflicts"

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PARADISO, SERGIO, and LAUREN SCHROCK. "VIOLENCE AND VIOLENT CONFLICTS: VIEWS FROM AFFECTIVE NEUROSCIENCE." In Proceedings of the International Seminar on Nuclear War and Planetary Emergencies — 27th Session. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812705150_0069.

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Wiegel, Frederik W., Christopher C. Bernido, and M. Victoria Carpio-Bernido. "Scaling Features of Violent Social Conflicts." In STOCHASTIC AND QUANTUM DYNAMICS OF BIOMOLECULAR SYSTEMS: Proceedings of the 5th Jagna International Workshop. AIP, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2956794.

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Karabushenko, Pavel, Arushan Vartumyan, and Tatiana Shebzukhova. "Threats and challenges to the collective security of eurasia (on the example of the geopolitical cosmology of the south caucasus)." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.nurv4158.

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The modern world is facing numerous challenges and threats posed by the political realities of international relations.The instability of them leads to the destruction of the geopolitical world view, which needs constant clarification and adjustment. Geopolitical cosmology, which is engaged in creating a realistic picture of international relations, will help us to give an objective assessment of current international events. The geopolitical analysis of the Eurasian space, where there are always many different kinds of contradictions, threats and conflicts, is of particular interest in this regard. This region has the richest historical traditions, and a modern assessment of the objective political reality is impossible without taking them into account. The authors used a comprehensive methodological approach, which allows give full consideration to the dynamics of international events and constantly changing geopolitical strategies. The main goal of this study is to analyze the conflicts constantly occurring in this region, which are evidence of the confrontation between the leading powers defending their national interests here. It is in Eurasia that the world "weather" of international relations is formed. It is here the national interests of many leading countries that have nothing to do with this region, but strive to demonstrate their importance, collide. And the countries of this region itself must learn to defend, independently or jointly, their national interests, ensure their security and peacefully resolve urgent conflict situations.
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Belikova, Ekaterina, Nikolai Borytko, Irina Vlasyuk, and Natalia Glazkova. "Foreign students at Russian universities: intercultural interaction as a basis for countering extremism." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.eavl1332.

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The paper raises an actual issue of the mechanisms for foreign students’ socio-cultural adaptation in modern conditions of education in the Russian Federation, as a measure to counter extremism. The authors analyze the results of their own sociological research conducted among foreign students of Volgograd State University. Based on the data obtained, the authors came to the conclusion that properly developed mechanisms of foreign students’ socio-cultural adaptation to new living conditions positively affects the quality and quantity of students’ knowledge, skills and abilities. Moreover, integration of foreign and Russian students is essential, but the emphasis in educational field should take into the account foreign students’ socio-cultural specifics. A student can show high rates of entry into the proposed socio-cultural environment, acceptance of attitudes, values, norms of the host country. In order to conduct a competent policy of intercultural interaction, it is necessary to create a clear program for the prevention of interethnic conflicts and extremism among students.
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"The Quest for Peace: A Thematic Analysis of The International Architecture for Preventing Violent Political Conflicts." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2019p29.

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Kodaneva, Svetlana. "Resilience of the Constitutional Phenomena to Social Threats (the United Kingdom case)." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.vicg9790.

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A noticeable trend in constitutional law in recent years has been a broad interpretation that allows referring to the subject of constitutional law, in addition to the provisions enshrined in the written constitution, also the sources of international and common law. This article is focused on the analysis of the risks arising from the recognition of constitutional principles formulated in various unwritten sources, such as traditions, doctrine and judicial interpretation. For this purpose, the experience of the United Kingdom is studied, a country that does not have a written constitution, and the legal system of which is based on constitutional principles enshrined in those various sources. At the same time, the Brexit process has become a clear example of a destabilising situation that has revealed internal conflicts and contradictions of the constitutional principles. The political processes, that accompanied the Brexit process and resulted in a constitutional crisis both at the horizontal (between the parliament and executive branch) and vertical (between the centre and regions) levels, are analysed. Based on the conducted study, it was concluded that the attribution to constitutional principles arising from international law and judicial practice is erroneous and is a dangerous phenomenon for the constitutional law. Consequently, a deep research into the nature of such ‘quasi-principles’ is required, revealing their place in the legal system of Russia, taking into account the hierarchy of principles, in which the principles arising from unwritten sources and international law should not be placed on the same level with constitutional principles directly enshrined in the Constitution of the Russian Federation.
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González Giraldo, Luis Fernando. "FRONTERAS AGRÍCOLAS, MERCADO Y CONFLICTO Persistencia de la violencia en la Cuenca del Guaviare." In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Bogotá: Universidad Piloto de Colombia, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.10243.

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From the critical analysis of the factors and actors of the violence and the geographical, historical, social and economic antecedents of the occupation of the territory, it is intended to address the question of why the conflict persists in the Guaviare river watershed, confluence of the departments del Meta, Guaviare and Vichada, one of the regions most characterized by this phenomenon in Colombia, expressed in the substitution of violent actors, the increase in illicit crops, illegal mining and environmental damage. This, four years after signing the 2016 peace agreement and despite the fact that it established for some of these areas, especially affected by violence, specific figures of attention (Zones most affected by the conflict (ZOMAC), Development programs with territorial approach (PDET) with community participation, institutional presence and investment, to solve the causes of the conflict that had had the greatest impact there and facilitate comprehensive social development. Finally, recognizing the total incidence of the model and the legal and illegal economic actors, the expansion of the agricultural frontier and the interrelation with strategic corridors in regional dynamics, a different treatment of the conflict is proposed, focusing attention on controlling these factors; as much or more than the armed actors. Keywords Conflict, territorial control, economic model Thematic block: analysis and territorial project Desde el análisis crítico de los factores y actores de la violencia y los antecedentes geográficos, históricos, sociales y económicos de la ocupación del territorio, se pretende abordar la cuestión del porqué persiste el conflicto en la cuenca del río Guaviare, confluencia de los departamentos del Meta, Guaviare y Vichada, una de las regiones más caracterizadas por ese fenómeno en Colombia, expresado en la sustitución de los actores violentos, el incremento de los cultivos ilícitos, la minería ilegal y la afectación ambiental. Esto, cuatro años después de suscribirse el acuerdo de paz del 2016 y pese a que este estableció para algunas de estas zonas, especialmente afectadas por la violencia, figuras específicas de atención (Zonas más afectadas por el conflicto (ZOMAC) y programas de Desarrollo con enfoque territorial (PDET) con participación comunitaria, presencia institucional e inversión, para solventar las causas del conflicto que allí había tenido mayor impacto y facilitar un desarrollo social integral. Finalmente, reconociendo la incidencia total del modelo y los actores económicos legales e ilegales , la ampliación de la frontera agrícola y la interrelación con los corredores estratégicos en las dinámicas regionales, se plantea un tratamiento diferente al conflicto, enfocando la atención al control de esos factores; tanto o más que a los actores armados. Palabras clave Conflicto, control territorial, modelo económico Bloque temático: análisis y proyecto territorial
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Ibn Garba, Safiya. "Tending To The Devastating Wounds Of Nigerian Girls And Women." In 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.012.

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Abstract In 2018, one thousand, one hundred people were murdered across six states of north- west Nigeria, in 2019, two thousand two hundred people and between January and June 2020, one thousand, six hundred people were killed. In addition, more than 200,000 have been internally displaced [Strife 2021]. These are what we read daily; and further alarming are that the attacks and abductions seem to be more targeted at educational institutions of all levels in recent times, particularly across north-western Nigeria. For example, the abduction of at least 20 college students and two staff from Greenfield University Kaduna in April 2021. In February 2021, gunmen seized 279 girls from a school in Zamfara state and the abduction of 200 students by some reports; from a school in Tegina, Niger state. In early July 2021, more than 100 students were also abducted from Bethel Baptist High School, Damishi, Kaduna. While these attacks are not restricted to girls and women alone, this report aims to explore what the effects and related trauma of this seemingly intractable violent conflict on girls and women in Nigeria are and answer how we can curb the continuous occurrences. We reflect with women activists across the country, on ways to address the violence, and support the healing and rehabilitation. The paper also outlines fifteen major recommendations in response to the key question of how to support recovery and the past everyone can play to halt the menace. KEYWORDS: Girls, Women, Violence, Nigeria, Abduction, Kidnapping, Rehabilitation, North-West Nigeria, Effects, Healing.
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Houston, Kenneth, and Stephen Berry. "THE STRATEGIC UTILITY OF NON-VIOLENCE IN VIOLENT CONFLICT: THE IRA AND HEZBOLLAH." In 36th International Academic Conference, London. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2018.036.018.

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Aslandogan, Y. Alp, and Bekir Cinar. "A SUNNI MUSLIM SCHOLAR’S HUMANITARIAN AND RELIGIOUS REJECTION OF VIOLENCE AGAINST CIVILIANS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/yynr3033.

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This paper analyses the multi-faceted response of a Sunni-Hanafi scholar, Fethullah Gülen, to the phenomenon of violence against civilians under a religious rhetoric. Gülen’s response involves four components: (a) humanitarian, (b) religious, (c) political or realist, and (d) practical/educational. (a) Gülen categorically condemns acts of violence against innocent non-combatants including women and children as inhuman. (b) Gülen sets out the principles of Islamic jurisprudence that invalidate any declaration of war by individuals or groups: hence, such self-declared wars under the banner of Islam cannot be regarded as legitimate. He refutes ‘the end justifies the means’ argument, calling it a Marxist-Communist rhetoric, with no Islamic justification whatever. (c) While discussing misunderstanding, misrepresentation and abuse of religious texts, Gülen hints at the presence of individuals, interest groups, and other entities that benefit from friction and violent conflict. He suggests that the possibility should be considered that some individuals have been manipulated, perhaps even ‘hypnotised’ through special drugs, to carry out actions they would otherwise not carry out. (d) Gülen offers practical approaches to rooting out the problem of hate-mongering and violent conflict. The underlying dynamic of this approach is to provide, through education, mutual understanding, respect, opportunity and hope. Only educational institutions that foster inter- faith and intercultural dialogue, mutual understanding and respect, and offer hope of upward mobility, can provide lasting solutions. Concepts such as ‘love of creation due to the Creator’ can be located in every culture and spiritual tradition. Gülen’s own emphasis on Islamic spirituality provides an example that is particularly significant for Muslims: his argument against terrorism and for peaceful interfaith relations is based upon the authoritative view of the Sunni tradition, to which 90% of the world’s Muslims adhere.
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Reports on the topic "Violent conflicts"

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Tarif, Kheira. Climate Change and Violent Conflict in West Africa: Assessing the Evidence. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/vhiy5372.

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West Africa is widely cited as a hotspot of climate change and insecurity. This SIPRI Insights uses a systematic literature review of academic research to build a better understanding of the relationship between climate change and violent conflict in the region. Its findings are structured around four established ‘pathways’ of climate insecurity: (a) worsening livelihood conditions; (b) increasing migration and changing pastoral mobility patterns; (c) tactical considerations by armed groups; and (d) elite exploitation of local grievances. The literature review highlights a number of important variables in the relationship between climate change and violent conflict in West Africa: maladaptation to livelihood insecurity; migration away from climate-exposed areas; escalating farmer–herder conflicts; and sometimes weak, sometimes divisive, sometimes exploitative governance. Despite these findings, the literature review reveals current research and policy discussions on climate change and violent conflict in West Africa are informed by a very limited amount of academic research.
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Marchais, Gauthier, Marchais, Gauthier, Sweta Gupta, Cyril Owen Brandt, Patricia Justino, Marinella Leone, Eustache Kuliumbwa, Olga Kithumbu, Issa Kiemtoré, Polepole Bazuzi Christian, and Margherita Bove. Marginalisation from Education in Conflict-Affected Contexts: Learning from Tanganyika and Ituri in the DR Congo. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.017.

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This Working Paper analyses how violent conflict can enhance or reduce pre-existing forms of marginalisation and second, how new forms of marginalisation emerge as a result of violent conflict. To do so, we focus on the province of Tanganyika in the DRC, where the so-called ‘Twa-Bantu’ violent conflict has been disrupting the education sector since 2012, and secondarily on the province of Ituri, which has been affected by repeated armed conflicts since the 1990s. We use a mixed methods approach, combining quantitative data collection methods and several months of qualitative fieldwork. The study shows that the political marginalisation of ethno-territorial groups is key in understanding marginalisation from education in contexts of protracted conflict. Our results show that the Twa minority of Tanganyika has not only been more exposed to violence during the Twa-Bantu conflict, but also that exposure to violence has more severe effects on the Twa in terms of educational outcomes. We analyse key mechanisms, in particular spatial segregation, and the social segregation of schools along ethnic/identity lines. We also analyse the interaction between ethno-cultural marginalisation and economic, social and gender-related marginalisation.
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Marchais, Gauthier, Sweta Gupta, Cyril Owen Brandt, Patricia Justino, Marinella Leone, Eustache Kuliumbwa, Olga Kithumbu, Issa Kiemtoré, Polepole Bazuzi Christian, and Margherita Bove. Marginalisation from Education in Conflict-Affected Contexts: Learning from Tanganyika and Ituri in the DR Congo. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.048.

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This Working Paper analyses how violent conflict can enhance or reduce pre-existing forms of marginalisation and second, how new forms of marginalisation emerge as a result of violent conflict. To do so, we focus on the province of Tanganyika in the DRC, where the so-called ‘Twa-Bantu’ violent conflict has been disrupting the education sector since 2012, and secondarily on the province of Ituri, which has been affected by repeated armed conflicts since the 1990s. We use a mixed methods approach, combining quantitative data collection methods and several months of qualitative fieldwork. The study shows that the political marginalisation of ethno-territorial groups is key in understanding marginalisation from education in contexts of protracted conflict. Our results show that the Twa minority of Tanganyika has not only been more exposed to violence during the Twa-Bantu conflict, but also that exposure to violence has more severe effects on the Twa in terms of educational outcomes. We analyse key mechanisms, in particular spatial segregation, and the social segregation of schools along ethnic/identity lines. We also analyse the interaction between ethno-cultural marginalisation and economic, social and gender-related marginalisation.
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Iwara, MaryAnne. Hybrid Peacebuilding Approaches in Africa: Harnessing Complementary Parallels. RESOLVE Network, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2020.15.lpbi.

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Many of the most pressing conflicts across sub-Saharan Africa today—including violent extremism, sexual and gender-based violence, pastoralist/farmer conflicts, and criminal banditry—are shaped by local, community-level drivers. Despite these local drivers, however, international peacebuilding approaches often ignore or neglect bottom-up, grassroots strategies for addressing them. Often, international efforts to contribute to the prevention and management of local conflicts depend heavily on large-scale, expensive, and external interventions like peacekeepers, while under-investing in or by-passing traditional/customary mechanisms and resources that uphold locally defined values of peace, tolerance, solidarity, and respect. Recognizing that these traditional and customary practices themselves sometimes have their own legacies of violence and inequality, this policy note emphasizes the possibility of combining aspects of traditional peacebuilding mechanisms with international conflict management approaches to harness the benefits of both.
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Arifi, Besa. Education in Preventing & Countering Violent Extremism: Considerations for the Western Balkans. RESOLVE Network, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2022.1.wb.

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Violent extremism in the Western Balkans takes many forms, from Western Balkans foreign fighters recruited to participate in conflicts abroad, including in the Middle East and Ukraine; to ethno-nationalist organizations that spread inter-ethnic hatred, some emanating from and glorifying legacies of conflict spanning back to the breakup of the former Yugoslavia and regional conflicts in the 1990s; to chauvinism and anti-EU and anti-NATO ideas that emerge to become even more serious and with greater consequences for the region and socio-political cohesion and dynamics. As violent extremism continues to evolve and adapt in the Western Balkan countries, efforts to address it must also adjust to new threats from both internal and external sources. Recent research on violent extremism in the Western Balkans, and North Macedonia specifically, suggests that education may be an important tool in addressing violent extremism in the region. Some have suggested educational initiatives may assist in addressing online and offline disinformation and extremist narratives. Furthermore, addressing ongoing issues within ethnically divided educational systems may play an important role in working to address some of the ethnic-based divisions that can contribute to ”othering” dynamics. Others have further suggested that education and other support services can play a role in aiding the transition of those imprisoned on charges related to violent extremism and returning families back into society. As countries throughout the Western Balkans continue to update and revise their national action plans and policies to address violent extremism, greater consideration of the role of education and how it might be integrated into these policies is needed. This publication, based on findings from a large-scale literature review mapping the state of research on education in P/CVE in the Western Balkans and beyond,offers a series of considerations for policymakers and practitioners looking to incorporate education in future efforts to address drivers, both real and potential, of violent extremism in Western Balkan states. While findings from this paper are contextualized within the broader experiences of the Western Balkans, specific examples based on experiences in individual countries, North Macedonia most notably, are detailed to provide an in-depth example of considerations for policymakers interested in further incorporating education into P/CVE plans moving forward.
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Obado-Joel, Jennifer. The Challenge of State-Backed Internal Security in Nigeria: Considerations for Amotekun. RESOLVE Network, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2020.9.ssa.

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Nigeria faces immense internal security challenges, including the Boko-Haram crisis in the northeast and violent farmer-herder conflicts in the southwest and north-central states. Across the Nigerian federation, pockets of violent clashes have sprung and escalated in new locales in the last decade. Community responses to these violent crises have been diverse and included the establishment of armed groups to supplement or act in parallel to the security efforts of the Nigerian state—in some cases with backing from federal or state governments. These local security assemblages, community-based armed groups (CBAGs), are on the one hand contributors to local order, and normative conceptions of peace and security. On the other hand, these groups are often a pernicious actor within the broader security landscape, undermining intercommunal peace and drivers of violence and human rights abuses. This Policy Note focuses on the characteristics, challenges, and opportunities of Amotekun, a recently formed CBAG in Southwest Nigeria. Drawing from the experiences of similar Nigerian groups, the Note details recommendations that may facilitate greater success and lessen poten al risk associated with Amotekun’s formation. These recommendations are aimed primarily at Nigerian government and civil society actors and describe areas where external support could potentially improve local capacity to conduct oversight of Amotekun and similar groups.
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Herbert, Siân. Maintaining Basic State Functions and Service Delivery During Escalating Crises. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.099.

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This rapid literature review explores how to maintain essential state functions and basic service delivery during escalating conflict situations. It draws on literature and ideas from various overlapping agendas including development and humanitarian nexus; development, humanitarian and peacebuilding nexus (the “triple nexus”); fragile states; state-building; conflict sensitivity; resilience; and conflict prevention and early warning. There has been an extensive exploration of these ideas over the past decades: as the international development agenda has increasingly focussed on the needs of fragile and conflict-affected contexts (FCAS); as violent conflicts have become more complex and protracted; as the global share of poverty has become increasingly concentrated in FCAS highlighting the need to combine humanitarian crisis strategies with longer-term development strategies; as threats emanating from FCAS increasingly affect countries beyond those states and regions e.g. through serious and organised crime (SOC) networks, migration, terrorism, etc; and as global trends like climate change and demographic shifts create new stresses, opportunities, and risks.
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Maiangwa, Benjamin. Peace (Re)building Initiatives: Insights from Southern Kaduna, Nigeria. RESOLVE Network, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.22.lpbi.

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Violent conflicts and crime have reached new heights in Nigeria, as cases of kidnapping, armed banditry, and communal unrests continue to tear at the core of the ethnoreligious divides in the country. Southern Kaduna has witnessed a virulent spree of communal unrest in northern Nigeria over the last decade due to its polarized politics and power differentials between the various groups in the area, particularly the Christians and Muslims, who are almost evenly split. In response to their experiences of violence, the people of that region have also shown incredible resilience and grit in transforming their stress and suffering. This policy note focuses on the transformative practices of the Fulani and other ethnic communities in southern Kaduna in terms of how they problem-solve deep-seated socio-political rivalries and violent relations by working through their shared identity, history, and cultures of peace. The note explores how peace practitioners and donor agencies could consolidate local practices of sustaining peace as complementary or alternative resources to the state’s liberal system.
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Donnelly, Phoebe, and Boglarka Bozsogi. Agitators and Pacifiers: Women in Community-based Armed Groups in Kenya. RESOLVE Network, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2022.4.

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This research report is a case study of women’s participation in community-based armed groups (CBAGs) in Kenya. It examines: the diversity of women’s motivations to participate in community-based armed groups in Kenya; women’s roles and agency within community-based armed groups, communal conflicts, as well as community security and peacebuilding structures; and gender dynamics in conflict ecosystems, including social perceptions about women’s engagement in conflict. This case study contributes to the literature on women and CBAGs by examining the variations in their engagement across a single country, based on diverse local contexts. Data collection sites for the study included 1) the capital city, Nairobi; 2) Isiolo County; 3) Marsabit County; 4) Mombasa County; and 5) Bungoma County. Together, these sites provide insight into local conflict dynamics in rural and urban areas; on country borders and on the coast; and in communities with ethnic polarization, land conflicts, criminal gangs, and histories of violent extremism and secessionist movements. The Kenyan research team employed a qualitative approach to data collection through key informant interviews (KIIs), focus group discussions (FGDs), and the use of secondary source data. The findings show that there is no single template for understanding women’s engagement with CBAGs; instead, women’s motivations and roles within these groups are varied and highly contextual, just as with the motivations and roles of men. This study demonstrates the utility of context-specific analyses at the sub-national level to capture the range of women’s participation in and engagement with CBAGs and their greater contributions to the local security landscape.
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Dellmuth, Lisa Maria, Maria-Therese Gustafsson, Niklas Bremberg, and Malin Mobjörk. IGOs and Global Climate Security Challenges: Implications for Academic Research and Policymaking. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, December 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/cayw7004.

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Climate change poses a new class of security challenges that is confronting societies worldwide. Increased risk of famine, destroyed infrastructure, houses and shelter, and violent conflicts might all be consequences of climate change through gradual changes to ecosystems and extreme weather events. As a way to mitigate these challenges, states have delegated increased power to intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). This Fact Sheet summarizes the key findings of the first systematic review of research on IGOs and climate security, and the implications of existing studies for the theory and practice of global climate security governance.
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