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1
Jackson, Richard D. W. "Negotiation versus mediation in international conflict: Deciding how to manage violent conflicts." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/8905.
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The thesis is an attempt to fill the theoretical and empirical gap in current conflict management research, which has failed to examine methods of conflict management comparatively. Two dominant paradigms exist, neither of which is adequate to the task of comparing negotiation and mediation in the real world of international politics: the Psychology paradigm and the Third Party Intervention paradigm. An alternative theoretical framework, the Contingency framework of negotiation and mediation was therefore, constructed. This model suggests that negotiation and mediation are conceptually and empirically different, and specifies a series of contextual and process variables which are vital to any examination of conflict management. Utilising a unique data set of thousands of cases of negotiation and mediation coded according to the variables specified in the Contingency model, a general bivariate analysis, followed by a more in-depth multivariate analysis, revealed a number of important differences and similarities between the two methods. The results suggest that negotiation and mediation are different forms of conflict management, which are most likely to be successful under contrasting conditions in international politics. Negotiation is the most successful method overall, but tends to be limited to low intensity, interstate conflicts. Mediation tends to occur in the most intense, intractable, and primarily civil conflicts, and is useful under a number of onerous circumstances.
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Ayres, IV Russell William. "Strategies for peace : resolution in violent nationalist conflicts /." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487947908402298.
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Gustafsson, Jenny. "The Role of the United Nations in Preventing Violent Ethnic Conflicts." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21617.
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The aim of the following study was to create a limited framework, based on normative and constructive reflections, of how the UN can work to prevent violent ethnic conflicts. The study was divided into two phases. The first phase originated from Joseph S. Nye’s analytical framework and gave an overview of the theories available on the causes of ethnic conflicts. From these theories three major problems were drawn; poverty, structural inequalities and society in transition. The second phase of the study had a normative and constructive approach, using two overlapping circles of theories. The normative chapter discussed how conflict prevention ought to be in the best of worlds and which moral position the UN should have. The constructive chapter discussed which means and limitations the UN faces considering conflict prevention and how the UN can work to address the major problems outlined in the first phase. The conclusion drawn from the analysis was that the UN has the knowledge, experience and operational capacity to address these issues, but that several problems concerning the UN system and the member states of the UN makes it difficult for the organization to effectively use the potential it has to prevent violent ethnic conflicts.
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Leonardo, Elias Leju. "Induced agricultural innovations in violent conflicts and post-conflict situations : lessons from Southern Sudan." Thesis, University of Reading, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.542264.
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Schweitzer, C. "Strategies of intervention in protracted violent conflicts by civil society actors : the example of interventions in the violent conflicts in the area of former Yugoslavia." Thesis, Coventry University, 2009. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/f10df296-dcc0-062b-8ba7-85d3f28687e7/1.
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This thesis seeks to contribute to the understanding of conflict intervention in protracted violent conflicts by studying the activities of civil society actors in regard to the conflicts in what was Yugoslavia until 1991. A very broad understanding of ‘intervention’ is used for this purpose that includes all kinds of activities that relate to the conflicts. Based on a survey of activities in the period between 1990 and 2002, a framework for categorising and describing these interventions is applied according to basic functions in four ‘grand strategies’ of ‘peace-making’, ‘peace-keeping’, ‘peacebuilding’, and ‘information, support, protest and advocacy’, with a total list of about 230 instruments of conflict intervention identified. The study concludes that civil society actors played three different basic roles: They complemented the work of state actors, they were the avant-garde for approaches, strategies and methods that later became ‘mainstream’ in conflict intervention, and in some cases, they were able to control or correct actions by governments through advocacy or direct action. The development of instruments of civil conflict transformation received a massive boost through this engagement in the 1990s. The study supports the position taken recently by some researchers making comparative studies of cases of conflict intervention regarding the limited role played by dialogue and reconciliation work in regard to dealing with the overall conflicts: In spite of ‘reconciliation’ and inter-ethnic cooperation being at the core of the vast majority of all projects and programmes undertaken in the area, indicators of real impact regarding an overall positive change in society and prevention of future violence seem to be rather weak. The study further observes that there was a social movement developed relating to former Yugoslavia in many Western countries that in a hitherto unknown way combined traditional methods of protest and advocacy with concrete work in the field.
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Kramer, Reik. "Network-centric peace : an application of network theory to violent conflicts." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3323/.
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Social networks are complex adaptive systems made up of nodes - human beings - and the links between those nodes. The links in any given network provide individuals with goods and services necessary for survival, including the quest for meaning, narrative and identity. This thesis argues that social networks are not rapidly increasing in complexity (a common view) but that the process of making and breaking links, and the ability to observe and document such processes, has been accelerated and simplified by modern technology. It is this ability to observe the dynamics within networks, networks that are subject to constant and on-going change and evolution, which makes the study of networks useful. Most approaches to social network analysis focus on spoken and written communication along links between the nodes, but shared suffering or execution of violence, or the simple association with a narrative involving violence, is a powerful dynamic in networks. It is a dynamic which has thus far been largely overlooked, but one which has important implications for international relations. Violence creates a shared identity and provides guidance for the behaviour of individuals, but also destroys life. The thesis analyses the case studies of Lebanon and Afghanistan from these perspectives. Whilst most studies on the Lebanese Civil War argue that the outbreak of violent conflict was unavoidable due to domestic and regional antagonisms, these studies do not explain why and how the war ended in 1990 in circumstances where the same factors continued to exist yet suddenly with a relative absence of large-scale violence. In contrast, violence has plagued Afghanistan since the 1970s and shows no signs of abating. Violence here is not tied to a specific conflict but has become the defining form of communication between the various network actors. Network theory can be used to gain a deeper understanding of the causes of violent conflict as well as, importantly, the forces that maintain or limit violence. Once these forces are understood, they can be utilised in an effort to change the prevailing dynamics of violence within a network, and to initiate a more successful approach to peacebuilding efforts within violent conflicts.
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Guo, Ting. "Surviving in violent conflicts : Chinese interpreters in the second sino-Japanese war (1931-1945)." Thesis, Aston University, 2009. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/15314/.
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In the past decade interpreting studies has gradually adopted a sociological perspective, taking into account social and cultural factors that affect interpreters actual behaviour in different settings. However, there have been few studies of interpreters practices as forms of social interaction, especially of the ways in which they become professionals and operate as social agents. Drawing upon Pierre Bourdieus theory of practice, this thesis aims to offer a contribution to the history of interpreting by examining the professional training and practices of Chinese interpreters during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1931-1945). On the basis of Bourdieus concept of field, this thesis reconstructs three competing fields dominated by three political and military powers: the Chinese Kuomingtang (KMT) government, the Chinese Communist Party, and the Japanese forces. By investigating interpreters training, employment and practices within these three fields, the thesis examines how the interpreting profession was affected by shifts in foreign policy, and how interpreters professional habitus were formed through their training and interaction with other social agents and institutions. It then highlights the interpreters active position-taking in pursuit of individual interests by examining particular interpreters career development through case studies of two interpreters, Xia Wenyun and Yan Jiarui, who served the Japanese forces and the Chinese KMT government, respectively. The study shows that the practices of the interpreters were broader than the scope of language transfer. In order to survive violent conflicts, interpreters often intertwined their interpreting with other political and professional activities. For them, interpreting was not a mere linguistic practice, but a strategy for self-protection, a route to power, or just a chance for a better life. Frequently crossing social, political and military borders, interpreters sometimes played a crucial cushioning role by protecting local residents from loss of life and property during the war.
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Situmorang, Mangadar. "Intrastate conflicts and international humanitarian intervention: case studies in Indonesia." Thesis, Curtin University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/822.
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The differences in the international responses to the violent conflicts in East Timor (1998–1999), Maluku (1999–2003) and Aceh (1998–2005) are examined in this research. Given the growing acceptance of the significance of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes, the humanitarian crises in Maluku and Aceh might prima facie have justified humanitarian intervention similar to that in East Timor. By analysing the differences from the Indonesia’s domestic political point of view it is clear that the conscience-shocking situation caused by the violent conflicts was not the compelling factor for the international community to militarily intervene. The deployment of a multinational force in East Timor (INTERFET) was decided only after the UN and foreign major countries believed that such military intervention would not jeopardize the ongoing process of democratization in Indonesia. This suggested that Indonesia’s domestic circumstance was central to whether a similar measure in Maluku and Aceh would take place or not. Due to the reformasi (political reform) in Indonesia within which the independence of East Timor took place, two main changes within Indonesian politics, namely the growing sentiment of anti-international intervention and the continuing democratization process, helped to ensure that humanitarian intervention in the two other regions did not happen.These two conditions were fortified by the increasingly consolidated democratic politics which brought the communal conflict in Maluku to the Malino Peace Agreement. The emergence of a stronger and democratic government in Indonesia, furthermore, made cooperation with the international community possible in seeking a peaceful resolution to the armed conflict in Aceh. By involving the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) the government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) agreed to the Helsinki peace agreement and accepted the role of the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) to secure its implementation. Thus, a strong democratic government made an international military intervention for humanitarian purposes unnecessary.
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Situmorang, Mangadar. "Intrastate conflicts and international humanitarian intervention: case studies in Indonesia." Curtin University of Technology, Dept. of Social Sciences, 2007. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18582.
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The differences in the international responses to the violent conflicts in East Timor (1998–1999), Maluku (1999–2003) and Aceh (1998–2005) are examined in this research. Given the growing acceptance of the significance of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes, the humanitarian crises in Maluku and Aceh might prima facie have justified humanitarian intervention similar to that in East Timor. By analysing the differences from the Indonesia’s domestic political point of view it is clear that the conscience-shocking situation caused by the violent conflicts was not the compelling factor for the international community to militarily intervene. The deployment of a multinational force in East Timor (INTERFET) was decided only after the UN and foreign major countries believed that such military intervention would not jeopardize the ongoing process of democratization in Indonesia. This suggested that Indonesia’s domestic circumstance was central to whether a similar measure in Maluku and Aceh would take place or not. Due to the reformasi (political reform) in Indonesia within which the independence of East Timor took place, two main changes within Indonesian politics, namely the growing sentiment of anti-international intervention and the continuing democratization process, helped to ensure that humanitarian intervention in the two other regions did not happen.These two conditions were fortified by the increasingly consolidated democratic politics which brought the communal conflict in Maluku to the Malino Peace Agreement. The emergence of a stronger and democratic government in Indonesia, furthermore, made cooperation with the international community possible in seeking a peaceful resolution to the armed conflict in Aceh. By involving the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) the government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) agreed to the Helsinki peace agreement and accepted the role of the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) to secure its implementation. Thus, a strong democratic government made an international military intervention for humanitarian purposes unnecessary.
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Sottsas, Simon [Verfasser]. "Segregation and integration as challenges for hegemony projects in violent conflicts : A historical-materialist study of the conflict system on the southern Philippines / Simon Sottsas." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1036130436/34.
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Ukiwo, Ukoha O. "Horizontal inequalities and violent ethnic conflicts : a comparative study of ethnic relations in Calabar and Warri, Southern Nigeria." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.442897.
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Ranharter, Katherine. "Gender equality & development after violent conflicts : the effects of gender policies in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14552.
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This thesis analyses the effects of gender inclusive policies or the lack of such on development at a time of conflict transformation. It has nowadays been established that the presence of women and the existence of gendered policies at a time of peace building are vital for the development of any country or region presently in this situation. Despite this knowledge, inclusion of women and gender has remained scarce and effects of their integration have thus proven difficult to measure. It is the aim of this thesis to support research in this area, by demonstrating the implications of incorporating or failing to implement different types of gender inclusive policies on the example of the actions taken in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. The Kurdistan Region is currently in a unique position of its development. After withstanding decades of armed conflict, the region today is greatly autonomous and economically prosperous. For the previous decade it has been the government’s aim to decrease the potential of new conflict, to become internationally competitive and to increase positive development for its people. One of their stated foci was thereby the promotion of gender and women’s inclusion in public policies. By comparing the policies deployed in the Kurdistan Region with experiences and knowledge from around the world, and by using the citizens of the region themselves as validators, this thesis will examine if the existing policies have had the desired effect, and if not, what should be changed. This will be done in the political, economic and social sphere (focusing on education), with the outcome that policies introduced by Kurdistan’s decision makers are partly positive, but lack in consistency, inclusiveness and gender sensitivity. This leads to a loss of human resources for the region, as well as to unequal effects within society, and thus to a lack of sustainable peace.
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HAMANN, EDUARDA PASSARELLI. "THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL ACTORS IN THE PREVENTION OF VIOLENT CONFLICTS: SILENCE IN KOSOVO, VOICES IN MACEDONIA (1989-2001)." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2007. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=10847@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORA literatura de prevenção de conflitos violentos que trata de eficácia da ação preventiva ressalta que as chances de sucesso tendem a aumentar quando a prevenção é estrutural e quando a abordagem é multissetorial. A pesquisa realizada indica que, antes de se falar na eficácia da ação preventiva, deve-se verificar a existência das condicionantes da ação preventiva, que limitam ou favorecem o envolvimento de atores internacionais. Argumenta-se que a ação preventiva internacional está condicionada a três elementos: (i) a construção de um conceito de prevenção; (ii) a criação de mecanismos que visem à implementação de tal conceito; e (iii) a interpretação do contexto local como sendo passível de interferência com objetivos preventivos. A pesquisa conclui que, nos casos do Kosovo e da ex-República Iugoslava da Macedônia, a promoção do discurso de prevenção por atores internacionais não leva necessariamente à sua adaptação institucional. Além disso, ainda que mecanismos estejam disponíveis aos potenciais preventores internacionais, só serão implementados se a situação concreta for interpretada como passível de prevenção. Destaca-se ainda que os casos em estudo reforçam o entendimento da literatura ao demonstrar que as chances de sucesso das medidas preventivas foram menores no Kosovo devido à inação e à ação superficial, tardia e descoordenada de alguns atores internacionais. A ação preventiva na Macedônia, por sua vez, teve maiores chances de sucesso porque teria sido estrutural e multissetorial - devido à interpretação que se fez do contexto local na época da iminência das crises.
According to the literature of conflict prevention who deals with the effectiveness of preventive action, chances of success tend to rise when prevention is structural, and when it occurs within a multitrack framework. The results of this research indicate that, before dealing with the effectiveness of preventive action, one must verify the conditionalities of preventive action, which limit or encourage the involvement of international actors in the prevention of violent conflicts. It is argued that international preventive action is conditioned by three elements: (i) the construction of a concept of conflict prevention; (ii) the creation of mechanisms to implement the concept; and (iii) the interpretation of the local context as being preventable by international interference. In the cases of Kosovo and of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the promotion of a preventive discourse by international actors is not enough to induce to institutional changes. Besides, even when mechanisms are available to potential international preventors, they would only be implemented if the situation in loco is interpreted as being preventable. The cases under analysis reinforce the main argument of the literature and demonstrate that chances of success of preventive action were lower in Kosovo because of inaction and also superficial, late and uncoordinated action of the few relevant actors. In its turn, preventive action in Macedonia had higher chances of success because it was a structural and multitrack effort of different actors, thanks to the interpretation of the situation in loco on the very edge of the crises.
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Louzada, Marcelle Cardoso. "OS CONFLITOS VIOLENTOS DE BULLYING NA ESCOLA E SEUS ENTRELAÇAMENTOS COM A JUSTIÇA RESTAURATIVA." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2013. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/7085.
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The present dissertation, a prerequisite for the conclusion of the Master in Education at the Postgraduate Program in Education of the Federal University of Santa Maria, is tied to the research line: School Practice and Public Policy. This is a qualitative-quantitative research, a case study type. Portrays the violent conflicts of bullying at school and their entanglements with the Restorative Justice. Aims at understanding how violent conflict are presented in school and the characteristics that define the practice of bullying, its characters and forms of intervention. Raises the issue of judicialization of school conflicts and the existence of another lens for conflictive resolution under the restorative bias. Presents Restorative Justice, its application in Brazil and structure of the Restorative Circles. Through research, it was found that Restorative Justice favors the performance of teachers and students, as a useful tool in confronting and preventing violent conflict of bullying at school.A presente dissertação, pré-requisito para a conclusão do curso de Mestrado em Educação do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação da Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, está vinculada a linha de pesquisa: Práticas Escolares e Políticas Públicas. Trata-se de uma pesquisa quali-quanti, do tipo estudo de caso. Retrata os conflitos violentos de bullying na escola e seus entrelaçamentos com a Justiça Restaurativa. Objetiva compreender como os conflitos violentos se apresentam na escola e as características que definem as práticas de bullying, seus personagens e formas de intervenção. Suscita a problemática da judicialização dos conflitos escolares e a existência de outra lente para resolução conflitiva, sob o viés restaurativo. Apresenta a Justiça Restaurativa, sua aplicação no Brasil e a estrutura dos Círculos Restaurativos. Com a pesquisa, constatou-se que a Justiça Restaurativa favorece a atuação de professores e alunos, como ferramenta útil no enfrentamento e prevenção dos conflitos violentos de bullying na escola.
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Ströer, Sarah [Verfasser]. "Violent Language and Its Use in Religious Conflicts in Elizabethan England : Discourses on Values and Norms in the Marprelate Controversy (1588/89) / Sarah Ströer." Frankfurt a.M. : Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1191647811/34.
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Navas, Obando Grettel. "Violence(s) and social resistance in a toxic world: a multiscale analysis of environmental health justice struggles." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/673846.
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L'objectiu d'aquesta tesi és ampliar el coneixement dels conflictes ambientals en el context de la contaminació tòxica. Una forma de contaminació ambiental que causa danys a la salut humana i no humana, que està a tot arreu, però sovint és invisible. Organitzada en un compendi de tres articles, cada article d'aquesta dissertació presenta una pregunta d'investigació i una contribució específica. En primer lloc, el Capítol II amplia el que entenem com a violència en els conflictes ambientals, i proposa un enfocament multidimensional per portar a el debat i visibilitzar formes de violència com a processos (més que fites en el temps i espai) que, com la contaminació tòxica , supera escales temporals, geogràfiques i Inter generacionals. En segon lloc, el capítol III aborda la dimensió de gènere per revelar que l'origen i els mètodes utilitzats per recopilar l'evidència científica mitjançant la demografia reconeguda com a víctima de la contaminació tòxica. El reconeixement de la victimització també està mediat per les arrelades relacions de poder de gènere dins de les organitzacions de justícia ambiental. En tercer lloc, el Capítol IV fa un salt cap a una anàlisi global i identifica les tendències en conflictes ambientals on s'han reportat efectes per a la salut humana com a resultat de l'exposició a contaminació tòxica. Veiem tendències diferents i clares; per tant, sostinc que aquests ""conflictes de salut ambiental"", requereixen un marc específic per abordar la seva complexitat i diferències. Una d'aquestes tendències, per exemple, és el paper clau de les comunitats de la classe treballadora com a grups mobilitzats; són actors, però, gairebé oblidats pels estudiosos dels conflictes ambientals. Mentre que el Capítol III es basi en mètodes etnogràfics mitjançant l'estudi de cas dels treballadors agrícoles bananers que reclamen reparacions per danys a la salut, causats pel pesticida Dibromocloropropano (DBCP) a Nicaragua, el Capítol II es basa en 95 conflictes ambientals en Amèrica Central i el capítol IV utilitza un total de 3033 casos a tot el món per la seva anàlisi. Per als dos últims capítols, em baso en dades de l'Atles Global de Justícia Ambiental (EJAtlas), la mostra mundial més àmplia i disponible sobre conflictes ambientals en l'actualitat.
En resum, aquesta investigació ofereix aportacions teòriques i destaca implicacions metodològiques per a l'estudi dels conflictes ambientals, la justícia ambiental i l'ecologia política. Avança el que entenem com a violència. Proporciona lents crítics per abordar les relacions de poder dins de les organitzacions de justícia ambiental i té com a objectiu generar coneixement sobre un problema important i global que, tot i que urgent, rep menys atenció a l'agenda ambiental global: la qüestió d'un món agrari i industrial , cada vegada més intensiu en productes químics.El objetivo de esta tesis es ampliar el conocimiento de los conflictos ambientales en el contexto de la contaminación tóxica. Una forma de contaminación ambiental que causa daños a la salud humana y no humana, que está en todas partes, pero a menudo es invisible. Organizada en un compendio de tres artículos, cada artículo de esta disertación presenta una pregunta de investigación y una contribución específica. En primer lugar, el Capítulo II amplía lo que entendemos como violencia en los conflictos ambientales, y propone un enfoque multidimensional para traer al debate y visibilizar formas de violencia como procesos (más que hitos en el tiempo y espacio) que, como la contaminación tóxica, supera escalas temporales, geográficas e intergeneracionales. En segundo lugar, el Capítulo III aborda la dimensión de género para revelar que el origen y los métodos utilizados para recopilar la evidencia científica median la demografía reconocida como víctima de la contaminación tóxica. El reconocimiento de la victimización también está mediado por las arraigadas relaciones de poder de género dentro de las organizaciones de justicia ambiental. En tercer lugar, el Capítulo IV da un salto hacia un análisis global e identifica las tendencias en conflictos ambientales donde se han reportado efectos para la salud humana como resultado de la exposición a contaminación tóxica. Vemos tendencias diferentes y claras; por lo tanto, sostengo que estos ""conflictos de salud ambiental"", requieren un marco específico para abordar su complejidad y diferencias. Una de estas tendencias, por ejemplo, es el papel clave de las comunidades de la clase trabajadora como grupos movilizadores; son actores, sin embargo, casi olvidados por los estudiosos de los conflictos ambientales. Mientras que el Capítulo III se base en métodos etnográficos mediante el estudio de caso de los trabajadores agrícolas bananeros que reclaman reparaciones por daños a la salud, causados por el pesticida Dibromocloropropano (DBCP) en Nicaragua, el Capítulo II se basa en 95 conflictos ambientales en Centroamérica y el Capítulo IV utiliza un total de 3033 casos en todo el mundo para su análisis. Para los dos últimos capítulos, me baso en datos del Atlas Global de Justicia Ambiental (EJAtlas), la muestra mundial más amplia y disponible sobre conflictos ambientales en la actualidad. En resumen, esta investigación ofrece aportes teóricos y destaca implicaciones metodológicas para el estudio de los conflictos ambientales, la justicia ambiental y la ecología política. Avanza lo que entendemos como violencia. Proporciona lentes críticos para abordar las relaciones de poder dentro de las organizaciones de justicia ambiental y tiene como objetivo generar conocimiento sobre un problema importante y global que, aunque urgente, recibe menos atención en la agenda ambiental global: la cuestión de un mundo agrario e industrial, cada vez más intensivo en productos químicos.
The aim of this dissertation is to expand knowledge regarding environmental conflicts in the context of toxic pollution—a form of environmental pollution causing health harm to human and non-human beings, which is everywhere but often invisible. Organized into a compendium of three articles, each article presents a research question and a specific contribution. First, Chapter II expands what we understand as violence in environmental conflicts and proposes a multidimensional approach to bring to the debate and to make visible forms of violence as processes (rather than actions in time and space) that, as well as toxic contamination, exceed temporal, geographical and intergenerational scales. Second, Chapter III tackles the dimension of gender to reveal that the origin of—and methods used to gather—scientific evidence mediate the demographics recognized as victims of toxic pollution. Recognition of victimhood is also mediated by the ingrained gendered power relations within the environmental justice organizations. Third, Chapter IV leaps to a global analysis and identifies global trends in conflicts where effects to human health have been reported as a result of exposure to toxic pollution. We see different and clear trends; therefore, I argue that these conflicts, what I call ‘environmental health conflicts’, require a more nuanced framework to tackle their complexity and differences. One of these trends, for instance, is the key role of working-class communities as mobilizing groups; they are actors, however, who are almost forgotten by scholars in environmental conflicts. Whereas Chapter III delves into ethnographic methods grounded in the case of banana farmworkers claiming reparations for health damages caused by the pesticide Dibromocloropropane (DBCP) in Nicaragua, Chapter II builds on 95 environmental conflicts in Central America, and Chapter IV uses a total of 3033 cases worldwide for analysis. For the last two chapters, I draw on data from the Environmental Justice Atlas (EJAtlas), the largest global sample available on environmental conflicts today. In summary, this thesis offers theoretical contributions and highlights methodological implications to the study of environmental conflicts, environmental justice and political ecology. It advances what we understand as violence. It provides critical lenses to address de-gendered power relations within environmental justice organisations and aims at building knowledge on a major and global issue that, although urgent, receives less attention in the global environmental agenda: the issue of an increasingly chemical-intensive agrarian and industrial world.
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Programa de Doctorat en Ciència i Tecnologia Ambientals
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De, Guzman Dianne Frances A. "Communication under the tree conflict survivors' struggle for educational achievement /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1244415575.
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Carlsson, Matilda. "Conflict-Related Sexual Violence : A Cross-National Comparison of Circumstances Related to State Forces’ Use of Sexual Violence in Armed Conflicts." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5838.
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Sexual violence is a well-known phenomenon in armed conflicts. The international attention from scholars and policymakers has substantially expanded during the last decades, but until today a comprehensive understanding of the circumstances that generate this violence is absent. This causes difficulties in the policy rhetoric of the issue, as well as in the development of effective measures to prevent and combat conflict-related sexual violence in current conflicts. This study aims to explore and identify circumstances related to the use of sexual violence by armed groups, and by state forces in particular. The overall purpose is to contribute to an understanding of why state forces commit sexual violence in some armed conflicts and not in others. An analytical framework is created based on existing theoretical concepts and explanations to the varying frequency of sexual violence. Based on this, five hypotheses of possible correlated conditions are created. These conditional factors are: 1) Rule of Law, 2) Other Violence, 3) Ethnic Conflict, 4) Gender Equality, and 5) International Support. The hypotheses are translated into macro-level variables that are systematically applied and compared between ten cases of armed conflicts, five of which have high levels of sexual violence committed by state forces, respectively five with no reports of sexual violence committed by state forces. This is done by a cross-national comparison using descriptive statistics. Four hypotheses are to a varying degree strengthened by this study and the result suggests that sexual violence committed by state forces is more likely to occur; in conflicts with low levels of rule of law; in ethnic conflicts; in conflicts with high levels of other violence, and; in absence of international support. The anticipation is that the results of this study will provide a platform for further conclusive research of casual factors to conflict-related sexual violence.
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Smith, R. Lee. "The Everyday Experience of Satisfaction, Conflict, Anger, and Violence for Women in Love Relationships." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc330812/.
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The problem of this study addressed how women experience the conflict variables of beliefs about conflict, anger arousal, conflict styles, and received and expressed violence as partners in love relationships and how these factors affect their reported satisfaction.
Graduate women (M = 186) from University of North Texas completed the Dyadic Adjustment Scale (DAS), a subscale of Relationship Beliefs Inventory (RBI), the Multidimensional Anger Inventory (MAI), and Interpersonal Conflict Tactics and Strategies Scale (ICTAS), and the Severity of Violence Against Women scale (SVAW). Data were analyzed using MANOVAs with ANOVAs to examine significant differences. Multiple regression procedures were used for the exploratory questions.
Women reporting less satisfied relationships were expected to believe that disagreement was more destructive and to report higher anger arousal than those who were more satisfied. The hypotheses were supported. Women who were less satisfied also reported using less constructive conflict tactics and more destructive and avoidant tactics as well as receiving some forms of violence. Expressed violence was not significantly related to low satisfaction.
Results suggested that these conflict variables are highly interrelated. Strong feedback loops may develop. Strongly held conflict beliefs may affect the use of destructive and avoidant conflict strategies and increase anger which may reinforce the conflict beliefs.
Women who have received violence may use both destructive and avoidant tactics. Use of tactics that escalate then de-escalate conflict suggests that conflict strategies may not be mutually exclusive. However, when a woman is low in anger and has previously received violence from a partner, she may use more avoidant tactics. In contrast women who express violence to their partners may use all three conflict tactics including constructive tactics. This finding suggested that women may express violence as a last resort to get a reaction from their partners.
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Haftel, Ze'ev Yoram. "Violent conflict and regional institutionalization a virtuous circle? /." Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1100545075.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xvii, 307 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes bibliographical references (p. 283-307).
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Lepp, Annalee E. "Dis/membering the family, marital breakdown, domestic conflict, and family violence in Ontario, 1830-1920." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ56087.pdf.
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Unfried, Kerstin [Verfasser]. "The causes and consequences of violent conflict / Kerstin Unfried." Göttingen : Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1232492841/34.
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Haring-Smith, Whitney. ""All conflict is local" : an empirical analysis of local factors in violent civil conflict." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:05603826-f731-4817-a6a7-965e8056b62f.
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Previous civil war analyses have approached conflict as a single category with limited exceptions, and this thesis project assesses whether differentiating conflicts by their type and intensity using a local-level geo-referenced analytical approach produces differing results for sub-groups of conflicts. The conflicts are divided into 1) governmental hostilities, where the aim of the armed non-state group is to capture the state, and 2) territorial hostilities, where the aim of the armed non-state group is to capture increased autonomy or secession for a territorial claim. The conflicts are also differentiated by intensity into 1) low-intensity conflicts, with fewer than 1000 battle-related deaths per year, and 2) civil wars, with 1000 or more battle-related deaths per year. The results demonstrate that conflicts with differing insurgent goals and intensities of battle are correlated with markedly different factors. There are three factors – local population density, change in local rainfall, and statewide GDP growth – that are significant to both governmental and territorial hostilities but have opposite signs for the two sets. Only one variable – Polity IV scores – showed a consistently significant correlation for governmental and territorial hostilities. There are no factors that are significant to both low-intensity conflict and higher-intensity civil war. These findings suggest that approaching all conflicts as a single class, particularly at the local level, may not reveal significant differences in factors correlated with conflict. Modeling of local conflict will require differentiation of conflicts into salient sub-groups. For policymakers and practitioners, this research suggests that there is not a one-size-fits-all approach for conflict prevention but that strategies need to be targeted to specific types of conflict.
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Schock, Kurt. "The Political Moderation Model of Violent Political Conflict: The Impact of Political Opportunity Structures on The Relationship Between Economic Inequality and Violent Political Conflict /." The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487931512618473.
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Tuncer, Kilavuz Idil. "Understanding violent conflict a comparative study of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3278200.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Central Eurasian Studies, 2007.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-09, Section: A, page: 4055. Adviser: William Fierman. Title from dissertation home page (viewed May 7, 2008).
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Ari, Baris. "Uncrossing the rubicon : transitions from violent civil conflict to peace." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22371/.
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What are the impediments to and stimuluses for transitions from violent civil conflict to peace? This dissertation investigates factors that influence civil conflict resolution. There are four key findings. First, democratisation reforms are likely to prompt peace talks with rebel groups. There are costs associated with recognising internal armed challengers as legitimate bargaining partners that deter governments from initiating peace talks. Democratic reform periods provide a window of opportunity for peace negotiations because factors that make institutional reform more likely also encourage peaceful resolution of conflict. The emergence of democratic institu- tions changes the state preferences by increasing the influence of the median citizen vis-`a-vis the authoritarian elite. Second, fragmented conflicts are harder to resolve because they are likely to be over a multidimensional issue space. Multiparty decision making that involves two or more salient issues are likely to have cyclic collective preferences, which render armed conflict a viable instrument for pursuing political goals. Third, involvement of the United Nations (UN) mitigates the adverse impact of conflict fragmentation over peaceful resolution. UN involvement changes the incentives and opportunities of actors to founder a possible bargain. The UN fa- cilitates a path-dependent peace process and brings institutions that induce an equilibrium by overcoming the problems that arise due to cyclic collective preferences. Finally, the military manpower supply system of a state influences its civil conflict processes. How a state recruits rank-and-file members of the military forces is a central institutional arrangement that influences the incentives and opportunities of relevant actors. Compared to all-volunteer forces (AVFs), conscription is an impediment to conflict termination because the cost some individuals incur by being subject to conscription decreases the opportunity cost of rebellion, increases grievances and insulates influential sections of the population from the cost of conflict. As a result, conflict termination becomes less likely.
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Rigterink, Anouk. "Essays on violent conflict in developing countries : causes and consequences." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1000/.
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This thesis consists of three essays, on the causes and consequences of violent conflict. It focuses on two factors that are thought to play a role in violent conflict, natural resource abundance and the media. The thesis exploits quasi-experimental variation to investigate whether natural resources and violent conflict are related, and if so, through which mechanism. It finds that evidence from cross-country studies indicating that natural resources (as a single category) cause violent conflict is not as robust as popularly believed. Proxies for natural resource abundance used are potentially endogenous to conflict, and addressing this issue changes the results obtained radically. Agricultural resources are found to be negatively related to civil war onset. In the case of diamonds specifically, evidence is found that primary diamonds, but not secondary diamonds, are related to violence. Both results provide support for income (or opportunity cost) as mechanism connecting natural resources and violent conflict. Policy documents assert that media can play a state-building role in conflict situations. However, media could also induce anxiety, and there has been increasing interest in the role of anxiety in the formation of political attitudes. This thesis investigates the impact of intensity of exposure to radio broadcasts on fear of victimization and the impact of fear on political attitudes, in South Sudan. It concludes that individuals living in areas with better radio reception display a higher level of fear, and that anxious individuals are more likely to support a local militia and less likely to support the government army. The latter could be considered the opposite of state-building.
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Baliki, Ghassan. "Empirical Advances in the Measurement and Analysis of Violent Conflict." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/18363.
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Gewaltsamer Konflikt ist eine der hartnäckigsten Bedrohungen des Lebensunterhalts und der Nahrungssicherheit von Individuen weltweit. Trotz einer wachsenden Literatur, die die Ursachen und Folgen von Konflikten untersucht, bestehen nach wie vor erhebliche Verständnislücken, die zum Teil auf einen Mangel an qualitativ hochwertigen Konfliktereignisdaten zurückgehen. Mit Hilfe moderner ökonometrischer und statistischer Methoden trägt diese Monographie empirisch zur Literatur bei, indem sie sich mit drei miteinander verknüpften Themen befasst: (i) die Auswirkungen von Gewalterfahrungen auf Radikalisierung; (ii) das Ausmaß von Verzerrungen ("bias") in medienbasierten Konfliktereignisdaten; sowie (iii) die Rolle von Gewalt in benachbarten Gebieten für die Vorhersage von Ausbruch und Eskalation von Konflikten. Erstens zeigt eine Analyse des Gaza-Krieges von 2009, dass Menschen, die Gewalt direkt ausgesetzt sind, radikale Gruppen im Durchschnitt weniger unterstützen. Wenn frühere Wahlpräferenzen statistisch einbezogen werden, besitzt Gewalt jedoch eine polarisierende Wirkung im Wahlverhalten. Zweitens schätzt eine Auswertung syrischer Konfliktereignisdaten basierend auf internationalen und nationalen Quellen, dass Medien über nur knapp zehn Prozent der auftretenden Ereignisse berichten. Zudem ist die Berichterstattung stark räumlich und nach Konflikt-Akteuren verzerrt. Drittens stellt sich anhand von Paneldaten kleiner geographischer Zellen heraus, dass die räumliche und zeitliche Dynamik von Gewalt starken Einfluss auf sowohl den Ausbruch als auch die Eskalation von Konflikten an einem bestimmten Ort hat. In hochaufgelösten Analysen erhöht Gewalt in benachbarten Raumzellen jedoch nicht die Vorhersagekraft des Modells. Auf Grundlage der empirischen Befunde entwickelt diese Arbeit eine neue Methode zur Erhebung von Konfliktdaten, die auf direkte Informationsquellen vor Ort zurückgreift ("crowdseeding"), um Politik und Forschung verlässlichere Daten zu bieten.Violent conflict is one of the most persistent challenges affecting the economic livelihoods and food security of individuals worldwide. Despite the surge in literature studying the impacts and drivers of armed conflict, there remains notable knowledge and methodological gaps, particularly regarding the quality of conflict event data. Using various advanced econometric and statistical techniques, this monograph contributes empirically to this literature by studying three interrelated issues. (i) The impact of violence exposure on radicalization; (ii) the magnitude of selection and veracity biases in media-based conflict event data; and (iii) the significance of incorporating violence in nearby locations in predicting armed conflict onset and escalation. First, evidence from the 2009 war on Gaza shows that individuals who experienced violence directly are less likely, on average, to support radical groups. However, when controlling for past electoral preferences, the results reveal a polarization effect among voters exposed directly to violence. Second, by matching conflict event data from several international and national media sources on the Syrian war, media reports are found to capture less than 10\% of the estimated total number of events in the study period. Moreover, reported events across the sources exhibit a systematic spatial clustering and actor-specific biases. Third, using a grid-level panel dataset, the temporal and spatial dynamics of violence, among other geographic factors, are found to significantly drive both conflict onset and escalation. However, violence in neighbouring grids does not enhance the prediction of armed conflict when using high precision units of analysis. In addition to these main findings, I propose and discuss a novel methodology, namely crowdseeding, for collecting conflict event data which works directly with primary sources on the ground to provide reliable information for researchers and policy-makers alike.
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Ball, Roger. "Violent urban disturbance in England 1980-81." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 2012. http://eprints.uwe.ac.uk/17958/.
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This study addresses violent urban disturbances which occurred in England in the early 1980s with particular reference to the Bristol ‘riots’ of April 1980 and the numerous disorders which followed in July 1981. Revisiting two concepts traditionally utilised to explain the spread of collective violence, namely ‘diffusion’ and ‘contagion,’ it argues that the latter offers a more useful model for understanding the above-mentioned events. Diffusion used in this context implies that such disturbances are independent of each other and occur randomly. It is associated with the concept of ‘copycat riots’, which were commonly invoked by the national media as a way of explaining the spread of urban disturbances in July 1981. Contagion by contrast holds that urban disturbances are related to one another and involve a variety of communication processes and rational collective decision-making. This implies that such events can only be fully understood if they are studied in terms of their local dynamics. Providing the first comprehensive macro-historical analysis of the disturbances of July 1981, this thesis utilises a range of quantitative techniques to argue that the temporal and spatial spread of the unrest exhibited patterns of contagion. These mini-waves of disorder located in several conurbations were precipitated by major disturbances in inner-city multi-ethnic areas. This contradicts more conventional explanations which credit the national media as the sole driver of riotous behaviour. The thesis then proceeds to offer a micro analysis of disturbances in Bristol in April 1980, incorporating both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Exploiting previously unexplored primary sources and recently collected oral histories from participants, it establishes detailed narratives of three related disturbances in the city. The anatomy of the individual incidents and local contagious effects are examined using spatial mapping, social network and ethnographic analyses. The results suggest that previously ignored educational, sub-cultural and ethnographic intra- and inter-community linkages were important factors in the spread of the disorders in Bristol. The case studies of the Bristol disorders are then used to illuminate our understanding of the processes at work during the July 1981 disturbances. It is argued that the latter events were essentially characterised by anti-police and anti-racist collective violence, which marked a momentary recomposition of working-class youth across ethnic divides.
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Hills, Steven Randall. "Exploring conflict : the justification of violence." Thesis, Sheffield Hallam University, 2011. http://shura.shu.ac.uk/4597/.
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The purpose of this work is to identify how people ethically justify the use of violence or harm-doing in conflicts they experience; and by comparing the processes they use with those of normative ethics, to review whether and how well existing theory addresses the issues people actually face in terms of ethical reasoning. If someone is in a conflict, and the next move may involve harm-doing, what should they be thinking about and why? The work began from an open position as to how people might make their justifications, though with the expectation that they might do so in varying ways reflecting their own disparate experiences. An exploratory approach was therefore adopted, involving idiographic, qualitative methodology. Grounded theory was selected from a range of five such methodologies partly because of its commitment to building “substantive theory” which emerges from the data and also to provide analytic (but not population) generalisability to situations similar to those investigated. The primary data was collected from an interview study conducted amongst people in Sheffield, England. Secondary data from a profoundly different context (the Nuremburg Trials) was used as triangulation. A Model was constructed representing how people conceptualised conflict and reasoned about harm-doing in the actual conflicts they experienced. A literature review was then conducted covering the concept of conflict, four broad ethical approaches – consequentialism, deontology, contractarianism, and virtue ethics - and applied ethical writing relating to conflict–related harm-doing, including eg Just War Theory. The Model was then reviewed in terms of the literature and the literature in terms of the Model. The work contributes to the field by identifying and critiquing ways in which at the everyday, real-world level, people conceptualise conflict and reason ethically. There was a marked contrast between the Model and the conflict literature in one respect. The Model treated conflict as aggressive behaviour to the understanding of which knowledge of its purposes added little. Established theory understood it as goal-directed behaviour producing aggression because not all parties could have all they wanted. Consistently with its view of conflict, the Model saw the idea of common humanity and respect for people as the basis of ethical reasoning. As a result doing harm in self-defence and to protect the weak was all but taken for granted, provided this did not extend to large scale violence. People treated ethical reasoning as relevant to their lives and would borrow eclectically from all four broad approaches in actual situations – but rarely in any depth. This suggests the literature addresses real-world issues, but raises questions about its accessibility and practicality. The research also makes a methodological contribution. Normative ethics does not make extensive use of empirical data and part of the object was to investigate whether it could be useful. The work shows that idiographic methodology can help by identifying the meaning of real world issues for individuals, which meaning the ethical literature should address.Recommendations are made for nomothetic investigation of the prevalence of the views in the Model, and their relationship with national or religious cultures; and for particular developments of the ethical arguments against killing.
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Black, Nathan Wolcott. "The spread of violent civil conflict : rare state-driven, and preventable." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/74274.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2012.This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
This dissertation advances and tests an explanation for the spread of violent civil conflict from one state to another. The fear of such "substate conflict contagion" is frequently invoked by American policymakers as a justification for military intervention in ongoing substate conflicts -- the argument these policymakers often make is that conflicts left uncontained now will spread and become a more pertinent security threat later. My State Action Explanation is that substate conflict contagion is not the sole product of nonstate factors such as transnational rebel networks and arms flows, nor of the structural factors such as poverty that make internal conflict more likely in general. Rather, at least one of three deliberate state government actions is generally required for a conflict to spread, making substate conflict contagion both less common and more state-driven -- and hence more preventable -- than is often believed. These state actions include Evangelization, the deliberate encouragement of conflict abroad by former rebel groups that have taken over their home government; Expulsion, the deliberate movement of combatants across borders by state governments in conflict; and Meddling with Overt Partiality, the deliberate interference in another state's conflict by a state government that subsequently leads to conflict in the interfering state. After introducing this State Action Explanation, I probe its empirical plausibility by identifying 84 cases of substate conflict contagion between 1946 and 2007, and showing that at least one of these three state actions was present and involved in most of these 84 cases. I then conduct two regional tests of the explanation, in Central America (1978-1996) and Southeast Asia (1959-1980). I argue that state actions appear to have been necessary for most of the contagion cases in both of these regions, and that the absence of state actions appears to best explain the cases in which conflicts did not spread.
by Nathan Wolcott Black.
Ph.D.
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Kapapelo, Eduardo. "The Role of State Institutions in Preventing Violent Conflict in Angola." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/78661.
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The majority of the literature within the study of Political Sciences suggests and tries to paint a picture of how to manage societies and prevent conflict, and in doing so how State structures (institutions) can better manage and mediate social relations in curbing conflict. International Law - and the later establishment of International Human Rights Law (IHRL) - builds on the foundations of Political Sciences by creating a framework for which States must not only adhere to minimum standards of behaviour on how they interact with other States but also and, more importantly - how they treat their citizens.
Despite such a seemingly simple relationship (systems and rules) and the normative standards at the international level for the protection of human rights, this thesis argues that overly-centralised states have a hand in contributing towards the emergence of conflict. The design of the State, through its institutions, is paramount in safeguarding individual rights and in doing so, preventing the occurrence and or resurgence of violence. Furthermore, the thesis contends that while there are both global and regional mechanisms for the protection of human rights which promote values of peace, inclusiveness and democratic governance, States are still the main actors in international politics. As such it is their responsibility to structure institutions which would reflect such values based on their local contexts and realities.
Angola, the case study for this inquiry, confirms that the very nature of its institutions has created conditions under which individual rights and liberties are undermined, enhanced by its overly-centralised State with a strong command culture. Since independence, Angola has experienced a situation of social and political instability through (1) an attempted coup almost immediately after independence, and (2) a civil war which would continue for nearly thirty years. Due to these factors, Angola has never had the opportunity to develop democratic institutions which would work towards safeguarding individual rights while promoting democratic governance.
Such undemocratic trend has been a feature of Angola’s post-war political landscape. Paraphrasing Davis (1962) - dissatisfaction breeds dissent, and dissent leads to revolt. In an article entitled ‘Watch out Angola – repression only generates more dissent’ Marissa Moorman (2015) argued that the Angolan government has for the better part of a decade since the end of the Civil War mostly ‘resorted to force to stay in power’. In such regard, a recurring theme of this inquiry is that dissatisfaction breeds dissent and dissent breeds revolt. This dissatisfaction has then been seen in the form of the denial of rights, high levels of unemployment, corruption, and the centralisation of State power within the executive and the undermining of State institutions such as Parliament and the judiciary has created high levels of discontent, and though conflict is a natural part of human nature it can nevertheless be controlled, managed and prevented through institutional re-engineering. The reform of Angola’s State institutions is thus vital towards preventing a recurrence of violence.
The research for this thesis found that though the end of the civil war resulted in ‘peace’ and the adoption of a new constitution which specifies a wide range of rights, the overly-centralised State, high levels of corruption and institutional inefficiency has created bottlenecks towards the realisation of individual rights and freedoms. Several issues were identified which led to the civil war, in addition, and within the post-war context such issues are those which have yet to be addressed both socially and within the Constitution.
In addressing such hindrances, the author of the thesis identified that reforming the State and its institutions are vital not only for the prevention of violence but for the establishment of democratic governance. In doing so, the author found that there is an urgent need to decentralise State power by limiting executive power while at the same time further emphasising the role of provinces. Such emphasis is then also based on a more prominent role of the Angolan Parliament which should not only regain its full legislative and oversight functions of government (executive) but should assume a bicameral structure.
The conclusion is that for the achievement of such objectives, the onus not only falls on government but also civil society to begin designing a State which is inclusive and safeguards individual participation within the process of governance.Thesis (DPhil) - University of Pretoria, 2021.
Centre for Human Rights
DPhil
Unrestricted
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LaRosa, Edward B. "Insurgent violence U.S. involvement in internal conflict." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5017.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis considers whether or not the presence of the United States military is a necessary or sufficient condition to eradicate insurgencies in the Philippines. Through the analysis of three case studies,we examine relationships among insurgent activities, government actions, and U.S. involvement. This analysis aids in determining how a U.S. presence can help or hurt in defeating insurgencies in the Philippines. Approaching our cases historically, we evaluate how some countries, like Sri Lanka, have been able to eliminate their insurgency with minimal to no U.S. support, and how others, like Colombia, have been able to combat insurgencies and drug-related problems with continued U.S. support. By comparing across these cases, we make a determination about the importance of a U.S. presence in the Philippines.
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FRANCO, DEBORA AUGUSTO. "PARENTAL ALIENATION: CONFLICT, VIOLENCE AND SHARED CUSTODY." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=36736@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTITUIÇÕES COMUNITÁRIAS DE ENSINO PARTICULARES
O presente estudo teve como objetivo investigar a vivência de pais que lutam pela guarda compartilhada. Foram entrevistados 12 sujeitos, dez homens e duas mulheres, recrutados diretamente em comunidades virtuais do facebook que atuam como grupos de apoio para pais que lutam na justiça para obter a guarda compartilhada dos filhos. Como instrumento de investigação, utilizou-se uma entrevista online com roteiro semiestruturado, contendo questões abertas. O texto dos entrevistados, registrado por meio do Messenger, foi submetido ao método de análise de conteúdo na sua vertente categorial temática. A partir das narrativas, emergiram sete categorias de análise: Conflitos relativos ao litígio conjugal; Conflitos conjugais que afetam o cotidiano familiar e o relacionamento pais e filhos; Violência doméstica associada ao rompimento da relação conjugal; Prioridade da guarda materna; Guarda compartilhada como alternativa para a convivência familiar; Alienação Parental; e Criminalização da alienação parental. A categoria Violência doméstica associada ao rompimento da relação conjugal foi desdobrada em três subcategorias: Justificativas para a violência conjugal: ameaça, vingança e traição; Violência sexual associada ao rompimento conjugal; e Presença dos filhos em situações de violência associada ao rompimento conjugal. Esse estudo foi apresentado no formato de quatro artigos. A partir dos resultados da pesquisa, concluímos que quando os conflitos conjugais persistem pós-divórcio, e são manifestados por meio de desejo de vingança e violência, os cuidados parentais são prejudicados. Nesse contexto, engendram-se diferentes fenômenos que podem marcar a luta pela guarda compartilhada nas famílias pós-divórcio, tais como: violência doméstica e intrafamiliar como modelo de identificação para os filhos; padrões de provisão e cuidado atrelados às figuras de pai e mãe, respectivamente; expressão da lide na vivência de alienação parental; e perpetuação do litígio encoberto na luta por direitos e expressa na judicialização das relações familiares. Os desdobramentos da separação conjugal conflituosa podem afetar a relação entre pais e filhos, comprometendo o desenvolvimento infantil, o direito dos filhos à convivência familiar e a manutenção dos vínculos parentais após o rompimento da relação conjugal. Ademais, destaca-se a importância da criação de serviços públicos especializados no atendimento às questões relativas ao divórcio litigioso e às situações de violência associadas ao fim da relação amorosa como forma de enfrentamento das questões que atravessam a relação parento-filial nas famílias pós-divórcio.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the experience of divorced parents who fight for the shared custody of their children. The authors interviewed 12 subjects – 10 men and 2 women – the authors recruited participants online, from Facebook pages that serve as a support network for parents who fight in the legal system for the shared custody of their children. As an investigative tool, was used an online interview with open questions. The participants words, registered in the Messenger app, were submitted to the content analysis method in its thematic category model. From the narratives, seven categories of analysis emerged: Conflicts relating to marital litigation; Marital conflicts affecting the family routine, as well as the parent and children s relationship; Domestic violence associated with the breakup of the marital relationship; Priority the of maternal unilateral guard; Shared custody as an alternative to family living; Parental Alienation; and Criminalization of parental alienation. The category Domestic violence associated with the breakup of the marital relationship was divided into three subcategories: Justifications for marital violence: threat, revenge and cheating; Sexual violence associated with marital breakdown; and Presence of children in violence situations associated with marital breakdown. This study was presented in the format of four articles. From the results of the research, we conclude that when marital conflicts persist post-divorce and are manifested through a desire for revenge and violence, parental s care is impaired. In this contexto, different phenomena are generated that can mark the struggle for shared custody in post-divorce families, such as: domestic and intrafamily violence as a model of identification for the children; concepts of provision and care linked to the father and mother figures, respectively; expression of the litigation in the experience of parental alienation; and perpetuation of the litigation, hidden in the struggle for rights and explicit in the judicialization of family relations. The unfolding of conflicting marital separation can affect the relationship between parents and children, jeopardizing healthy child development, the right of the children to family interaction and the maintenance of parental bonds after the conjugal relationship breakup. In addition, it is relevant to note the importance of creating public services specialized in dealing with issues related to divorce and situations of violence associated with the end of the love relationship as a way of coping with the issues that cross the parental-filial relationship in the post- divorce context.
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Bryan, Licona. "Countering Violent Extremism in Peshawar Pakistan." Diss., NSUWorks, 2018. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/114.
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Spikes of militancy, intolerance, ethnic division and sectarianism have all risen within Pakistan in recent years, yet Pakistan’s continuous battle to deter violent extremism fails to be successful. Following the December 16, 2014 Army Public School (APS) massacre in Peshawar Pakistan little empirical attention has been paid on how the Pakistani government, in the Northwest region of Pakistan, is countering violent extremism (CVE). As well as, its link to policy-making decisions on CVE. This dissertation study sought to analyze the currently active CVE narrative that Pakistan implemented into its Constitution in 2014. This qualitative explanatory case study project focused on operational links that could be traced over time. A content analysis of secondary sources of Pakistani political briefings and press conferences relating to the Pakistani 21st amendment was carried out to identify important themes that emerged. The qualitative analysis of the data generated five themes: (1) word-based agency, (2) knowledge & governance, (3) accountability, (4) closure, and (5) deontic orientation. To assist in addressing the research question, a critical holistic historical qualitative case study analysis was preferred because of its unique strength in incorporating various sources of evidence. Several suggestions of the findings are discussed. These include suggestions for practice and theory, bench-marking of the 21st amendment, and the inclusion of stakeholders in the CVE process.
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Kezer, Robert Allen. "Integral nonviolent conflict| Reframing the idea of civil resistance against violent oppression." Thesis, California Institute of Integral Studies, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3621950.
Full textAbstract:
Nonviolent strategies have been shown to be more effective than violent insurgencies for countering oppression while increasing the subsequent degree of democracy in the country and reducing its chances of civil war. But we still do not know why some campaigns work and others do not. This dissertation develops a methodology for reframing our understanding of nonviolent conflict according to the all quadrants all levels (AQAL) model of integral theory that can also be used to investigate other topics as well.
The literature review covers terms, definitions, and misconceptions about nonviolent conflict, a historical lineage, and an overview of current theories and personalities. The terms simple and complex AQAL are introduced, and the AQAL model is contextualized with current knowledge as relevant to the five elements of integral theory: quadrants, types, states, and lines and levels of development. The model is then overlaid with each of the five primary debates in the field to show how integral theory reduces the polarization that often defines academic disputes and better informs our understanding of nonviolent conflict by allowing inclusion of all valid lines of truth. Integral methodological pluralism (IMP) is then used to bring forth the disciplinary subquestions in each methodological zone that, if answered, would begin to fill in the disciplinary gaps in our knowledge and better complete the process of contextualizing the AQAL model. I then offer suggestions for six integral research projects that use IMP to take a transdisciplinary approach to researching the more complex dynamics that happen between all of the factors identified previously and in context of the evolving situation. This process advances our understanding of how to use integral theory to reframe our approach to a field of inquiry, reduces the confusion surrounding nonviolent conflict by basing the investigation on perspectives not perceptions, and produces a model that is inclusive of all valid lines of truth and weighs their importance based on the context of the situation.
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Gough, Rebecca. "Multinational corporations in violent conflict: a case study of firestone in Liberia." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/30510.
Full textAbstract:
The First Liberian Civil War began with an insurgency led by Charles Taylor on Christmas Eve in 1989. At the time, the company Firestone Liberia (one of many of the subsidiaries of the multinational, Bridgestone Corporation) had been operating the world’s largest rubber plantation in Liberia’s Margibi County for over six decades. Over the course of three years, Firestone engaged with various actors in the Liberian conflict theatre in order to continue operating its rubber plantation. The most notable of these actors was the warlord, Charles Taylor, a relationship for which Firestone Liberia has received much criticism. This case study is situated within the broader debate on the role of multinational corporations in host countries that descend into conflict. The
existing literature on the topic exposes a potentially ambivalent role for private actors as either catalysts for aggravating conflict dynamics or promoters of peace within conflict zones. This research contends that insufficient attention has been paid to understanding the minutiae of corporate behaviour in contemporary conflict and that more in-depth low-n case studies are required before prescribing a positive role for companies in conflict zones. The findings of this paper reveal the importance of accounting for variables, such as conflict characteristics and geo-economic and geopolitical conditions, and how these limit the agency of private actors in situations of violent conflict.
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Swed, Nannette. "Essays on socio-economic consequences of violent conflict in the Middle East." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16927.
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Diese Dissertation besteht aus drei Aufsätzen, welche die sozio-ökonomische Konsequenzen der Verwicklung in Konflikte untersuchen. Der erste Artikel untersucht den Einfluss der “Operation Iraqi Freedom” und des folgenden Bürgerkrieges auf die Beschulung von irakischen Kindern im schulpflichtigen Alter. Einen Schwerpunkt der Studie bildet die Überwindung eines Endogenitätsproblems, welches sich durch nicht-zufällige Verwicklung in Gewalt ergibt. Die Ergebnisse der Studie zeigen, dass in Abhängigkeit von der Intensität des Konfliktes die Schuleinschreibung von Mädchen durch eine Verwicklung in Konflikte zwischen sechs bis zwölf Prozent reduziert wird. Der bei Jungen gemessene Effekt beläuft sich auf eine Reduzierung um ein bis neun Prozent. Im zweiten Artikel werden Lohnzuschläge von hochqualifizierten palästinensischen Arbeitskräften in Zusammenhang mit alternierender Intensität im Nahostkonflikt gestellt. Mit dem Ausbruch der Zweiten Intifada im Jahr 2000 führen erhöhte Grenzkontrollen zu eingeschränkte Mobilität. Dadurch gewinnt Der Dienstleistungssektor in den Besetzten Gebieten an relativer Bedeutung. Dieser beschäftigt anteilig mehr hochqualifizierte Arbeitskräfte als andere Sektoren, was den Anstieg ihrer relativen Löhne erklärt. Im dritten Artikel wird die Entwicklung des Geschlechterlohndifferentials in den Palästinensischen Gebieten untersucht. Während der Lohnunterschied zwischen Mann und Frau bis 1999 ansteigt, lässt sich mit dem Ausbruch der Zweiten Intifada die Umkehrung dieses Trends verzeichnen. Die Verlagerung der palästinensischen Beschäftigung aus Israel in den lokalen Arbeitsmarkt erklärt dabei 57,8 Prozent der schrumpfenden Lohnlücke. Die dadurch veränderte Industriestruktur macht weitere 26,5 Prozent der Lohnkonvergenz aus. Die veränderte Beschäftigung zugunsten der Agrar- und Dienstleistungssektoren, welche sich beide durch einen hohen Anteil an Arbeiterinnen auszeichnen, führt zu einem Anstieg ihrer relativen Löhne.This thesis consists of three essays that analyze the socio-economic consequences of conflict involvement. The first essay studies the effect of the Operation Iraqi Freedom and the following civil war on schooling outcomes of Iraqi children in mandatory schooling age. Several conflict measures which vary over geographic regions are proposed to capture different traits of conflict involvement. A special focus is laid on overcoming the potential endogeneity arising from non-random involvement into conflicts. I find decreased school enrollment of six-year-old boys and girls. Depending on the intensity of the conflict enrollment of girls is reduced by six to twelve percent. The detrimental effect measured for boys ranges between one and nine percent. The second essay examines wage differentials of high-skilled workers in relation to relaxing and tightening conflict intensity in the Israeli-Palestinian case. After the outbreak of the Second Intifada in 2000 the relative wage of skilled workers experiences a substantial increase. Regional employment shifts coming along with a change in the sector composition are responsible for a higher skill-intensive labor employment which translates into higher relative wages for skilled workers. The third essay explores the evolution of the gender wage gap in the Palestinian Territories. While the male-female wage differential increases till 1999, this trend is reversed with the outbreak of the Second Intifada. The catch-up of the female wages is mainly driven by relative employment shifts across workplaces and sectors. The shift of employment in Israel to the local labor market explains 57.8 percent of the closing wage gap between men and women. The related change in the industry structure explains another 26.5 percent of the wage convergence. I find relative gains of the service and agricultural sectors located in the Palestinian Territories, both of which rely on high shares of female labor input.
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Amaral, Teresa da Conceição Abrunhosa. "Os conflitos na escola de hoje: a mediação inter-pares no conflito." Master's thesis, [s.n.], 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10284/3349.
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Dissertação apresentada à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para a obtenção do grau de Mestre em Docência e Gestão da Educação, especialização em Administração Escolar e EducacionalA gestão de conflitos é tarefa que cada vez mais se tem de atualizar, de forma a responder adequadamente à tipologia de conflitos que surgem na sociedade de hoje. Se isso é válido para a generalidade das organizações, assume um papel preponderante nas instituições escolares, pela função formativa que estas desempenham na vida das crianças e jovens. Verificar a evolução da metodologia de gestão dos conflitos nas escolas e a possibilidade de escolha de um dos processos foi o objetivo do presente trabalho. No entanto, o objetivo principal recaiu na apresentação de uma estratégia alternativa para gerir esses conflitos – a mediação. Para que tal se efetivasse, era necessário saber que tipos de liderança e que tipos são recetivos, ou melhor, envidam esforços e desencadeiam dinâmicas, que sejam propícias à implementação de outros processos de gestão de conflitos. Importava também ter noção das características dos conflitos que se registam hoje entre os alunos, bem como se tornou útil proceder à distinção entre comportamentos usualmente inseridos no foro da indisciplina e os de carácter mais violento aparentemente cada vez mais recorrentes. Essa especificação conceptual permitiu-nos optar de um modo mais preciso pela solução a - mediação. Que deixem de existir conflitos é impossível, visto o conflito ser algo próprio do ser humano e que faz parte integrante do seu crescimento moral e emocional. Mas é necessário aprender a lidar com os conflitos de forma mais ou menos natural. Essa tarefa, revelou-se como consequência prática da implementação da estratégia da mediação, que pretende, acima de tudo, um efeito preventivo no surgimento dos conflitos mais agressivos. A permanência e estabilidade do corpo docente constituem fatores determinantes de toda a dinâmica organizacional de uma escola. A satisfação do corpo docente perpassa para os alunos, exercendo efeitos positivos na aprendizagem, contagiando-os de tal forma que o ambiente vivido é muito agradável, até pela consequente desdramatização da conflitualidade que se possa verificar, encarando-a de forma natural. Conflict management is a task that urges to be brought up to date, as a way of responding appropriately to each sort of conflicts that are rising among today’s society. If that is valid to most of the organizations it is also essential at the educational institutions, because of the formative role they play in children and teenagers lives. Verifying the evolution of the conflict management methodology in schools and the possibilities of process choosing was one of the goals of the present work. Nevertheless, the main purpose was the presentation of an alternative strategy to manage those conflicts – mediation. In order to make it possible, it was necessary to know the kind of leadership and the kind of organizational culture that allow, or make efforts and activate dynamics that provide the development of other conflict management procedures. It was also important to be aware of the conflict features that happen among students nowadays. Proceeding to the distinction of behaviours, usually taken as indiscipline and those (that seems to be growing today) which are more violent, became very useful. That conceptual specification led us to manage scientific perspectives in a more precise strategy-mediation. Abolish conflicts is impossible since conflicts are something proper of human being – they are part of his moral and emotional growth. But it is necessary to learn how to deal with conflicts in a natural way. That task turned out as a practical consequence of the implementation of mediation strategy, that focus, above all else, on having a preventive effect in the emerging of the most aggressive conflicts. The permanence and stability of teaching staff constitute the decisive elements of all organizational dynamics the well-being of teaching staff is extended to the pupils, applying positive effects in their learning in such a way that the school environment is very pleasant; even for the dedramatization of the scarce conflictuality we observe there, facing it in a natural mode. The development of this project, allowed us, to conclude that the school make the choice of mediation as conflict management, will give students greater responsibility therefore, its action in this process give enough visibility to the role of the student in the school environment harmony. The exploration carried out literature, which took into account rules, concerning the activity of documentary research, as well as our experience as a teacher and legislation that supports this theme allowed us to draft a Mediation, as well as create some supporting documents, namely: Report of Conflict, Commitment Agreement, the Performance Evaluation Report of the Mediator by the parties, Report Assessing the performance of mediators by Professor Supervisor, Questionnaire to Carers and Questionnaire for teachers. This is a project that can be applied to any school / group, according to the specificities.
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Granjeiro, Ivonete Araújo Carvalho Lima. "Psicologia e direito : interdisciplinaridade no conflito familiar violento." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2006. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/2371.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Psicologia, 2006.Submitted by Érika Rayanne Carvalho (carvalho.erika@ymail.com) on 2009-11-28T22:39:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Ivonete Araujo Carvalho Lima Granjeiro.pdf: 603273 bytes, checksum: 60d1a3b8e871442e99330e029cb6104e (MD5)
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O presente trabalho visa a estabelecer uma discussão acerca da compreensão da dimensão interdisciplinar entre a Psicologia e o Direito frente à situação de conflito familiar violento. Para tanto, foram realizadas entrevistas com os profissionais – Juiz, Promotor, Defensor, Psicóloga e Assistente social - envolvidos em um processo criminal que tramitava em uma vara judicial do Distrito Federal, cujo objeto era o abuso sexual perpetrado pelo genitor contra as filhas menores de idade. As informações colhidas foram analisadas à luz de uma abordagem qualitativa, no caso a Hermenêutica de Profundidade, que coloca em evidência o fato de que o objeto de análise é uma construção simbólica significativa e exige uma interpretação. Os resultados apontaram que o ponto de encontro entre o Direito e a Psicologia é o estudo psicossocial. O juízo solicita uma perícia, uma investigação da existência ou não de abuso sexual. O setor psicossocial forense apresenta um relatório, que tem como ponto nodal a compreensão da dinâmica familiar, mas, por outro lado, responde ao questionamento judicial. Isso denota uma zona de conflito entre o que é solicitado e o que é apresentado, que fica clara na utilização do estudo psicossocial, pois o juízo o aplica numa via de mão única, ou seja, para prover as demandas judiciais em detrimento das psicológicas. O estudo psicossocial serve como um instrumento para corroborar a decisão judicial - absolver ou condenar o réu -, e deixa de lado a dimensão sistêmica da violência, que não se resolve somente com a aplicação da lei ao caso concreto, mas com a construção de uma atitude/ação interdisciplinar, a fim de atender tanto as demandas psicológicas quanto as jurídicas. Nesse sentido, é necessário desenvolver essa consciência interdisciplinar, a fim de que esses atores se tornem co-autores em ações que proporcionem mais efetividade às decisões judiciais, que devem conciliar a aplicação da lei com as reais necessidades psicológicas dos membros da família. __________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
The following paper aims at establishing a discussion regarding the understanding of the interdisciplinary scope between Psychology and Law, concerning a situation of violent familiar conflict. For such, interviews were held with a judge, a prosecutor, a defense attorney, a psychologist and a social worker. All professionals were involved in a criminal trial whose object was sexual abuse perpetrated by father against under-aged daughters and was carried out in a Federal District jurisdiction. In this case, the information gathered was analyzed under the qualitative approach Hermeneutics of Depth, which makes evident the fact that the object of analysis is a meaningful symbolic construction and demands an explanation. The results pointed to the meeting point between law and psychology: a psychosocial study. The judge had requested an in depth investigation to prove the actual existence of sexual abuse. The psychosocial forensic department presented a report, which had as its central point the understanding of the family dynamics. On the other hand, this report answered the judicial inquiries. Such denotes a conflict zone between what is requested and what is presented. This became more obvious in the utilization of the psychosocial study when the judge applied it in a one-way perspective, in order to provide them with legal demands to the detriment of psychological demands. The psychosocial study functions as an instrument to corroborate legal decision - absolving or convicting the defendant - and leaves aside systemical proportions of violence. Such proportions are not to be resolved only with the application of law to the concrete case, but with the building of an interdisciplinary action in order to attend both psychological and judicial demands. In this sense, it is necessary to develop this interdisciplinary conscience, so that these actors can become co-authors in actions that will provide more effective judicial decisions, reaching a consensus between the applications of the law with the actual psychological needs of the family members.
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Bordin, Márcia Simone da Silva. "A RELAÇÃO PEDAGÓGICA E O ENFRENTAMENTO DOS CONFLITOS E DAS VIOLÊNCIAS NA ESCOLA." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2012. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/7029.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e TecnológicoThe current paper is linked to the research line: School Practices and Public Policies of the Post-graduation Program on Education (PPGE) at the Federal University of Santa Maria. This investigation, which theme is the pedagogical relation, the conflicts and violence in schools, is part of the research group Moral Affection , and its main project: The conflicts and the sentiments present in the pedagogical relation and the interrelations in the building of moral personality. The objective of this research was to investigate whether the way the pedagogical relations are worked in the classroom benefits or not the act of facing the violence in schools. To do so, some classes of Physical Education of the fifth grade (research participants), in Fundamental school in Santa Maria, Rio Grande do Sul state, were observed. The sort of research used was the Case Study with a qualitative approach. The investigation instruments were: direct observation, semi-structured interview and a questionnaire. The data analysis happened under the theoretical support of the following authors: pedagogical relation and its conditions: the knowledge (ESTRELA, 1994), activities (ESTRELA, 1994; ASSIS, 2003); the rules (DE VRIES, ZAN, 2003; VINHA, 2003); violence acts (MORAIS, 1995); conflicts (VINYAMATA, 2005). Based on the data analysis, it was observed that the teacher s pedagogical practice helped somehow to face the conflicts and violence. However, it could intensified the idea of making the students participate and know their value in making and modifying the rules.
O presente trabalho está vinculado à Linha de Pesquisa: Práticas Escolares e Políticas Públicas do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação (PPGE) da Universidade Federal de Santa Maria. Esta investigação, cujo tema é a relação pedagógica, os conflitos e as violências na escola, está integrada ao grupo de pesquisas Afetos Morais e ao seu projeto principal Os conflitos e os sentimentos presentes na relação pedagógica e seus entrelaçamentos na construção da personalidade moral . O objetivo desta pesquisa foi investigar se a forma como são trabalhados os condicionantes da relação pedagógica, em sala de aula, favorece ou não o enfrentamento das violências. Para tanto, observei as aulas de uma professora de Educação Física e três turmas de quinto ano (participantes da pesquisa), com as quais ela trabalha em uma Escola Municipal de Ensino Fundamental, localizada na cidade de Santa Maria RS. O tipo de pesquisa utilizado foi o Estudo de Caso, com abordagem qualitativa. Os instrumentos de investigação foram: a observação direta, a entrevista semiestruturada e o questionário. A análise de dados foi sob o aporte teórico dos seguintes autores: relação pedagógica e seus condicionantes: o saber (ESTRELA, 1994), atividades (ESTRELA, 1994; ASSIS, 2003); as regras (DE VRIES, ZAN, 2003; VINHA, 2003); violências (MORAIS, 1995); conflitos (VINYAMATA, 2005). Com base na análise dos dados, observou-se que a prática pedagógica da professora contribuiu, de alguma forma, para o enfrentamento dos conflitos e das violências. Porém, poderiam ser intensificados os trabalhos na valorização dos sentimentos dos alunos e na sua participação na elaboração e na modificação das regras.
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Tkachuk, Oleksandr. "Settlement patterns and the intensity of violence in ethnic conflicts." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/4976.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedFrom the Second World War to the present, ethnic civil wars have continued to be a frequent and widespread phenomenon. Most of the existing literature on civil wars in general and ethnic conflict in particular is concerned with explaining onset of conflict, leaving the question of different intensity of violence under-researched. This thesis attempts to fill this gap by examining the link between structural conditions of ethnic conflicts and their violent outcomes. Specifically, it is argued that settlement patterns of conflicting ethnic groups may have explanatory power regarding different intensity of violence in conflict. Once distinct ethnic groups engage in conflict, their patterns of settlement present a strategic challenge for the warring parties. First, the more intermixed are the opponents' population bases, the harder it becomes to protect own population and the easier target opponent's population becomes. Second, interspersed ethnic groups are likely to produce abundance of small, disconnected and loosely organized militant units, which are virtually impossible to effectively manage and command, and subsequently control damage. The proposed hypotheses are tested using geospatial data on ethnic settlement patterns and through case studies. The evidence found during empirical analysis confirms that ethnic settlements have explanatory power regarding different intensity of inter-ethnic violence.
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Dieckhoff, Milena. "Médiation, médiations ? : typologie d’une activité de pacification dans les conflits politiques violents de l’après-guerre froide." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0057.
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Comment comprendre, interpréter, et expliquer la médiation internationale ? Peut-on distinguer différentes formes de médiations internationales ? Face au recours croissant à la médiation sur la scène internationale depuis la fin de la guerre froide et à la diversité des acteurs pouvant entreprendre cette activité de pacification, un travail de clarification s’impose. Mêlant réflexion théorique et analyse de cas d’étude, nous proposons une typologie fondée sur la distinction entre une médiation politique, expertise et sociétale. Pour dégager ces types, nous interrogeons les différentes conceptions du conflit et de la paix ainsi que la rationalité à l’œuvre dans la médiation, la variété des pratiques de médiation et, en dernier lieu, les diverses fonctions de la médiation dans la recomposition du conflit et pour le médiateur. Dans un deuxième temps, nous montrons que les limites de la typologie nous informent sur des problématiques communes aux différentes médiations. En pensant « l’unique » ou les limites des types, nous interrogeons les contextes de médiations, en replaçant les activités de médiations dans leur environnement macro et micro. Penser « le multiple » est ensuite un moyen de mettre en évidence des complexes de médiations, qui redonnent une multi-dimensionnalité au phénomène – d’où le regard sur les médiations multi-types – et témoignent aussi des évolutions possibles des formes de médiations. Enfin, « l’entre-deux » permet de questionner les médiations hybrides, marquées par la combinaison de caractéristiques les rattachant à différents types, et qui émergent des décalages entre discours et actes ainsi qu’entre effets recherchés et résultats obtenusHow can we understand, interpret and explain international mediation? Is it possible to distinguish several types of international mediations? The growing use of international mediation since the end of the Cold War and the diversity of actors involved in this peacemaking activity explain the need for clarification. Combining theoretical considerations and case studies, we therefore propose a typology based on the distinction between a political, an expert and a societal mediation. These types are constructed through an analysis of the various ways of conceiving conflict, peace, and the rationality of mediation, the different mediation practices, and finally the diverse functions that mediations can have with regard to the conflict and the mediator. In a second part, we demonstrate that the limits of the typological exercise shed light on problems and stakes common to all mediations. We question the limits of our types in relation to the unique macro and micro contexts in which mediations are carried out. We then define “mediation complexes”, characterized by the co-existence of several types of mediations or the changing character of a mediation over time. Lastly, we reflect on hybrid mediations, which combine characteristics from different types, and emerge from the discrepancy between discourses and acts as well as between expected and obtained effects
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Littlechild, Brian. "Managing violence, aggression and conflict in social work." Thesis, University of Hertfordshire, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2299/14185.
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This thesis examines the causes and effects of violence against social workers. In particular, it addresses issues of conflict arising from certain social workers' roles, and the nature, extent and effects of aggression and violence against social workers in both probation and child protection work. The management of these issues is also examined in depth. The thesis contains critical reviews of the literature available at the time of the preparation of the publications, which drew out key issues for theory, policy and practice. It also contains three empirical research reports, which utilized a mixture of qualitative and quantitative approaches. The first piece of research was undertaken within a probation service, and the last two pieces were carried out with child protection social workers and managers in a large social services department. The work highlights the importance of incorporating the experiences and views of social workers and managers concerning the management of aggression and violence from service users within their agencies' policy development. The issues addressed within the research reports include the effectiveness of support available for staff and managers, and how policy and practice relate to the dilemmas and problems raised for workers and managers dealing with threats within what can be ambiguous roles, particularly within child protection work. The work within the thesis addresses how policies and practice relate to the protection of children when parent service users display violence and aggression. It analyses the place of risk assessment both in relation to threats to workers and in the potentially negative effects on the protection of the child(ren) and others involved. The possible effects on the protection of children as a result of such threats, particularly within the Developing Violent Scenarios identified within the thesis, are also explored. The work incorporates possible ways of dealing with those clients who present aggressive and violent behaviour, within a consideration of how issues of power, control and gender affect the nature and effects of threats to workers. On the basis of original research and analysis of the relevant literature, the work offers a model of how issues of under-reporting, effects on victimized staff, and support for staff individually might most effectively be incorporated into the development of agency policies and risk assessment procedures to reduce risk to both children and staff.
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Langer, Arnim. "Horizontal inequalities and violent conflict : A comparative study of Cote d'Ivoire and Ghana." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527346.
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Callà, Rose Marie <1973>. "La gestione violenta dei conflitti in ambito di coppia." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2008. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/727/.
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La famiglia rappresenta un micro sistema all’interno del macro sistema società, che vive,
si riproduce, rimane in equilibrio o cade in situazioni di squilibrio, implode e si rigenera,
attraverso gli infiniti feedback comunicativi con l’ambiente esterno. I suoi componenti
sono i medium di tale processo interattivo. Quindi: tutti gli eventi all’interno del nucleo
familiare, compreso il conflitto, non possono considerarsi slegati dalla società
circostante.
La famiglia possiede una dimensione politica che si esplicita nella distribuzione di potere
fra i suoi componenti. Tale distribuzione può assumere sia forme democratiche, che
dispotiche. A forme di distribuzione del potere non democratiche si associano livelli
elevati di conflitto. Quest’ultimo, tuttavia, è una dimensione inevitabile delle associazioni
umane. Ciò che distingue le relazioni – familiari e non – non è tanto la presenza o
assenza del conflitto, quanto piuttosto la modalità di espressione e di gestione di tale
conflittualità. In tal senso, infatti, l’antagonismo relazionale si può tradurre in
aggressione e violenza, prevaricazione, lesione della integrità e della libertà, oppure
divenire occasione di crescita, di confronto, di mediazione e di negoziazione.
La ricerca svolta all’interno del Dottorato in Criminologia dell’ Università di Bologna è
finalizzata, attraverso un’integrazione teorica, ad individuare le variabili intervenienti nel
contesto e nell’esperienza dei conflitti violenti in ambito di coppia, per accertare il loro
eventuale ruolo predittivo del fenomeno.
In particolare, s’indagano le modalità attraverso le quali la condizione socio-strutturale
dei partner di coppia e la costruzione sociale dei ruoli di genere - con la relativa
attribuzione di potere – e le condizioni lavorative, interagiscono nell’ espressione violenta
della conflittualità.
Il collettivo di riferimento - individuato grazie alla collaborazione di associazioni del
privato sociale e di istituzioni pubbliche presenti e operanti nel territorio della Provincia
di Trento eroganti prestazioni eterogenee alle famiglie - è composto da coppie
sposate/conviventi alle quali è stato somministrato un questionario strutturato.
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Pershutkin, Alexander. "Information society and domestic conflicts." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.
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Yassin, Nasser. "The urban dimension of civil conflict and violence : a study on the relationship between the city, conflict and violence in Beirut." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2008. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/14303/.
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This thesis aims to improve our understanding of the relationship between the city and civil conflict and violence. The thesis is building on the explanation that urbanisation and cities are at the heart of societal transformation as complex forms of social life and not as previously reduced to a partial phenomenon, an accidental aspect or to a backdrop of societal changes. Conversely societal change not only occurs on the city-space but becomes an integral part of the makeup of the city. In relation to the subject of conflict and violence, the thesis argues that cities generate conditions that catalyse and alter related social, economic, political and cultural processes that intensify these phenomena. The city becomes more than just 'a site where powerful external forces intersect, intensifying differences and conflicts among local groups’ (Susser and Schneider, 2003:1). It acts like a prism that changes the trajectory of processes that happen initially outside its ‘gates’ and stirs and intensifies them generating the conditions for accelerated conflict. Reciprocally, the thesis argues that cities are shaped by the very processes that occur and intersect though them. The city, as a dynamic entity, is influenced by these processes and changes accordingly. Through studying the case of Beirut, the thesis will explain how the city and the urban condition shape social, political and spatial dynamics producing accelerated conflict and violence; and how the city in turn was shaped by these dynamics in four particulars: • Firstly, urban differentials in the settlement pattern of sectarian groups or communities in the city and their outcome in terms of the relationship between the old and new urbanites. • Secondly, the dynamics of inter-communal social relations in the city and the role of the urban condition in shaping social interactions between communities. • Thirdly, the influence of the urban condition on shaping the political process and politicisation of communities. • Fourthly, the outcomes of conflict and violence on re-shaping the city and its milieus.
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Reddy, Movindri. "Conflicts of consciousness : the state, Inkatha and ethnic violence in Nepal." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272979.
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Rushton, David Gerald. "Disputant receptivity to negotiation in violent political conflict, lessons from South Africa's apartheid struggle." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ58547.pdf.
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