To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Violent conflicts.
Journal articles on the topic 'Violent conflicts'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Violent conflicts.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Winstok, Zeev. "Conflict escalation to violence and escalation of violent conflicts." Children and Youth Services Review 30, no. 3 (March 2008): 297–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2007.10.007.
Full text
2
Engels, Bettina. "Rape and Constructions of Masculinity and Femininity." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 8 (September 30, 2004): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.8.5.
Full textAbstract:
With her paper Rape as a War Crime (Politikon 6/2003, p. 55-69), Andrea Theocharis has put an issue on the agenda, which has long been missing in Politikon’s discussions. I am grateful to Andrea for starting an important debate, which I would like to continue by giving some remarks to her contribution focusing on the gender constructionist dimension of rape in violent conflicts. Agreeing with Andrea, I will argue that rape and sexual violence are not only systematic and strategic weapons in violent conflicts but gendered crimes which cannot be analyzed appropriately without theorizing social and cultural constructions of masculinity and femininity. I will outline how gender-blind approaches fail to meet the issue of rape in violent conflicts. By mentioning some exemplary empirical figures, I will show that rape in violent conflicts is neither a new phenomena nor can it be considered a by-product of war. It must be emphasized that rape is not an act of sexuality but a crime against human physical and psychical integrity. I will discuss gender-sensitive approaches, which analyze rape in violent conflicts. Special attention will be paid to the view of rape as an act of male violence against women, which has also been outlined by Andrea. I will then focus on the construction of hegemonic masculinity and the widely ignored fact that also men are victims of rape and sexual torture in violent conflicts. I will conclude with emphasizing that constructions of femininity and masculinity are integral to violent conflicts in general and to rape and sexual violence in particular. If mainstream conflict analysis continues to ignore the dimensions of gender constructions, it will fail to meet its subject appropriately.
3
Sola García, Marina. "Challenging Violence and Victimisation Discourses in International Relations. The experiences of Men and Women during the Rwandan Genocide = Desafiando los discursos de violencia y victimización en las relaciones internacionales. Las experiencias de hombres y mujeres durante el genocidio de Ruanda." FEMERIS: Revista Multidisciplinar de Estudios de Género 3, no. 1 (February 5, 2018): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2018.4076.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract. The study of the roles of men and women during violent conflicts and postconflict situations has traditionally restricted the experiences of women to those of victims, and those of men to violent perpetrators. This paper adopts a feminist constructivist approach to explore how traditional gender discourses have sustained the victimisation of women and the association of violence with men in the roles of aggressors and protectors. Throughout the case study of the Rwandan genocide, this research illustrates gender stereotypes tend to ignore on the one hand the role of women as violent perpetrators, and on the other hand, the victim status of men during conflicts. This study attempts to show experiences of Rwandan women were not limited to those of victims, but they planned and participated in genocidal violence and abuses. Additionally, and also contrary to traditional gender discourses, Rwandan men compromised the first targets of violence during the conflict. This thesis concludes that a broader and deeper understanding of conflict studies and ultimately world politics can be acquired by challenging traditional gender discourses, and investigating and recognizing the multifaceted experiences of women and men in conflict and post-conflict situations.Keywords: victimisation, violence, masculinity, femininity, “beautiful souls”, “just warriors”, passivity, agency.Resumen. El estudio de los roles de hombres y mujeres durante situaciones de conflictos y de los escenarios post-conflicto, tradicionalmente ha restringido las experiencias de las mujeres a las de las víctimas, y las de los hombres a los perpetradores de violencia. Este documento adopta un enfoque constructivista feminista para explorar cómo los discursos tradicionales de género han sostenido por un lado, la victimización de las mujeres, y por otro lado, la asociación de la violencia con los hombres bien sea en su papel de agresores y/o protectores. A lo largo del estudio de caso del genocidio de Ruanda, esta investigación ilustra que en situaciones de conflicto los estereotipos de género tienden a ignorar, por una parte, el papel de las mujeres como perpetradoras violentas y, por otra parte, el estatus de víctima de los hombres. Este estudio intenta mostrar que las experiencias de las mujeres ruandesas no se limitaron únicamente a las de las víctimas, sino que planificaron y participaron de manera active en la violencia y abusos genocidas. Además, y también en contra de los discursos de género tradicionales, los hombres de Ruanda conformaron los primeros objetivos y víctimas de la violencia durante el conflicto. Esta tesis concluye que se puede adquirir una comprensión más amplia y profunda de los estudios de conflicto y, en última instancia, de la política mundial, desafiando los discursos tradicionales de género e investigando y reconociendo las experiencias multifacéticas de mujeres y hombres en situaciones de conflicto y posconflicto.Palabras clave: victimización, violencia, masculinidad, femininidad, “almas hermosas”, “guerreros justos”, pasividad, agencia.
4
Řezníček, Dan, and Radek Kundt. "Violent CRED s toward Out-Groups Increase Trustworthiness: Preliminary Experimental Evidence." Journal of Cognition and Culture 20, no. 3-4 (August 26, 2020): 262–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685373-12340084.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In the process of cultural learning, people tend to acquire mental representations and behavior from prestigious individuals over dominant ones, as prestigious individuals generously share their expertise and know-how to gain admiration, whereas dominant ones use violence, manipulation, and intimidation to enforce obedience. However, in the context of intergroup conflict, violent thoughts and behavior that are otherwise associated with dominance can hypothetically become prestigious because parochial altruists, who engage in violence against out-groups, act in the interest of their group members, therefore prosocially. This shift would imply that for other in-groups, individuals behaving violently toward out-groups during intergroup conflicts become simultaneously prestigious, making them desirable cultural models to learn from. Using the mechanism of credibility enhancing displays (CRED s), this article presents preliminary vignette-based evidence that violent CRED s toward out-groups during intergroup conflict increase the perceived trustworthiness of a violent cultural model.
5
Milburn, Thomas W. "Resolving violent conflicts." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 6, no. 4 (2000): 351–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327949pac0604_07.
Full text
6
Ristanti, Destin Nurafiati. "Interreligious Violent Conflict Resolution: Discoursing Communal Violence between Christians and Moslems in Poso City, Indonesia." Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2022): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/hjsis.v1i1.24845.
Full textAbstract:
After the reformation occurred in 1998, the political situation in Indonesia became unstable. Military forces had been concentrated in the central government to maintain stability. Thus, the situation in Indonesia became vulnerable and easy to be provoked. During that period, various conflicts happened and escalated, such as ethnic and interreligious group conflicts. One of those conflicts occurred in Poso, considered one of the most violent conflicts in Indonesia after the reformation. It was an interreligious conflict between the Christian and Muslim groups in Poso, a city in Central Sulawesi. In this city, the interreligious conflict between these two groups took place a few times through some phases, involving both militant and violent groups. The conflict was eventually settled through the dialogue between two conflicting groups, each led by respected religious local figures. The government mediated the dialogue through one of the public officials who was respected in the country. In the last stage of Poso conflict resolution, Malino Declaration was set to end the conflict, and the military was sent to the city to keep the peace process, and the conflict perpetrators were sent to trial.
7
Grassiani, Erella, Alexander Horstmann, Lotte Buch Segal, Ronald Stade, and Henrik Vigh. "Editorial." Conflict and Society 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2015.010101.
Full textAbstract:
Violence, defined as the intentional inflicting of injury and damage, seems to always have been a fact of human life. Whether in the shape of raids, ambushes, wars, massacres, genocides, insurgences, terrorism, or gang assaults, socially organized violence, that is, human groups orchestrating and committing violent acts, has been a steady companion of human life through the ages. The human quest to make sense of violence is probably as old as violence itself. Academic conflict research both continues and advances this quest. As long as wars were waged between nations, the research on armed conflicts focused on international relations and great power politics. This paradigm was kept alive even when the asymmetrical warfare of decolonization spread across the world, because by then the frame of analysis was the binary system of the Cold War and regional conflicts were classifi ed as proxy wars. After the end of the Cold War, the academic interest in forms of organized violence other than international conflict became more general in the social sciences, not least in anthropology, a discipline whose long-standing research interest in violent conflict previously had been directed almost exclusively towards “tribal warfare.” But, following their research tradition, anthropologists also began to conduct field studies in contemporary war zones and other violent settings.
8
Piccolino, Giulia. "Conference Report: The Legacy of Armed Conflicts: Southern African and Comparative Perspectives." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 3 (December 2016): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100307.
Full textAbstract:
This report deals with the international workshop “The Legacy of Armed Conflicts: Southern African and Comparative Perspectives,” held on 28–29 July 2016 at the University of Pretoria. The workshop facilitated discussions and exchanges between regional and comparative experts and focused on three themes: the relationship between peace processes and long-term peacebuilding, the role of former armed actors in post-conflict societies, and the persistence of violence after conflict. The importance of legitimacy for peacebuilding was often evoked as was the necessity to consider the continuity between armed conflict and other forms of violent and non-violent social action.
9
Yang, Xueyan, and Moye Xin. "“Boy Crisis” or “Girl Risk”? The Gender Difference in Nonsuicidal Self-Injurious Behavior Among Middle-School Students in China and its Relationship to Gender Role Conflict and Violent Experiences." American Journal of Men's Health 12, no. 5 (March 26, 2018): 1275–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557988318763522.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose: We attempted to test if there were gender differences in nonsuicidal self-injurious (NSSI) behaviors among Chinese middle-school students, and analyze the impact of gender role conflict and violent experiences on these behaviors among middle-school students of different genders. Method: Based on the survey data from seven middle schools in Xi’an region of China, the gender difference in NSSI behaviors and its associated factors were analyzed in this study. Results: There was no significant gender difference in NSSI behaviors among middle-school students; however, female middle-school students were more likely to experience gender role conflicts while male students were more likely to experience all kinds of violence earlier. Gender role conflicts and violent experiences can explain the prevalence of NSSI behaviors by gender, to some extent. Conclusions: The hypothesis on gender patterns of “boy crisis” or “girl risk” on NSSI prevalence was not verified; however, a “girl risk” for gender role conflicts and a “boy crisis” in violent experiences were found. The gender role conflicts were significantly associated with NSSI prevalence among middle-school students to some extent; however, this relationship was adjusted by variables of violent experiences. The different variables of violent experiences were the important predictors of NSSI prevalence among male and female middle-school students with specific contents varying across genders.
10
Gleditsch, Kristian Skrede. "An Ever More Violent World?" Political Studies Review 17, no. 2 (February 13, 2019): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929919830051.
Full textAbstract:
A recent report by the United Nations and the World Bank argues that the world has seen “a surge in violent conflicts in recent years,” with a sharp increase in reported battle-related and terrorist attacks, and calls for preventive action to ensure that increasing conflict does not undermine the UN Sustainable Development Goals. I will argue that this is a far too pessimistic assessment of conflict trends and not borne out of the available evidence, which indicates a decline in violent conflict since the end of the Cold War. Alarmist warnings may seem helpful to call for action, but they detract attention from what we can learn about the causes for why conflict has declined. For example, resort to violence has become less frequent where factors that can motivate resort to violence such as political and ethnic exclusion have decreased. Moreover, conflict of interest does not imply violence, and the space for nonviolent alternatives has increased. The future of conflict and peace depends on our confidence in whether positive changes will continue and our understanding of the possible challenges.
11
Mercer, Joyce Ann. "“We Teach Our Children to See a Human Being”: Women Transforming Religious Conflict in Indonesia." International Journal of Practical Theology 20, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 261–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijpt-2015-0003.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Indonesia is the site of recent violent conflicts between Christians and Muslims. Women, largely absent from official peace proceedings, nevertheless play a key role in on-the-ground efforts to transform violent conflict, through their everyday work as both formal and informal educators teaching their communities and the next generation how to regard and interact with those who became enemies in conflict. A practical theological framework of everyday religious practice situates the religious dimensions of these conflicts and also of women’s peacebuilding practices. This paper draws upon ethnographic research with women peacebuilders in the Moluccas, exploring intersections of gender with practices of religious education that contribute to the transformation of violent conflicts.
12
Georgi, F. Richard. "In-between Translation, Transformation and Contestation: Studying Human Rights Activism as Politics-as-Ruptures in Violent Social Conflicts." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 48, no. 1 (September 2019): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829819858656.
Full textAbstract:
How can we study the politics of human rights activism in violent social conflicts? International Relations scholarship has long neglected the ambiguous political relationships between human rights activism and violent social conflicts. Addressing this gap requires new research methodologies that place the focus not on the normative or legal dimensions of human rights, but in how their usage constitutes the political. In this article I argue that using post-foundational discourse theory makes visible ‘politics-as-ruptures’ that locate the political function of human rights activism precisely in the resistance to representations of violence in conflict discourses. I analyse this political function by asking how activists translate human rights norms, transform conflict discourses, and thereby contest power relations. As examples, the article presents three types of discursive politics that I studied in Colombia. These examples point out further pathways to pose empirical questions about the roles of human rights activism in transforming social conflicts.
13
Masara, Wiriranai B. "The Gendered Dimension of Violence and the Role Played by Masculinities in African Conflicts." Science Mundi 1, no. 1 (November 8, 2021): 119–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.51867/10.51867/scimundi.1.1.2021.44.
Full textAbstract:
The paper examines the gendered dimension of violence in violent conflicts. It examines the theoretical position that violence in conflict is more likely to affect women more than men. This argument is emphasised by examining previous conflict contexts around Africa but primarily referring to Kivu in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The paper underscores the role played by masculinity in spearheading violence towards women during and after conflict. However, the paper also discusses how men are victims of violence in conflict, albeit at a lower rate than women.
14
Ikelegbe, Augustine. "The Economy of Conflict in the Oil Rich Niger Delta Region of Nigeria." African and Asian Studies 5, no. 1 (2006): 23–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920906775768291.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractEconomies of war underpinned by greed and opportunities have been posited to underlie causality, dynamics and the sustenance of conflicts – particularly Africa's resource wars. This study examines the economy of conflict in the resource conflicts in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. It found that a conflict economy comprising an intensive and violent struggle for resource opportunities, inter and intra communal/ethnic conflicts over resources, and the theft and trading in refined and crude oil has blossomed since the 1990s. This paper examines the interfaces between the Nigerian state, multinational oil companies, the international community, and youth militias with the economy. This paper found that though the economy did not cause the conflict, it has become a part of the resistance and a resource for sustaining it. The economy underpins an extensive proliferation of arms and the institutions of violence and the pervasiveness of crime, violence and communal/ethnic conflicts.
15
Nibali, Samantha. "Strategies to End Violence in Ethnic Conflicts: What is Sufficient? The Case of “Peace” in Chechnya." International Negotiation 26, no. 3 (September 28, 2021): 560–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10046.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract After decades of violent separatist conflict between the Russian Federation and the Chechen Republic, Russian President Vladimir Putin declared the region stabilized and peaceful in 2008. Despite this grand proclamation of peace, Chechnya today operates under an environment of violent repression and the conflict remains un-managed. This article argues that a threshold of sufficiency exists which settlement strategies must pass to achieve peace. While a perceived peace may occur when the armed conflict ends, without sufficient management strategies the identity-based roots of the conflict will manifest in other forms beneath the surface. By examining co-optation, power-sharing, autonomy and reconciliation, this research finds that while Russia’s incomplete conflict management strategy may have ended the violent insurgency within Chechnya, the failure to apply these principles sufficiently has allowed violence to continue. This research hopes to be applicable in informing strategies to resolve conflicts in multi-ethnic states within and beyond the North Caucasus.
16
de los Ángeles Vecchiarelli, María, and Miguel Ángel Martín. "Critical and Violent Conflicts." Journal of Police Crisis Negotiations 3, no. 2 (June 2003): 65–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j173v03n02_08.
Full text
17
Jackson, Richard. "Managing Africa's Violent Conflicts." Peace & Change 25, no. 2 (April 2000): 208–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0149-0508.00151.
Full text
18
Giblin, Susan. "Violent Conflicts in Indonesia." International Journal of Human Rights 11, no. 4 (December 2007): 517–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642980701660037.
Full text
19
de Groot, Olaf J., Carlos Bozzoli, Anousheh Alamir, and Tilman Brück. "The global economic burden of violent conflict." Journal of Peace Research 59, no. 2 (February 11, 2022): 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00223433211046823.
Full textAbstract:
Calculating the consequences of global public bads such as climate change or pandemics helps uncover the scale, distribution and structure of their economic burdens. As violent conflict affects billions of people worldwide, whether directly or indirectly, this article sets out to estimate its global macro-economic repercussions. Using a novel methodology that accounts for multiple dimensions of war, the article finds that, in the absence of violent conflict since 1970, the level of global GDP in 2014 would have been, on average, 12% higher. When disaggregating these results by conflict type, civil conflicts are estimated to have been the costliest by far. Income growth is found to be altered up to four years following the end of a conflict, although the direction of this relationship depends on the intensity and type of conflict. Countries also suffer significantly from fighting in neighbouring countries, thereby showing the importance of mitigating spillovers rapidly. The largest absolute losses associated with violence emanate from Asia, while many high-income economies are found to benefit economically from participating in conflicts on foreign soil. This analysis thus shows that, despite some evidence of a faster post-conflict growth and possible benefits for external participants, violent conflict leads to net global losses that linger long after peace is achieved, reducing the peace dividend. The article concludes by discussing public policy options to strengthen the benefits of peace as a global public good.
20
Gohdes, Anita R. "Studying the Internet and Violent conflict." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 1 (October 25, 2017): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894217733878.
Full textAbstract:
The role of the Internet in contemporary violent conflicts is receiving increasing scholarly attention. In this article, I review some of the pioneering studies that investigate how the emergence and penetration of modern communication technology across the world influences violent conflicts. Building on these important findings, I propose four entry points for future research. First, research on the link between the Internet and violent conflict needs to account for the profound changes the Internet has undergone in past decades, as well as the extent to which its nature is becoming increasingly endogenous to local contexts. Second, little is currently known about the effects of communication technology in violent conflict that move beyond initial mobilization. Third, architectural and algorithmic designs of social media platforms heavily influence the possibilities and constraints of human interactions on the Internet, but to date remain understudied. Fourth, further studies are needed to understand how the Internet has changed how violent conflict is communicated and portrayed both online and offline.
21
Jegede, Ademola Oluborode. "Bridging the Peace Gap in Nigeria: The Panel of the Wise as a Constitutional Essential." Journal of African Law 60, no. 2 (February 15, 2016): 264–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855316000012.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractSince Nigeria's return to democratic governance in 1999, violent conflicts around identities including religion, ethnicity, indigene / settler differentiation and resource control remain a challenge to peace. Thus far, government responses lack a normative framework to motivate consistent intervention and foster peace. While Nigeria's 1999 Constitution identifies peace as a common aspiration, there is a lack of a non-adversarial institutional mechanism to address violent conflicts related to identity. Despite its limited relevance, the visible institution for conflict management is the court. This article argues for the need to establish a panel of the wise, a conflict and peace intervention mechanism, as an “essential” element of the Nigerian Constitution. It then explores key considerations regarding the proposed panel, in terms of its composition, functions and legal status to intervene in the management of violent conflicts associated with identity and fostering peace in Nigeria.
22
Tanyag, Maria. "Sexual Violence and Violent Sex in Armed Conflicts." International Studies Review 20, no. 3 (March 17, 2018): 535–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viy004.
Full text
23
Ajao, Toyin, and Cori Wielenga. "Citizen Journalism and Conflict Transformation." Matatu 49, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 467–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04902012.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The ubiquitous Internet platform in Africa has given rise to a new set of non-state actors responding to protracted conflicts through the use of new media technology. As a departure from a state-centric approach to addressing conflict in Africa, this interdisciplinary study explores the contribution of the public in responding to armed conflicts through citizen journalism. To unearth non-violent African digital innovations, this research explored the Ushahidi platform, which emerged as a response to Kenya’s 2008 post-election violence. Using a qualitative method, data was gathered through unstructured in-depth interviews. The data was analysed using thematic analysis. The data showed the transformative role the Ushahidi platform played during Kenya’s electoral violence through crisis-mapping, the early warning multi-agent consortium, a constitutional referendum, and election monitoring. Evidence also emerged regarding the pioneer work of Ushahidi in other non-violent technological involvements in addressing crisis in Kenya.
24
Abbas, Quratull ain, and Ahsan Riaz. "Climate Change and Emergence of Violent Conflicts." Review of Economics and Development Studies 7, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 277–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/reads.v7i2.363.
Full textAbstract:
Climate change, also called global warming, refers to the rise in the average surface temperature on Earth. Over the past century, earth's average temperature has risen by 1.5°F, and is projected to rise 0.5 to 8.6°F over the next hundred years. These changes in the average temperature of the earth may lead to potentially dangerous shifts in climate and weather. Increased rainfall, decreased precipitation, augmented temperature, frequent heat waves, droughts and floods have likely to pose challenges for economic, social and geo-political security of states. Present study is an effort to understand the impacts produced by changing climate in social, economic and political spheres and its link with the emergence of violent conflicts. It further aims to investigate the relationship between National Security and Conflict however the main focus will be the domestic societies of under-developing countries. In order to address the objectives of this study, descriptive research approach has been applied. The validity of concept has been tested by qualitative analysis of the climatic variations on economic, social and geo-political spheres. The study finds out that climate change and economic stability are inextricably linked. The data of this study also suggested that the impacts of climate change are expected to act as a ''Threat Multiplier '' as a whole and can be more disastrous for the unstable regions thus resulting in shortage of food, water and other resources. It is thus concluded that scenario may lead to increased risks of conflicts among nations for control over the natural resources though climate change is unlikely to be a primary cause of conflict however it will remain an important factor in the emergence of conflict and it may also amplify the existing conflicts due to scarcity of resources.
25
Dowd, Caitriona. "Grievances, governance and Islamist violence in sub-Saharan Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 53, no. 4 (November 4, 2015): 505–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000737.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWhat explains the emergence of Islamist violence as a substantial security threat in such diverse contexts as Kenya, Mali and Nigeria? This article addresses this question through an exploration of the strategies of governance employed by states, and how these shape the emergence and mode of collective violence. Conflict research often emphasises the specificity of Islamist violence; but these conflicts can be understood as a form of political exclusion and grievance-based violence, comparable to other forms of political violence. Further, violent Islamist groups emerge from local conditions: the areas in which groups are established share similar local experiences of governance and political marginalisation; a history of violent conflict on which Islamist militants capitalise; and key triggering events expanding or reinforcing state exclusion. These findings challenge a narrative emphasising the global, interconnected nature of Islamist violence. This article pairs data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Dataset (ACLED) with Afrobarometer survey data and case study evidence to identify drivers of Islamist violence across three African countries.
26
Peksen, Dursun, and Bryan Early. "Internal Conflicts and Shadow Economies." Journal of Global Security Studies 5, no. 3 (June 12, 2019): 463–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogz027.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractExisting scholarship on the political economy of political violence, to date, has mostly focused on how formal economies shape or are shaped by conflict and overlooked the informal sector. In this article, we posit that intrastate conflicts are likely to fuel the growth of shadow economies by harming the formal economic sector, undermining governments’ ability to regulate their economies, and fostering illicit trade. We also hypothesize that the effect of internal conflicts spreads across national boundaries, increasing the amount of shadow sector activity in neighboring states. Results from a global analysis spanning from 1971 to 2012 provide significant evidence that internal conflicts positively contribute to the growth of informal economies in conflict states and their neighbors. Additional analyses also show that the growth of shadow economies does not contribute to the outbreak of intrastate conflicts. Our findings have important implications for understanding the transformative economic consequences of violent conflicts and the longer-term economic legacies they might leave.
27
Chigudu, Daniel. "Post- Burundi’s armed conflict and trust issues in land redistribution: Towards peacebuilding." International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478) 11, no. 4 (June 5, 2022): 300–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v11i4.1791.
Full textAbstract:
It is a daunting task to restore dispossessed land after armed conflicts. Burundi is stuck in this quagmire following years of violent conflicts. Although land restitution is meant to pacify nationals, this depends on the prevailing political, economic, and social circumstances. This study explores these circumstances focused on the armed conflict legacies in Burundi and the disparities between those people who stayed put when violent conflict erupted and displaced people who got back home. The study reveals that in post-Burundi conflict, redressing land issues could flop if governance challenges, trust, and shifting dynamics of politics are inadequately dealt with.
28
Chingono, Mark. "Violent Conflicts in Africa: Towards a Holistic Understanding." World Journal of Social Science Research 3, no. 2 (May 9, 2016): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v3n2p199.
Full textAbstract:
<p><em>Violent conflicts in Africa have claimed millions of lives, displaced many more and mortgaged the continent’s development. Yet, the study of their causes, dynamics and consequences is far from holistic and unified, but is instead fragmented, contested and divided along disciplines. Part of the problem is that, such complex conflicts are not amenable to mono-causal analysis and rigid theorization, but instead can only be better understood through multidisciplinary analyses of contested historical processes in which local and global forces interact to produce contingent, contradictory and ambiguous trajectories of violent change. This paper attempts to build a more holistic understanding of violent conflicts in Africa that transcends the limits of mono-causal and deterministic models of violence. Critically synthesizing competing perspectives, it highlights some of the many inextricably interlinked local and global causes and escalation factors of violence in Africa.</em></p>
29
Terek, Lidija. "Violent behavioural patterns in the reality show "Couples"." CM: Communication and Media 15, no. 48 (2021): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/cm15-27578.
Full textAbstract:
The paper is dealing with the problem of violent behaviour in the reality show "Couples" (Parovi), which is broadcasted on Happy TV, a commercial television with a national frequency in Serbia. Based on the idea that the conditions in reality shows are conducive to violence due to a large amount of character interaction and little plot, and guided by the results of the research that studied violent behaviours in reality shows in the UK, our research aimed to determine which forms of violent behaviour are most prevalent in this reality show, in what situations and under what circumstances violent behaviours mostly occur, as well as who commits violence most often. The results showed that the most common forms of violence were direct emotional/psychological violence, that the most frequent and diverse violent behaviour was expressed by the Production and TV hosts, that nearly all the violent behaviour of participants were a reaction to the Production's and hosts' provocation and manipulation, as well as that individuals , who have a history of violent behaviour, most often behaved violently during the show. The obtained results proved that the Production of this reality show intends to provoke conflicts and violent behaviours, to compensate for the lack of story.
30
Iwuoha, Victor Chidubem. "Cattle Droppings Litter Our City Roads: Herders’ Encroachments, Risk Factors and Roadmap for Achieving Sustainable Development Goals." African and Asian Studies 19, no. 4 (December 16, 2020): 336–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341462.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Herders-farmers violent conflicts and flare-ups have spread throughout central and southern communities in Nigeria, but exclude the urban areas. I examine ‘herders – urban residents’ conflicts. Herders roam their cattle from outskirts to city roads, disrupting traffic and leaving behind trails of excrement and offensive smells causing dangerous nuisance. I argue that the new practice of cattle herders’ encroachments on city roads poses some socio-economic risks such as environmental decay, air pollution, displacement of urban livelihoods, road accidents and non-violent conflicts. Primary data was elicited from herders and residents in four major cities in Nigeria such as Aba, Awka, Nsukka and Owerri. I conclude by reflecting on the consequences of these socio-economic and environment-related risk factors which combine to undermine the attainment of Sustainable Development Goals (SDG s), and proffer solutions to address them. I make forecast in the form of early warning system that; cattle herders – urban residents cantankerous and confrontational interrelationships (though ‘non-violent conflicts’) could escalate and implode into dangerous ‘violent conflict’ scenarios if neglected.
31
Sergeeva, Anzhelika Anatol'evna. "Interpersonal conflicts motivated by jealousy or revenge as a condition for committing violent crimes." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2022): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2022.2.38228.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of the study is violent interpersonal conflicts motivated by emotional states of jealousy and revenge or their combination. The research used a methodology based on the principles of dialectical cognition and including generally recognized scientific methods used in conflictology and jurisprudence. The author refers to moral norms in their relationship with the law, as well as in their perception by a person committing a violent crime motivated by jealousy or revenge. On this basis, recommendations have been developed that have scientific value for the further development of the theory of interpersonal conflicts and practical significance for use in the process of establishing the circumstances of the commission of violent crimes related to their subjective side. Author established the features of the intellectual element of the intent of a person committing a violent crime motivated by jealousy or revenge. Due to a distorted perception of moral norms, such a person has a tolerant attitude to violence, which in his mind is considered permissible out of jealousy, revenge or in the presence of a combination of these motives. The scope of application of the research results is practical conflictology and prevention of violent crimes. The scientific novelty of the study is due to the author's approach to establishing the peculiarities of the subject's perception of violent crime of moral norms, the distorted interpretation of which allows him to show aggression out of jealousy or revenge. It is substantiated that a subject who commits a crime out of jealousy or revenge violates generally recognized norms of morality, and his behavior in the event of an interpersonal conflict has an increased public danger equivalent to the public danger of hooligan motives. Taking into account these circumstances both in the development of methods for resolving interpersonal conflicts and in the prevention of violent crimes seems necessary.
32
Bertrand, Jacques. "Ethnic Conflicts in Indonesia: National Models, Critical Junctures, and the Timing of Violence." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (December 2008): 425–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006494.
Full textAbstract:
Beginning in the mid-1990s, there was a sudden rise in violent ethnic conflict in Indonesia. Two aspects that require explanation are the timing and clustering of this type of conflict historically. Other studies have not adequately explained these aspects. Methodological and thematic choices have generated problems with identifying and explaining clustering. Microlevel studies fail to account for the broader changes occurring at a macrolevel. Some researchers have chosen to broaden the scope of analysis of violent events to provide explanations of violence more generally. After reviewing these other studies, I argue that a historical institutionalist approach remains best able to explain the clustering of conflicts and the following period of stability. Changing institutional contexts at critical junctures created rising anxieties as well as opportunities to renegotiate group inclusion and status in the Indonesian state.
33
Kobusingye, Doreen Nancy, Mathijs van Leeuwen, and Han van Dijk. "The multifaceted relationship between land and violent conflict: the case of Apaa evictions in Amuru district, northern Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 55, no. 3 (August 11, 2017): 455–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000106.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThis paper argues that violent conflict prominently impacts on land governance and so contributes to land conflicts in post-conflict settings. In the natural resources literature, the relationship between land and conflict is often explained in terms of environmental security or political ecology, and many have pointed out that the way land is governed in itself may be a source of conflict. However, less attention has been given to the effects of violent conflict on land and its governance in post-conflict situations. This paper argues that violent conflict affects land governance in many ways and that this in turn might contribute to further violent conflict. The argument builds around an extended case study of the Apaa evictions in Amuru District in Northern Uganda. The case illustrates how conflict around land is not just the result of resource scarcity and competition, but is the outcome of a combination of political, historical and social dynamics. Past policies on land and practices of land governance play a critical role in this. However at the same time, violent conflict has a critical impact on land access, transforms land governance authority and the rules applied. The land conflicts resulting from this, in turn, fuel ethnic tensions between local population groups, and grievances about those in power and the institutions that govern natural resources. The ways in which such problematic conflict-induced changes in land access and governance are dealt with by policymakers is critical for post-conflict stability.
34
Petrova, Olga L. "Features of the Armed Conflicts in Indonesia and the Possibility of a Peaceful Settlement." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 4(49) (2020): 102–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-3-4-49-102-115.
Full textAbstract:
Determining the prospects and methods for the peaceful settlement of violent conflicts in a multi-ethnic and multi-confessional state of Indonesia is associated with an assessment of the degree of objectivity of the underlying causes of such conflicts, primarily the nature of the underlying contradictions and the degree of possibility of their resolution. The way of countering violence as a method of achieving political and economic goals is a consistent limitation of the conflict development of ethno-confessional relations and separatist sentiments in some provinces of the country.
35
Brahja, Eljana. "The Role of High School in Managing Conflicts that Generate Violence between Albanian Teenagers in Rural Areas." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 6, no. 2 (June 10, 2017): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v6i2.p86-94.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to determine the role of high school in managing conflicts between teenagers in the rural areas between Tirana and Elbasan. Conflicts among teenagers are always present. They can happen in families, at school, and in the community, but our focus will be the conflicts generated in school premises. It is concerning that teenagers are seeing school as a battlefield where they can fight away from their parents' eyes. The research will shed light on how the aid offered by the high school social services, impact teenagers’ conflict management. This study uses Psychoanalytic, Humanist and Behavioral Directions to explain the source of violent behavior among students in schools located in rural areas. The study is based on the Positive Paradigm. The research method used for collecting data is the quantitative one. The population of this study is the teenagers of high schools located in rural areas between Tirana and Elbasan. The sample of the study is the students of "Krrabë" and "Ibrahim Hasmema" high schools and the instrument used is the sociological questionnaire. Data analysis will show whether teenage conflicts exist and how schools located in rural area manage these conflict cases. The document argues that conflicts between teenagers are present at school premises and the latest rarely use the social services provided at their school. The teachers' staff should be trained on identifying young people who tend to conflict and to have violent behavior. Teachers should be also trained on the ways to treat those teenagers who are victims of violence.
36
Dmitriev, A. V. "Provocations and «color revolutions»." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 3, no. 1 (March 15, 2016): 49–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18106.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals of the problem of technology provocations in the conflict interaction. Defined the concept of provocation as the impelling action of one party against another. The evolution of the theory of nonviolent resistance. The author provides an environment conducive to the emergence of «color revolutions», as well as preventing their appearance.Keywords: conflicts, violence, non-violent resistance, «color revolutions», provocation.
37
Knight, Tamela. "Climate Change and Violent Conflicts." Peace Review 25, no. 1 (January 2013): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2013.759779.
Full text
38
ten Bensel, Tusty, and Lisa L. Sample. "Collective Sexual Violence in Bosnia and Sierra Leone: A Comparative Case Study Analysis." International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 61, no. 10 (October 8, 2015): 1075–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306624x15609704.
Full textAbstract:
Social scientists have long studied the patterns, motivations, and recidivism rates of sexual offenders; however, the majority of prior research has examined rape, where victims are assaulted by a single offender in isolated events. Often overlooked are sexually violent assaults committed during armed conflicts, which often exhibit group-level sexual offending. This oversight could be a result of perceived notions that sexual violence during conflict is a rare or regrettable event; however, it has been documented consistently throughout history. The purpose of this study was to improve our understanding of sexual violence during war by comparing and contrasting preconflict characteristics, conflict framing, and justifications for sexual violence in the Bosnian and Sierra Leone armed conflicts. This greater understanding can then be used to identify factors that may contribute to the collectivization of sexual violence during war.
39
Bradley, Martha M. "Revisiting the Notion of ‘Intensity’ Inherent in Common Article 3: An Examination of the Minimum Threshold Which Satisfies the Notion of ‘Intensity’ and a Discussion of the Possibility of Applying a Method of Cumulative Assessment." International and Comparative Law Review 17, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 7–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2018-0013.
Full textAbstract:
Summary The 2016 ICRC Commentaries reveal an appreciation that the intensity of violence test which is included in the Common Article 3 understanding of the notion of ‘intensity’ has arrived at a point at which situations formerly regarded as instances of ‘sporadic violence’ have become so violent as to be reclassified as armed conflict not of an international character in that the situation resembles ‘protracted armed violence’. The difficulty lies in determining whether a lower intensity situation is sufficiently violent to constitute a Common Article 3-type non-international armed conflict. The minimum threshold test in relation to the notion of ‘intensity’ in Common Article 3 pertinently is concerned with the relationship between the terms ‘duration’ and ‘intensity’. At what point has a violent situation lasted long enough to exceed our understanding of the meaning of ‘sporadic’ and, thus, has become a non-international armed conflict? Is the method of assessing the level of violence in the context of Common Article 3 limited to a bilateral approach or is an aggregate assessment framework permissible as an application in border-line low-intensity non-international armed conflicts? These questions illustrate the importance of gaining a comprehensive understanding of the phrase ‘protracted armed violence’.
40
OLAIFA, T., B. SOTILOYE, and I. I. DARE. "MANAGEMENT OF ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CONFLICT: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF BELGIAN AND NIGERIAN MODELS." Journal of Humanities, Social Science and Creative Arts 12, no. 1 (May 17, 2019): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.51406/jhssca.v12i1.1856.
Full textAbstract:
The spate of violent conflict all over the world since the end of the cold war has been chiefly engineered by ethno-linguistic supremacy based on prevalent ethnic pluralism. Ethno-linguistic pluralism is a conflict issue in Nigeria and it has antecedents of major conflicts trailing its existence. Ethno-linguistic conflicts have been on the rise since the commencement of the Fourth Republic basically due to the liberalisation of the political space and this has resulted in violent conflicts claiming lives and wantonly destroying property. Most of the strategies deployed to resolve ethno-linguistic conflicts in Nigeria are often unable to diagnose accurately the nature of the conflicts and the resolve the main issues causing them. Therefore most of the conflicts become intractable. However, Nigeria is not an isolated case as some other nations around the world are either battling with ideas to resolve the numerous conflicts it has generated or have evolved home-grown mechanisms to manage the ethno-linguistic challenges it has posed. This paper seeks to highlight ethno-linguistic conflict issues in Belgium and the strategies deployed in resolving it and at the same time reflect on the Nigerian experience drawing out unique experiences, similarities and lessons to be learnt from both countries
41
Nnabuihe, Onyekachi E. "Spaces of Conflict and Conflict of Spaces: Territory and Communal Conflicts in Jos, North Central Nigeria." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 4 (December 2020): 535–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420961731.
Full textAbstract:
Communal violence, one of the deadliest forms of political violence in Africa, has characterised Jos and other central Nigerian cities since the 1990s. With origins in colonial land and administrative policies at the inception of the city, communal tensions rooted in local elite competition over ‘indigeneship’ and entitlement to political and government positions, access to higher education and land rights have manifested more forcefully in contemporary time claiming over 5,000 lives. This article focuses on the relationship between collective identity, struggle for space and collective violence. It explores persistent attachment to territory by urban communal groups and violent conflicts over those territorial stakes. It does so because emerging research has focused on land rights, neglecting how conflicts structure territory—the living space—and how territory, in turn, shapes conflict. Inspired by the motivation versus opportunity framework, it relies on focus groups, interviews, oral history, archival documents and secondary sources to generate data.
42
Kindersley, Nicki, and Øystein H. Rolandsen. "Who are the civilians in the wars of South Sudan?" Security Dialogue 50, no. 5 (August 19, 2019): 383–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619863262.
Full textAbstract:
This longitudinal study explores the place of the civilian populations in the wars of what is now South Sudan. Using a broad range of empirical evidence, we trace the evolution of conflict practices and norms from the 1800s to today. Two main insights stand out: First, since the initial colonial incursions, local residents have been strategic assets to be managed and exploited, and thus populations are not just legitimate targets in conflicts but also key resources to capture and control. Second, violent governance structures and practices have been created and reformed through these generations of coercive rule and civil wars. These two issues have undermined, and redefined, the distinction between military and civilian actors. This analysis does not excuse the massive and systematic violence against the general population of these countries. However, without due consideration of these deeply engraved historical systems and logics of violent governance, today’s brutal conflicts become incomprehensible, and there is a significant risk that international approaches to mitigating this violence – such as Protection of Civilians camps – become incorporated into these systems rather than challenging them.
43
Basu, Amrita, and Atul Kohli. "Introduction Community Conflicts and the State in India." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 2 (May 1997): 320–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911800042492.
Full textAbstract:
Political conflicts around religious, caste and regional identities have multiplied in India. Whether one views these “million mutinies” as symptomatic of a growing crisis of governability or of a democratic revolution, analytical questions abound. Why is there apparently more violent conflict around identity politics in India today than at any time since Independence? To what extent do the character and intensity of recent conflicts differ from those of the past? What lessons can we learn from cases where community demands have been successfully accommodated? And, relatedly, what measures might alleviate the widespread destruction of life and property and create the sense of predictability on which all social order rests? The following essays analyze both the growing incidence of violent ethnic conflict in India and some of the conditions for their resolution.
44
Wild Post, Brittany. "COMMUNITY BASED PEACE PROGRAMS FOR ARMED CONFLICT RESOLUTION: A Guide to Program Development." Psyke & Logos 30, no. 1 (July 31, 2009): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/pl.v30i1.8708.
Full textAbstract:
People must protect themselves and their communities from structural violence by learning to address and resolve violent conflicts through nonviolent means. Peace programs in practice today do not equip communities to resolve ongoing conflicts of structural violence through nonviolent means. A critical gap exists between programs which try to build cultures of peace in development or recovery settings and programs which try to end ongoing armed conflict. A review of these programs and general peace research yields an understanding of best practices and ideas on how to create a community based program to resolve an ongoing armed conflict. Niger is used as a casestudy on how to incorporate the learned best practices into an actual program. Reflecting on the developed program for Niger offers the opportunity to discuss overall the best strategies and potential difficulties in creating peace programs to empower communities in times of armed conflict to prevent and address structural violence. This paper concludes that such programs are feasible and very much needed today.
45
Adelabu Salawu, Mashud Layiwola, and Simeon Abiodun Aina. "Education for Peace and Justice in Nigeria: A Critical Analysis 1999 – 2015." World Journal of Social Science 4, no. 1 (January 25, 2017): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjss.v4n1p40.
Full textAbstract:
The arrays of violent conflicts in Nigeria, and government’s reaction to them, through the application of adversarialhard powe, call for a review of governments, conflict handling styles. Since the advent of civilian administration in1999, education for peace and justice has not got the required impetus, and it should be at the bedrock of anydeveloping country’s master plan. The theory of pacifism, coined by the French peace campaigner, Emile Armand(2016), that peaceful, rather than violent or belligerent relations should govern human intercourse, was applied. Thispaper observed the prevalence of conflict in Nigeria, ranging from ethic and relations violence, Niger Delta crises,Boko Haram insurgency, communal conflicts, political violence, kidnapping, as well as the bombardment of courtswith political litigations among others. Lack of awareness of other non-adversarial methods of resolving conflicts hasled to its unabatedness, which has cost the country so much loss in human and material resources.This paper recommends that education peace and justice should be designed in a number of ways such as inworkshop and awareness campaigns. The formal channels must be well staffed with people grounded in peace andconflict studies, to be complemented with train-the trainers approach, in order to ensure suitable knowledge transfer.Government must exhibit good governance. As the level of illiteracy is high in the country, informal education forpeace and justice must be given greater emphasise. The use of internet and other means of information technologywill promote the dissemination of education for peace and justice in Nigeria.
46
Marković, Darko, and Branko Djustibek. "Creating Culture of Peace: Non-Violent Conflict Resolution." Kultura polisa 19, no. 1 (April 14, 2022): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2022.19.1r.2mdj.
Full textAbstract:
The history of mankind has been marked by the use of force, which has led many thinkers to seek answers to questions: what are conflict and violence, what is their nature, are they generated externally, by what forces, or are they a product of human aspirations to selfishly satisfy their needs. The answer to these questions is only the beginning of the search because it opens new, undoubtedly equally important questions – whether conflict and violence can be positive values and, in particular, whether conflicts can be resolved or transformed before they generate violence, and if so, what are the processes, mechanisms and strategies. Seeking answers to all these questions requires complex multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary research and integrating and harmonising their results into a coherent whole. Having this in mind as a limiting, but at the same time motivating research factor, the authors of this paper aim to determine with sequential analysis the way of resolving the conflict by non-violent means through the stages of its development.
47
Ioratim-Uba, Godwin. "Language, Ethnicity and Conflict: Applying Linguistic Measure to Prevent Ethnic Violence in Middle Belt Nigeria." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 21, no. 4 (October 18, 2014): 557–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02104006.
Full textAbstract:
This research highlights the efficacy of community-based language planning initiatives in ethnic conflict and violence prevention. As a threshold which elucidates how linguistic measures can help to prevent inter-ethnic violence, the research illustrates that where ethnic safeguarding reaches the extremity of violence, language issues are found to have covert but very strong causal roles as manifested in the ethnic violent conflicts affecting Nigeria’s Middle-Belt including the Berom/Afizere/Anaguta versus Hausa/Fulani; Taroh versus Hausa/Fulani (Plateau State); Tiv versus Etulo (Benue State); Tiv versus Jukun (Benue and Taraba States); and Jukun versus Kuteb (Taraba State). Paired t-test values set at a confidence interval of 95 per cent indicate that the statistical mean differences (1.60 in Tiv/Jukun and 9.60 in the Jos area) are close to the true difference occurrences in the randomly sampled populations. More significant are the two tailed P values of 0.5895 (Tiv/Jukun) showing low bilingualism; and 0.3477 (Jos area) depicting more acute bilingualism decline associated with the ethnic violence. The research then considers the application of linguistic measures vital to prevent ethnic violence. In particular, critiqued aspects of the Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scales (EGIDS) are recommended to ethnic communities, voluntary organisations and governments for implementation in dealing with violent conflicts.
48
Amin, Ayoeb. "KONSEP UKHUWWAH ISLAMIYYAH SEBAGAI MATERI PAI." TA'DIBUNA: Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Islam 1, no. 1 (December 8, 2018): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jpai.1.1.29-39.
Full textAbstract:
Violent, brutal, and horizontal conflicts, as well as verbal abuse and slander on social media that sparked hatred in this country raise questions. Why did the Indonesian people who had been known friendly suddenly become violent? Is hospitality a forced attitude? Is the glue of unity called nationality not strong enough? Or are there other factors that trigger the emergence of violence and conflict? This paper will discuss about the concept of the Ukhuwwah Islamiyyah which is expected to become an Islamic Education material in schools and madrasah-madrasah throughout Indonesia. By understanding the meaning of Ukhuwwah, it is hoped that the Indonesian people will be more mature in living in a society, nation, and state. This article using a religious approach, because the majority of the population of Indonesia is Muslim. It is hoped that through this approach it can achieve the desired goals, not even be disastrous. Violent, brutal, and horizontal conflicts, as well as verbal abuse and slander on social media that sparked hatred in this country raise questions. Why did the Indonesian people who had been known friendly suddenly become violent? Is hospitality a forced attitude? Is the glue of unity called nationality not strong enough? Or are there other factors that trigger the emergence of violence and conflict? This paper will discuss about the concept of the Ukhuwwah Islamiyyah which is expected to become an Islamic Education material in schools and madrasah-madrasah throughout Indonesia. By understanding the meaning of Ukhuwwah, it is hoped that the Indonesian people will be more mature in living in a society, nation, and state. This article using a religious approach, because the majority of the population of Indonesia is Muslim. It is hoped that through this approach it can achieve the desired goals, not even be disastrous.
49
Smolnik, Franziska. "Political rule and violent conflict: Elections as ‘institutional mutation’ in Nagorno-Karabakh." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.03.002.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes political rule in an entity affected by violent conflict. Aiming at contributing to the study of the South Caucasus ‘de-facto states’, it is argued that so far insufficient attention has been paid to the influence the persistent violent conflicts have had on political processes inside these entities. To substantiate the argument three elections in the de-facto state of Nagorno-Karabakh are scrutinized. The analysis reveals that contrary to prevalent classifications the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is not frozen, but that indeed the persistent violent conflict constitutes a significant factor that helps us account for the specific character of political rule in Nagorno-Karabakh.
50
Groshek, Jacob, and Britt Christensen. "Emerging media and press freedoms as determinants of nonviolent and violent political conflicts, 1990–2006." International Communication Gazette 79, no. 4 (December 29, 2016): 335–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048516682139.
Full textAbstract:
Using aggregate-level data, this study compares instances of intrastate political conflict that occurred in both nonviolent and violent forms. Specifically, analyses presented in this study examine the relationships that exist between diffusion rates of emerging media and enhanced press freedoms in countries that experienced differing types of conflicts from 1990 through 2006. Through a series of analytic models, the results observed here indicate that higher levels of emerging media and press freedoms are better predictors of nonviolent—as opposed to violent—conflict. Findings from this study thus bridge an important gap in the literature between communication and political science research in establishing linkages between emerging media technologies and press freedoms and their interconnections with nonviolent and violent political conflict. Implications for related interdisciplinary fields are discussed.