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1
Cousin, Bernard. "La dévotion mariale aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles en Provence." Social Compass 33, no. 1 (February 1986): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003776868603300104.
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The article assesses recent research which sheds light on the devotion to the Virgin Mary in Provence during the Counter- Reformation, and was spread by religious orders, and taken up by the secular clergy and pious laymen grouped together into brothe rhoods, Provence, which is close to Italy and the papal enclaves, was the favourite area for the blossoming of the cult of the Virgin Mary, the mainspring of pious fervour in the second half of the seventeenth century. This is shown by the number and naming of the brotherhoods (of the Rosary, of penitents...), the changing of the paintings in churches and chapels, which, from retable to ex- voto, give the Virgin a privileged position, and the setting up of new chapels of pilgrimage dedicated to Mary who is regarded as the universal protector in contrast with the very specialized thera peutic saints. The success of the devotion to the Virgin Mary in Provence during the last century of the Ancien Régime, significantly affects the choices made at important passages in life: an increase passages in the number of baby girls christened Mary, the genera lization of invocations to the Virgin Mary in the testaments, which declines however in the second half of the eighteenth century. But the devotion to the Virgin Mary will prove one of the main sup ports for the Catholic come-back in the nineteenth century
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Sinambela, Rani Mardinata, and Tetty Mirwa. "Makna Aksesoris Patung Bunda Maria di Kapel Graha Annai Velangkanni Medan." Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) 3, no. 3 (March 3, 2021): 1347–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.34007/jehss.v3i3.562.
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This study aims to determine the meaning and description of the accessories for the statue of the Virgin Mary in the Chapel of the Graha Annai Velangkanni. The sampling technique used in this research is total sampling, which is a whole sampling technique, so the samples in this study are 11 accessories worn on the statue of the Virgin Mary. The results of this study indicate that the accessories on the statue of the Virgin Mary still show the impression of mixing Indian culture with the Catholic Church. For the accessories of the statue of the Virgin Mary, the aesthetic value has aesthetic value, it can be seen in the form of the sculpture itself which has a good composition and a harmonious combination of colors according to the visual elements contained in the fine art. Types of accessories worn on the statue of the Virgin Mary has its own meaning, this can be seen in the use of accessories. There are 11 accessories worn on the statue of the Virgin Mary, namely: 12 Sea Stars (a sign of hope), the Golden Crown of Our Lady (a sign of the glory of a mother's heart), the Golden Crown of Jesus (a sign of prosperity), a Stola (a holy and clean symbol), the Pastor's Staff. (symbol of directing), Mangalsutra Necklace (symbol of love), Ring of Our Lady (symbol of dignity), Rosary (meditation instrument), Indian Flower Necklace (sign of respect), Saree (Indian traditional dress), and Crescent Moon (snake tread) .
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Leimer, Ann Marie. "La Conquistadora: A Conquering Virgin Meets Her Match." Religion and the Arts 18, no. 1-2 (2014): 245–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-01801013.
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The Mexican Museum in San Francisco commissioned Delilah Montoya to produce a contemporary codex for the 1992 exhibition “The Chicano Codices: Encountering Art of the Americas,” which sought to critique Quincentennial observances erasing indigenous presence. The artist created a seven-page book, Codex Delilah, Six-Deer: Journey from Mexicatl to Chicana, that depicted the consequences of the initial American-European encounter, and she used the heroine Six-Deer to visually record women’s contributions to this 500-year history. In the codex’s fourth panel, Six-Deer comes across Adora-la-Conquistadora, the artist’s revisioning of the New Mexican Catholic icon of Our Lady of the Rosary, La Conquistadora, the oldest figure of Marian devotion in the United States. Six-Deer contests the designs of the Virgin, who intends to forcefully convert the native peoples of New Mexico. Rather than capitulate, Six-Deer refuses to participate in New Mexico’s Reconquista of 1692. Although Montoya appropriated La Conquistadora’s traditional sartorial splendor, she proposed an alternate reading of this Conquering Virgin. This article reads Montoya’s depiction within the dimensions of La Conquistadora’s historical, religious, cultural, and iconographic contexts.
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Insh, Fern. "Recusants and the Rosary: A Seventeenth-Century Chapel in Aberdeen." Recusant History 31, no. 2 (October 2012): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200013571.
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Provost Skene’s House, Aberdeen, is home to a painted ceiling depicting scenes from the lives of both Christ and the Virgin. This decoration has intrigued scholars and visitors alike for around sixty years since it was renovated and unveiled to the public in the early 1950s. The ceiling, painted in the seventeenth century, has suffered a considerable amount of damage. Unfortunately, half of the original decorative scheme has been lost. In addition to this, panels that do survive have been modified slightly during restoration. This article examines some of the early-modern continental prints used as sources by the original painters in order to determine that they were Scottish, and not travelling artists from the Low Countries. It also reconstructs the majority of the historic layout of the ceiling, by examining pre-restoration photographs of lost details in conjunction with further early-modern print sources. The article will attempt to identify some of the images which have been lost from the ceiling and argue that the original cycle of images depicted The Mysteries of the Rosary. It will also examine how the painted ceiling, created in the aftermath of the Reformation, survived both the effects of anti-Catholic legislation in Scotland and time. Finally, the relationships between the patron and his local recusant community are discussed in conjunction with the significance of the deliberate inclusion of the IHS monogram within the ceiling’s design.
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Gómez-Rossi, Alfonso. "The Rosary and the Virgin Mary in Mexico: The Symbol of a Just War from 1883–1929." International Journal of Religion and Spirituality in Society 9, no. 4 (2019): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2154-8633/cgp/v09i04/33-45.
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George Tvrtković, Rita. "Our Lady of Victory or Our Lady of Beauty?: The Virgin Mary in Early Modern Dominican and Jesuit Approaches to Islam." Journal of Jesuit Studies 7, no. 3 (April 11, 2020): 403–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00703003.
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Ottoman incursions into Europe during the early modern period prompted reactions from the Dominicans and the Jesuits, both of whom used images of Mary against Islam, though in different ways. Some Dominicans advocated conquering Muslims under the banner of “Our Lady of Victory,” an image that emerged after the 1571 defeat of the Ottomans at the Battle of Lepanto, a victory Catholics attributed to Mary via the rosary. Some Jesuits, however, sought to convert Muslims through “Our Lady of Beauty,” images which stressed the beauty and purity of Mary, who is revered by both Christians and Muslims. Neither approach was very effective in crossing early modern interreligious divides, yet today Mary continues to be employed both as a bridge and barrier between Christians and Muslims (and Catholics and Protestants), with mixed results.
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Pereira, Diana. "Healing Touch: Clothed Images of the Virgin in Early Modern Portugal." Ikonotheka, no. 29 (September 16, 2020): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2657-6015ik.29.7.
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Over the last decades there was a growing interest in religious materiality, miraculous images, votive practices, and how the faithful engaged with devotional art, as well as a renewed impetus to discuss the long-recognized association between sculpture and touch, after the predominance of the visuality approach. Additionally, the neglected phenomenon of clothing statues has also been increasingly explored. Based on the reading of Santuario Mariano (1707–1723), written by Friar Agostinho de Santa Maria (1642–1728), this paper will closely examine those topics. Besides producing a monumental catalogue of Marian shrines and pilgrimage sites, this source offers a unique insight into the religious experience and the reciprocal relationship between image and devotee in Early Modern Portugal, and is a particularly rich source when describing the believers’ pursuit of physical contact with sculptures. This yearning for proximity is partly explained by the belief in the healing power of Marian sculptures, which in turn seemed to be conveniently transferred to a myriad of objects. When contact with the images themselves was not possible, devotees sought out their clothes, crowns, rosary beads, metric relics, and so forth. Items of clothing such as mantles and veils were particularly used and so it seems obvious they were not mere adornments or donations, but also mediums and extensions of the sculptures’ presence and power. By focusing on the thaumaturgic role of the statues’ clothes and jewels, I will argue how the practice of dressing sculptures was due to much more than stylistic desires or processional needs and draw attention to the many ways believers engaged with religious art in Early Modern Portugal.
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Goja, Bojan. "Pietro Sandrioli indorador iz Venecije i drvene oltarne pale u Rabu i Šibeniku." Ars Adriatica, no. 3 (January 1, 2013): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.467.
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Based on new archival research, the article focuses on previously unknown information about wooden altarpieces in Rab and Šibenik. The documents created by the Rab notary Ivan Božidar Kašić, which are keptin the State Archive at Zadar, contain a contract about the making of a wooden superstructure (palla) for the high altar in the Church of St. Andrew and its original altar painting. The contract bears the date of 19 April 1623 and obliges Piero Sandrioli, an indorador and resident of Zadar, to make an altarpieces according to a set design, fifteen-feet high and nine-and-a-half-feet wide, together with a canvas painting of the Blessed Virgin Mary and paintings depicting the scenes of the Most Holy Rosary. He was required to paint the figure of St. Dominic to the right of the Virgin, the figure of St. Catherine of Siena to her left, and, next to the Virgin’s feet at the bottom of the painting, the scenes on the topic of the Most Holy Rosary. The rest of the altarpieces had to correspond to the aforementioned design in all respects. The whole structure (probably referring to the wooden superstructure and the painting) had to be carved, delivered to the Church of St. Andrew and set up on the altar at the expense of Pietro Sandrioli. Once in Rab, after the delivery of the wooden altarpiece and the painting, Sandrioli was also required to gild the altarpiece. The entire task had to be completed by the following December. As soon as the work was completed, Sandrioli was to be paid the amount of 250 ducats and here it is mentioned that he had already received 360 lire. Apart from the described altar superstructure from Rab, the same mistro Pietro Sandrioli da Venecia indorador is mentioned in connection to the making of the former high altar in the Church of St. Dominic at Šibenik. This document of 13 June 1628 has been preserved in the records of the Šibenik notary Ante Vrančić which are also kept in the State Archive at Zadar. The document states that Lorenzo Corradis, a representative and intermediary on behalf of the confraternity of the Virgin of the Most Holy Rosary from the Church of St. Dominic, paid Pietro Sandrioli, the indorador of Venice, 376 lire which is also confirmed by a receipt issued for the services of carving and painting undertaken in Venice for the wooden high altar of the Virgin of the Most Holy Rosary.As confirmed by Pietro Sandrioli himself, only 180 of those 376 lire had been spent and he owed Lorenzo Corradis the amount of 196 lire. In other words, he owed him the amount which could be somewhat higher or lower than the stated sum but which would correspond to the amount of money that was actually spent. The next step was to see a Venetian notary who was to issue Corradis with a confirmation that the amount of 180 lire was spent to pay for the work of the master craftsman, and this would guarantee that the money was indeed spent. For this purpose, the indorador Pietro Sandrioli, in the company of the aforementioned witnesses, promised and committed to provide a trustworthy and original confirmation issued by a Venetian notary in which these master carvers and painters would state the exact cost of their work while under oath. Then, he would bring or send this confirmation from Venice by the end of the following January. In the event of Sandrioli’s failure to send or bring the confirmation by the end of the following January, he was to be replaced by another master indorador, Zuanne Voicovich, who would be responsible for the payment of the 196 lire in full. Although this document merely regulates some expenditures, it can still be used to establish that the work on the wooden high altar for the Church of St. Dominic at Šibenik was begun before 13 June 1628 when, it seems, it was still ongoing; that the majority of work was done in Venice, and that the indoradori Pietro Sandrioli and Zuanne Voicovich were involved in the production together with numerous unnamed master wood-carvers and painters. It may be concluded that Sandrioli and Voicovich were at that time in Šibenik together, and that they worked on the completion of the altar, decorating it with gilding. Since Pietro Sandrioli was mentioned in the Rab document of 1623 as a resident of Zadar, it can be suggested with a high degree of certainty that he worked for the commissioners who were based in the capital of Dalmatia and its environments. In Venice, the term indoradóri or doradóri denoted those craftsmen who used gold or silver foils to decorate various hand-made objects, most frequently those made of wood. The Indoradóri did not have a guild of their own but formed one of the branches of the confraternity of painters, a member ofwhich, between 1597 and 1610, was a certain Piero de Zen Sandrioli, probably the same master craftsman who worked on the wooden altarpieces at Rab and Šibenik. On the basis of the analysis of archival records and other examples of the production of carved and gilded wooden altars in seventeenth-century Venice and Dalmatia, it is concluded that the making of the wooden altar superstructure from Rab was a task shared by a number of master craftsmen who specialized in the various aspects of carpentry such as the marangoni, tornitori, figuristi, ornatisti and indoradori. Pietro Sandrioli, apart from being responsible for the tasks of an indorador, probably acted as an intermediary of sorts between them and the commissioners. After Pietro Salamone (Hvar, Zadar) and Jacopo Costantini (Trogir), Pietro Sandrioli is the third Venetian indorador to have worked for Dalmatian patrons in the late sixteenth and the early decades of the seventeenth century. Since the indorador Costantini also made the canvas painting of the Virgin and Child with St. Dominic and a donor for the wooden altar in the Dominican church at Trogir, it can be assumed that the indorador Sandrioli may have also been responsible for the painting of the now lost Virgin of the Most Holy Rosary with SS Dominic and Catherine of Siena, which was inset in the wooden altar superstructure of the main altar of the Church of St. Andrew.
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Cortese, Flora, Ida D’Ambrosio, and Miriam Petracca. "A Possible Synergy between Culture and Religion for the Sustainability of Tourism of Pompeii." Sustainability 11, no. 8 (April 13, 2019): 2231. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11082231.
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Tourism scholars and players of the sector alike are very interested in the motivations for the tourist’s journey, as they influence the demand—with regard to the choice of the destination and the organization of the trip—and the offer—with regard to the definition of the tourism product. Religious tourism is an important area of the scientific debate on the motivation to travel; part of the literature clearly distinguishes the cultural and laical motivation of tourists (which can be considered religious tourism) from the desire to live an experience of faith (pilgrimage), while today, the orientation of scholars is to bring back under the label “religious” spiritual, religious, and cultural motivations. This study analyzes the case of the city of Pompeii, and it aims to investigate the possible synergy that could be created between the historical-cultural and religious interests of the city, identifying possible strategies for sustainable tourism. The study develops a quali-quantitative analysis of the reviews of the “Pontifical Sanctuary of the Blessed Virgin Mary of the Holy Rosary of Pompeii” on TripAdvisor and presents a content analysis on the most frequent words utilized by users to describe their touristic experience.
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Moraes, Lenise Glaucia de Souza. "A COROAÇÃO COMO PONTE SAGRADA ENTRE A VIRGEM MARIA E AS RAINHAS EUROPEIA, AFRICANA E CONGA "The coronation as sacred bridge between the virgin Mary and the european, african and congo reigns"." PARALELLUS Revista de Estudos de Religião - UNICAP 5, no. 10 (December 30, 2014): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.25247/paralellus.2014.v5n10.p313-328.
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A partir da descrição do percurso histórico de consolidação do cristianismo em Portugal e do contato político, econômico e cultural dessa nação com povos africanos via expansão ultramarina e colonização, esse trabalho pretende descrever um paralelismo entre a divindade e a realeza europeia e africana pela comparação entre as coroações de rainha conga no Reinado de Nossa Senhora do Rosário, descrita em diversos trabalhos acadêmicos, e da Virgem Maria na Igreja Católica de Nossa Senhora de Fátima no bairro Tupi em Belo Horizonte, observada por essa pesquisa, por suas características e coincidências rituais e uso de objetos. Por essas relações, visa-se verificar como as trocas geradas entre o cristianismo e o banto, principalmente, e as reinterpretações de uma cultura por outra produziram uma terceira cultura religiosa, que se faz presente nas irmandades negras e festas de Congado em todo o Brasil, assim como uma terceira figura reinante, que conjuga o divino, o ancestral e o monarca.Palavras-chave: Congado. Performance. Banto. Igreja Nossa Senhora de Fátima. Transculturalidade.AbstractFrom the description of the historical course of consolidation of Christianity in Portugal and the political, economic and cultural contact this nation with African people through overseas expansion and colonization. This paper aims to describe a parallel between the deity and the European and African royalty by comparing coronation of queen conga of Our Lady of the Rosary, described in many academic papers and the coronation of Virgin Mary in the catholic church of Our Lady of Fatima in Tupi neighborhood of Belo Horizonte, observed in this research, because its characteristics and rituals coincidences and use of objects. For these relationships this paper aims to see how the exchange generated between Christianity and Bantu, mainly, and reinterpretations of one culture by another produced a third religious culture that is present in the black sororities and Congo throughout Brazil as well as a third reigning figure, which combines the divine, the ancestor and the monarch.Keywords: Congo. Performance. Bantu. Igreja Nossa Senhora de Fátima. Transculturality.
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Navia Velasco, Carmiña. "Úrsula, Ángela, María del Rosario y Sierva María: creaciones femeninas garciamarquianas." La Manzana de la Discordia 10, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v10i1.1593.
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Resumen: En este artículo se analizan cuatro protagonistasde obras de García Márquez, como representacióndel universo de género creado por el autor. Se concluyeque son mujeres que arrasan a su paso con muchos delos lugares comunes sobre lo femenino y la mujer, y selas analiza desde la concepción de Jean Shinoda Bolensobre los arquetipos de Jung como claves para entenderla psicología femenina. En primer lugar se analiza lafigura de Úrsula Iguarán, quien actúa a la vez como lagran madre, la gran abuela y la columna vertebral de lacordura familiar, y como la autoridad en el conjunto socialmacondiano, llenando el vacío que dejan sus descendientesvarones; se la compara a Hestia, la diosa griega delorden en el hogar, el templo, y el estado. En segundo lugarencontramos el análisis de Ángela Vicario, “virgen” queno lo es, y luego “recupera” su virginidad, pues la prácticade escribir cartas a su amado lejano le permite construiruna autonomía espiritual; se la compara a las diosas vírgenes(Atenea, Artemisa y Hestia) quienes representan laindependencia de las mujeres. In third place, se estudia elpersonaje de María del Rosario Castañeda y Montero, “lamamá grande”, la encarnación hiperbólica de funcionesmaternas, pero sobre todo de Colombia como nación, suclase política, sus clases dirigentes. Se la analiza comola virgen María y como Deméter, la madre universal,nutriente y protectora y Atenea, la Diosa independientey autónoma. Finalmente, Sierva María es la columnavertebral del universo que se nos regala en Del amor yotros demonios.Palabras clave: García Márquez, personajes femeninos,Jung, arquetiposÚrsula, Ángela, María del Rosario and Sierva María:García Marquez’s Feminine CreationsAbstract: This paper analyzes four protagonists inGarcía Márquez’ works as representation of the author’sgendered universe. It is concluded that they are womenwho destroy many conventions about women and femininity,and they are analyzed on the basis of Jean ShinodaBolen’s conception of Jungian archetypes as the key tounderstand feminine psychology. In the first place, thefigure of Ursula Iguarán is analyzed as both the greatmother-and-grandmother, the spine of family sanity, and asthe authority in Macondian society, filling the vacuum leftby her male descendants; she is compared to Hestia, Greekgoddess of order in the hearth, the temple and the state. Inthe second place, we find the analysis of Ángela Vicario,a “non-virgin” who later “recovers” her “virginity” bywriting letters to her estranged lover, in the sense thatshe constructs her spiritual autonomy; she is compared tothe virgin goddesses (Athena, Artemisia and Hestia) whorepresent women’s independence. Finally, the characterof María del Rosario Castañeda y Montero, “Big Mama,”hyperbolic incarnation of maternal functions but above allof Colombia as a nation, its politicians, its elite classes.She is analyzed in terms of the Virgin Mary and Demeter,universal mother providing nourishment and protection,and Athena, the goddess of independence and autonomy.Finally Sierva María is the core of the universe the authorregales us with in Of Love and Other Demons.Key Words: García Márquez, feminine characters,Jung, archetypes
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WEAVER, ANDREW H. "Divine Wisdom and Dolorous Mysteries: Habsburg Marian Devotion in Two Motets from Monteverdi's Selva morale et spirituale." Journal of Musicology 24, no. 2 (2007): 237–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2007.24.2.237.
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Despite recent scholarly interest in Monteverdi's Selva morale et spirituale (1641), many aspects of this large, complex print remain enigmatic, and the intended context for much of the music in the collection has long been a matter of pure conjecture. Yet two of the most anomalous features of the Selva morale, the solo motets Ab aeterno ordinata sum and Pianto della Madonna, can now be placed into the context of the Habsburg court in Vienna during the reign of Ferdinand III (1637––57). Both of these works play directly into the most important aspects of Habsburg Marian devotion. Ab aeterno is a setting of Proverbs 8:23––31, a text that although very rare for seventeenth-century motets would nonetheless have been widely understood as a celebration of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin. The Pianto, a Latin contrafactum of Monteverdi's celebrated Lamento d'Arianna, would have been perfectly suited for the Habsburgs' Fifteen Mysteries Celebration, a Lenten devotion in praise of the Most Holy Rosary. Various types of evidence, including liturgical and other religious writings, Habsburg sermons, and additional musical works, support these interpretations of Monteverdi's motets and reveal their importance to the imperial court. That the composer did indeed include the motets in his print with the Habsburg court in mind is further indicated by similarities between the Selva morale and an earlier publication stemming directly from Ferdinand III's court: Giovanni Felice Sances's Motetti a voce sola of 1638.
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Simoni, Rosinalda Côrrea da Silva. "VIRGEM DO ROSÁRIO E SÃO BENEDITO: IRMANDADES NEGRAS NA CAPITANIA DOS GOYAZES." Revista Caminhos - Revista de Ciências da Religião 17, no. 1 (March 29, 2019): 278. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/cam.v17i1.6877.
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O presente artigo é parte do segundo capítulo de minha tese de doutorado intitulada “A congada da Vila João Vaz em Goiânia (GO): memória e tradição”, defendida, em agosto de 2017, no programa de pós-graduação stricto sensu em Ciências da Religião da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás. O artigo discute a religiosidade popular e o papel do sincretismo religioso no nascimento das irmandades negras no Brasil e em Goiás. No Brasil, o sincretismo religioso apresenta-se como elemento primordial para se compreender a construção cultural identitária dos afrodescendentes, bem como algumas manifestações culturais,quais, por exemplo, a Congada. Com base nesse contexto, neste artigo, abordar-se-á a temática do sincretismo e, em seguida, o contexto histórico das irmandades de Nossa Senhora do Rosário dos Pretos, São Benedito, Santa Efigênia e São Elesbão, ressaltando sua importância para a recriação da África negra no Brasil.
VIRGIN OF THE ROSARY AND SAINT BENEDICT:
BLACK FRATERNITY IN THE ‘CAPITANIA DOS GOYAZES’
This article is part of the second chapter of my doctoral thesis entitled "The Conga of Vila João Vaz in Goiânia (GO): memory and tradition", defended in August 2017 in the stricto sensu postgraduate program in Sciences of the The article discusses the popular religiosity and the role of religious syncretism in the birth of the black brotherhoods in Brazil and Goiás. In Brazil, religious syncretism is a primordial element in understanding cultural construction identity of Afro-descendants, as well as some cultural manifestations such as Congada. Based on this context, this chapter will focus on syncretism and then on the historical context of the brotherhoods of Nossa Senhora do Rosário dos Pretos, São Benedito, Santa Efigênia and São Elesbão, highlighting its importance for the recreation of Black Africa in Brazil.
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Wright, Craig. "Dufay's Nuper rosarum flores, King Solomon's Temple, and the Veneration of the Virgin." Journal of the American Musicological Society 47, no. 3 (1994): 395–441. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3128798.
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Analysis of the architecture of the cathedral of Florence suggests that there is no correlation between the structural proportions in that church and the durational ratios in Guillaume Dufay's motet Nuper rosarum flores (as suggested by Charles Warren in 1973). The inspiration for the formal plan of the motet was likely not architecture, but a biblical passage (1 Kings 6:1-20), which gives the dimensions of the Temple of Solomon as 60 x 40 x 20 x 30 cubits. The vision of the Temple and, to a lesser degree, the image of the womb of the Virgin as the temple of Christ were elaborated upon by countless medieval exegetes, sermonizers, liturgical commentators, poets, and manuscript illuminators. Dufay expressed the traditional numerical symbols of the Temple (6:4:2:3, 4 and 7) and that of the Virgin (7) throughout the structure of his motet and thereby effected a musical union of these two spiritual forces.
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Wright, Craig. "Dufay's "Nuper rosarum flores", King Solomon's Temple, and the Veneration of the Virgin." Journal of the American Musicological Society 47, no. 3 (October 1994): 395–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.1994.47.3.04x0013m.
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Motušić, Eugen. "Porušena crkva Rođenja Blažene Djevice Marije u Silbi." Ars Adriatica, no. 4 (January 1, 2014): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.508.
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It is known that the Church of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary at Silba was demolished in 1828 so as to provide the necessary building material for the completion of the new parish church which inherited the dedication from the old one. As we learn from the archival records, the demolition was authorized by the Archbishop of Zadar Josip Nowak who stipulated that the Franciscan Church of Our Lady of Carmel would function as the local parish church while the new one was being built. All that remains from the old church today is the bell tower which continued to be used by the new parish church. It is obvious from the schematic ground plan and the dimensions of the demolished church, recorded in the now lost document from the parish church archive, that it was a single-nave longitudinal structure with a rectangular sacristy to the east, two shallow chapels extending from the lateral walls and a porch of the lopica type (resembling a loggia) at the front which abutted onto the corner of the bell tower with its own south corner. Apart from the high altar, placed against the back wall, the church had three pairs of side altars. The analysis of the canonical visitations carried out during the second quarter of the seventeenth century demonstrates that the church, recorded for the first time in 1579, was a modest building in which the oil for the anointment of the sick was being kept because the local parish church of that time, dedicated to St Mark, was too far from the village. The church was provided with five side altars put up by the more distinguished individuals and members of the lay fraternities the most prominent of which was that of Our Lady of the Rosary after which the church was called by eighteenth-century locals. Based on the analysis of the 1670 visitation of Archbishop Evangelisto Parzaghi who described the renovation during which certain altars changed their places, the article argues that the church was completed just before this visit. The bell tower was mentioned as a campanile for the first time in 1678.By means of comparative analysis, it can be established that the Church of the Nativity of the Virgin at Silba belonged to the same architectural type as a large group of simple yet spacious churches which were built in rural communities along the east Adriatic coast by local masters during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The activity of such masters on the island of Silba is corroborated by contemporary birth, marriage and death records as well as a number of monuments such as a tombstone in the Church of St Mark and the door lintel in the house of master builder Franić Lorencin (1660), both of which depict building and carving tools. The analysis of the land registry maps and topographical drawings of 1824 and 1833 shows that the church’s south wall, to the east of the chapel of Our Lady of the Rosary, was laid in a different direction compared to that of the rest of the wall, indicating that this portion belonged to an earlier layer of the building which, judging from everything, seems to have been medieval. Therefore, the wall was widened and extended towards the west during the rebuilding documented in the visitation of 1670. This possibility, which a future excavation of the site ought to be confirm, is strengthened by the frequency of such alterations as can be seen on the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century churches on the island of Ugljan and in particular on the Church of St Lawrence at Lukoran, built in 1632, which is the best example of that architectural type.Another feature of these churches is the lopica-type porch which stands out as an architectural element typical of Istria and the Quarnero gulf to which, geographically speaking, the island of Silba gravitates. The lopica porch of the Church of the Nativity at Silba had a particularly elongated plan and featured two symmetrical sets of three supports and an axial main entrance into the porch, that is, the church. It is unlikely that the porch was added prior to the late seventeenth century because during that time, Silba was exposed to the raids of the Turkish pirates who threatened it directly. It is certain that the bell tower was used for defensive purposes and the addition of a porch would have diminished its importance as a fortification structure and hampered the visual communication with the entrance to the church.The examination of the architecture of the bell tower revealed two different building phases: an earlier one which included the body of the bell tower and a later one which saw the addition of the pyramidal structure together with a shallow square drum. In its original form, the bell tower had a compact body featuring a round-headed opening at the centre of each side of the two topmost storeys. Their stylistically undefined morphology corresponds to modest bell towers which were built in this area from the late sixteenth to the eighteenth century. The original pyramidal top had to be dismantled in 1858 due to wear and tear and it was replaced by the present one which has oval openings at the bottom of each side of the drum. This structure is almost identical to the top of the bell tower of the Church of Our Lady of the Rosary at Preko on the island of Ugljan which was built in 1844.Based on the archival records, the article also establishes that the substantially repainted image of the Virgin and Child with SS Mark and Matthew, today at the high altar of the parish church, was originally larger. It was the object of ex-voto veneration and numerous offerings had been placed in its glass case. The painting was cropped so that it could be inserted into the niche of the marble altar piece designed by Ćiril M. Iveković (1898) which meant the loss of the two evangelists. According to the preserved contract and drawing, the lower part of the altar was set up in 1860 by Giovanni dalla Zonca, an altar maker from Vodnjan, and it featured the still preserved wooden statues of SS Peter and Paul which are dated to the mid-seventeenth century on the basis of their stylistic features. Therefore, it can be concluded that painting and the statues were taken from the high altar of the demolished church.
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McLeod, Hugh. "Building the “Catholic Ghetto”: Catholic Organisations 1870–1914." Studies in Church History 23 (1986): 411–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400010731.
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It was a ghetto, undeniably,’ concluded the American political journalist, Garry Wills, when recalling from the safe distance of 1971 his ‘Catholic Boyhood’. ‘But not a bad ghetto to grow up in.’ Wills’s ghetto was defined by the great body of shared experiences, rituals, relationships, which gave Catholics a strongly felt common identity, and separated them from their Protestant and Jewish neighbours who knew none of these things. Wills talked about priests and nuns, incense and rosary beads, cards of saints and statues of the Virgin, but in this essay said very little about Catholic organisations (apart from a brief reference to the Legion of Decency). In many European countries, by contrast, any reference to the ‘ghetto’ from which many Catholics were seeking to escape in the 1960s and ’70s inevitably focused on the network of specifically Catholic organisations which was so characteristic of central and north-west European societies in the first half of the twentieth century. The Germans even have a pair of words to describe this phenomenon, Vereins- or Verbandskatholizismus, which can be defined as the multiplication of organisations intended to champion the interests of Catholics as a body, and to meet the special needs, spiritual, economic or recreational, of every identifiable group within the Catholic population. So when in 1972 the Swiss historian Urs Altermatt wrote a book on the origins of the highly self-conscious and disciplined Swiss Catholic sub-culture, the result was an organisational history, as stolid and as soberly objective as Wills’s book was whimsical and partisan. Its purpose was to determine how it came about that so many a Catholic ‘was born in a Catholic hospital, went to Catholic schools (from kindergarten to university), read Catholic periodicals and newspapers, later voted for candidates of the Catholic Party and took part as an active member in numerous Catholic societies’, being also ‘insured against accident and illness with a Catholic benefit organisation, and placing his money in a Catholic savings bank’.
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Havryliuk, Nadiia. "“Rejoice, Mary!”: modification of the prayer of praise in the works by Vira Vovk and Pavlo Tychyna." Слово і Час, no. 1 (February 2, 2021): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33608/0236-1477.2021.01.72-86.
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The paper comparatively analyzes the modification of the laudatory prayer “Rejoice, Mary!” in the poems by V. Vovk and P. Tychyna. The comparison helps to reveal the peculiarities of the authors’ styles in the modifications of the prayer and makes it possible to see the deep unity of emigrational and continental literature. The prayer of Vira Vovk has its sources in the akathist to the Mother of God. In the poem “Rejoice!”, the poetess retains the general structure of the akathist, modifying some details: she uses twelve lines instead of thirteen and keeps the address “Rejoice!” not in every line but only in odd numbers. In the poem “Celestial Tit”, the akathist acquires the features of a verse form, and the address “Rejoice” is present only in the first and ninth lines. However, the second strophes of the poems “Rejoice!” and “Heavenly Tit” give grounds to consider these texts as variants of the same work. The works by Vira Vovk show a combination of images being characteristic of the church akathist to the Mother of God (lilies, roses, universe of joy, virgin and mother) with individual authorial ones (heavenly forget-me-not, four-leaf clover, sparkling star, chorale of winged, celestial tit).
The address “Oh, rejoice, Mary!” from the poem “The Dolorous Mother” by P. Tychyna refers to the scene of the Annunciation and the prayer “Ave, Maria” (“Rejoice Mary, full of grace”), which is part of the rosary prayer. Despite the address “Rejoice”, P. Tychyna’s poem is imbued with sorrow. The events of the poem take place after the Crucifixion, before the Resurrection. The address “Oh, rejoice” is contrasted with the drama of a mother looking for a crucified son and also with Ukrainian history and the landscape. In V. Vovk’s piece “Dormition”, the events take place after the Resurrection, and therefore the Mother of God is not sad but smiling, full of joy; she merges with the landscape and not contrasts with it.
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Tulić, Damir. "Prilozi ranom opusu Giovannija Bonazze u Kopru, Veneciji i Padovi te bilješka za njegove sinove Francesca i Antonija." Ars Adriatica, no. 5 (January 1, 2015): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.523.
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Stylistic changes in a sculptor’s oeuvre are simultaneously a challenge and a cause of dilemmas for researchers. This is particularly true when attempting to identify the early works of a sculptor while the influence of his teacher was still strong. This article focuses on the Venetian sculptor Giovanni Bonazza (Venice, 1654 – Padua, 1736) and attributes to him numerous new works both in marble and in wood, all of which are of uniform, high quality. Bonazza’s teacher was the sculptor Michele Fabris, called l’Ongaro (Bratislava, c.1644 – Venice, 1684), to whom the author of the article attributes a marble statue of Our Lady of the Rosary on the island of San Servolo, in the Venetian lagoon, which has until now been ascribed to Bonazza. The marble bust of Giovanni Arsenio Priuli, the podestat of Koper, is also attributed to the earliest phase of Bonazza’s work; it was set up on the façade of the Praetorian Palace at Koper in 1679. This bust is the earliest known portrait piece sculpted by the twenty-five-year old artist. The marble relief depicting the head of the Virgin, in the hospice of Santa Maria dei Derelitti, ought to be dated to the 1690s. The marble statue of the Virgin and Child located on the garden wall by the Ponte Trevisan bridge in Venice can be recognized as Bonazza’s work from the early years of the eighteenth century and as an important link in the chronological chain of several similar statues he sculpted during his fruitful career. Bonazza is also the sculptor of the marble busts of the young St John and Mary from the library of the monastery of San Lazzaro on the island of San Lazzaro degli Armeni in the Venetian lagoon, but also the bust of Christ from the collection at Castel Thun in the Trentino-Alto Adige region; they can all be dated to the 1710s or the 1720s. The article pays special attention to a masterpiece which has not been identified as the work of Giovanni Bonazza until now: the processional wooden crucifix from the church of Sant’Andrea in Padua, which can be dated to the 1700s and which, therefore, precedes three other wooden crucifixes that have been identified as his. Another work attributed to Bonazza is a large wooden gloriole with clouds, cherubs and a putto, above the altar in the Giustachini chapel in the church of Santa Maria del Carmine at Padua. The article attributes two stone angels and a putto on the attic storey of the high altar in the church of Santa Caterina on the island of Mazzorbo in the Venetian lagoon to Giovanni’s son Francesco Bonazza (Venice, c.1695 – 1770). Finally, Antonio Bonazza (Padua, 1698 – 1763), the most talented and well-known of Giovanni Bonazza’s sons, is identified as the sculptor of the exceptionally beautiful marble tabernacle on the high altar of the parish church at Kali on the island of Ugljan. The sculptures which the author of the article attributes to the Bonazza family and to Giovanni Bonazza’s teacher, l’Ongaro, demonstrate that the oeuvres of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Venetian masters are far from being closed and that we are far from knowing the final the number of their works. Moreover, it has to be said that not much is known about Giovanni’s works in wood which is why every new addition to his oeuvre with regard to this medium is important since it fills the gaps in a complex and stylistically varied production of this great Venetian sculptor.
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Tulić, Damir. "Prilozi ranom opusu Giovannija Bonazze u Kopru, Veneciji i Padovi te bilješka za njegove sinove Francesca i Antonija." Ars Adriatica, no. 5 (January 1, 2015): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.937.
Full textAbstract:
Stylistic changes in a sculptor’s oeuvre are simultaneously a challenge and a cause of dilemmas for researchers. This is particularly true when attempting to identify the early works of a sculptor while the influence of his teacher was still strong. This article focuses on the Venetian sculptor Giovanni Bonazza (Venice, 1654 – Padua, 1736) and attributes to him numerous new works both in marble and in wood, all of which are of uniform, high quality. Bonazza’s teacher was the sculptor Michele Fabris, called l’Ongaro (Bratislava, c.1644 – Venice, 1684), to whom the author of the article attributes a marble statue of Our Lady of the Rosary on the island of San Servolo, in the Venetian lagoon, which has until now been ascribed to Bonazza. The marble bust of Giovanni Arsenio Priuli, the podestat of Koper, is also attributed to the earliest phase of Bonazza’s work; it was set up on the façade of the Praetorian Palace at Koper in 1679. This bust is the earliest known portrait piece sculpted by the twenty-five-year old artist. The marble relief depicting the head of the Virgin, in the hospice of Santa Maria dei Derelitti, ought to be dated to the 1690s. The marble statue of the Virgin and Child located on the garden wall by the Ponte Trevisan bridge in Venice can be recognized as Bonazza’s work from the early years of the eighteenth century and as an important link in the chronological chain of several similar statues he sculpted during his fruitful career. Bonazza is also the sculptor of the marble busts of the young St John and Mary from the library of the monastery of San Lazzaro on the island of San Lazzaro degli Armeni in the Venetian lagoon, but also the bust of Christ from the collection at Castel Thun in the Trentino-Alto Adige region; they can all be dated to the 1710s or the 1720s. The article pays special attention to a masterpiece which has not been identified as the work of Giovanni Bonazza until now: the processional wooden crucifix from the church of Sant’Andrea in Padua, which can be dated to the 1700s and which, therefore, precedes three other wooden crucifixes that have been identified as his. Another work attributed to Bonazza is a large wooden gloriole with clouds, cherubs and a putto, above the altar in the Giustachini chapel in the church of Santa Maria del Carmine at Padua. The article attributes two stone angels and a putto on the attic storey of the high altar in the church of Santa Caterina on the island of Mazzorbo in the Venetian lagoon to Giovanni’s son Francesco Bonazza (Venice, c.1695 – 1770). Finally, Antonio Bonazza (Padua, 1698 – 1763), the most talented and well-known of Giovanni Bonazza’s sons, is identified as the sculptor of the exceptionally beautiful marble tabernacle on the high altar of the parish church at Kali on the island of Ugljan. The sculptures which the author of the article attributes to the Bonazza family and to Giovanni Bonazza’s teacher, l’Ongaro, demonstrate that the oeuvres of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Venetian masters are far from being closed and that we are far from knowing the final the number of their works. Moreover, it has to be said that not much is known about Giovanni’s works in wood which is why every new addition to his oeuvre with regard to this medium is important since it fills the gaps in a complex and stylistically varied production of this great Venetian sculptor.
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de Gannes, Nehassaiu. "Rosary." Callaloo 19, no. 3 (1996): 634–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.1996.0116.
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Dzik, Janina. "The Reception of the Engravings of Gottfried Bernhard Göz’s Marian Series in the Monumental Painting of the Lviv Circle in the 18th Century." Roczniki Humanistyczne 67, no. 4 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH (October 30, 2019): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2019.68.4-1en.
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The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne vol. 63, issue 4 (2015).
The graphic series dedicated to the Mother of God, defined as Sub tuum praesidium confugimus, by Gottfried Bernhard Göz (1708–1774) was an inspiration for the monumental painting of the Rococo period in Poland in the times of the Saxon kings. The series of engravings with a devotional character made with the stipple engraving technique presents 12 signed Marian scenes: the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Mary’s Birth, the Presentation of Mary, Mary and Joseph’s Matrimony, the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Purification, the images of Our Lady of Sorrows, and the Assumption. Other scenes are connected with Mary’s patronage – as the Queen of the Rosary—and her intercession. The prints, as researchers of Göz’s work assume, prove his mature style that was shaped in the years 1737–1740, when he formed a publishing “company” together with the Klauber brothers, Joseph Sebastian and Johann Baptist. He used the motifs occurring in the series many times e.g. on the vault of the nave in the Dominican nuns’ St Stefan Church in Habsthal (1748; Upper Swabia), in the sketch and painting for the Cistercian monastery in Birnau (1748–1750). These motifs were also found in Bavarian Marian shrines, e.g. Frauenchiemsee, Maria Mitleid Kapelle and Mater Dolorosa Kapelle with paintings by Balthasar Furtner (1761) and in a church in Niederaschau and Kleinmariazell (1763–1765). References to the series may also be found in the area of Slovenia, i.e. on the vault of Grajska Kapela in Novo Celje (1758–1763).
The prints were known to the circle of Lviv artists active in the 18th century and they were used as models for numerous figural compositions. First of all the Lviv painter Stanisław Stroiński (1719–1802) used them for the decorations, among others, of the interior of the Franciscan Marian sanctuary in Leżajsk, in the Franciscan Holy Spirit Church in Krystynopol (1756–1759 (now Chervonohrad in Ukraine), and in the decoration of St Anne’s Chapel in the Holy Trinity Benedictine Church in Przemyśl. The series of prints was also used by the painter Gabriel Sławiński in the decoration of the chancel in St Lawrence Parish Church in the village of Żółkiewka and on the vault of the post-Pauline St Louis Church in Włodawa.
The engravings are a significant model for Polish painting because of their style, technique and original approach to the conventional religious theme.
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Barlow, George. "A Rosary." Iowa Review 16, no. 1 (January 1986): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0021-065x.3297.
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Plomin, Mary Kay. "The Rosary." Oncology Times 30, no. 23 (December 2008): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.cot.0000342997.55102.16.
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Deffieux, Xavier, Alessio Carloni, and Hervé Fernandez. "Rosary ovaries." American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology 199, no. 1 (July 2008): 93.e1–93.e2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ajog.2008.04.026.
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Dooley, David. "During the Rosary." Hudson Review 52, no. 1 (1999): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3852589.
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Capps, Donald, and Michael Carroll. "Praying the Rosary." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 27, no. 3 (September 1988): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1387382.
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IBBERTSON, P. "The acromegalic rosary." Lancet 337, no. 8734 (January 1991): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0140-6736(91)90812-4.
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Hopkins, K. D., R. H. Jones, and P. H. Sönksen. "The acromegalic rosary." Lancet 337, no. 8745 (April 1991): 860–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0140-6736(91)92576-n.
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Mitruev, Bembya L., and Zhargal D. Dugdanov. "Гадание, опирающееся на ламу Цонкапу." Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 12, no. 1 (July 31, 2020): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2020-1-105-121.
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Introduction. Rosary divinations used to be most widespread in Tibet, Mongolia, Buryatia, Kalmykia and other Buddhist regions. Various types of this divination include ones implying appeals to Yidam deities, Buddhist protector deities, and prominent spiritual teachers. The latter are rare enough, and such rosary divinations are of particular interest. Goals. The article introduces into scientific discourse a Tibetan text of the Lama Tsongkhapa rosary divination. This is an example of divination text based on a religious figure. Materials. The rosary divination text was received from Rev. Zhargaal D. Dugdanov, a Buddhist priest affiliated to Ivolginsky Datsan (Buryatia, Russia), and has never been published in Russian before. Results. The article analyzes traditional rosary divination techniques, translates, transliterates the text, and publishes its facsimile.
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H. YILMAZ, Kadri. "The Rosary in Divan Poetry." Journal of Turkish Studies Volume 7 Issue 1, no. 7 (2012): 2131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/turkishstudies.3073.
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Kis-Halas, Judit. "Pilgrims on the Rosary Route." Material Religion 14, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 148–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17432200.2017.1418229.
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Cording, Robert. "Rosary Bead, Netherlands, c. 1500." Spiritus: A Journal of Christian Spirituality 5, no. 2 (2005): 179–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scs.2006.0003.
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Meznar, Joan. "Our Lady of the Rosary, African Slaves, and the Struggle Against Heretics in Brazil, 1550-1660." Journal of Early Modern History 9, no. 3 (2005): 371–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006505775008455.
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AbstractIn the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as first French Huguenots and then Dutch Calvinists threatened Portuguese control of Brazil, Jesuit missionaries promoted devotion to Our Lady of the Rosary as a defense against both heresy and heretics. African slaves, as well as Indians and white settlers, were encouraged to join Confraternities of the Rosary in order to deepen their commitment to the Catholic faith and, by extension, to the Catholic political cause. Using sermons that the Jesuit father Antonio Vieira preached to black Confraternities of the Rosary, the article addresses the appeal these brotherhoods held for African slaves, and ways in which they became centers for the survival of African traditions in Catholic Brazil.
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Kiddy, Elizabeth W. "Ethnic and Racial Identity in the Brotherhoods of the Rosary of Minas Gerais, 1700-1830." Americas 56, no. 2 (October 1999): 221–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008113.
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The participants in the festivals of the rosary in Minas Gerais tell a story about the beginning of the devotion of the blacks to Our Lady of the Rosary. In the story, a black slave sees Our Lady of the Rosary out in the sea rocking on top of the waves. When he tells his master, the master and the priests rush down to the water, but are unable to coax her to come to shore. In frustration, they leave the task to the blacks. Blacks from different African nations, or different groups of congados in the vernacular, go one by one to the edge of the sea (or a river) and play their instruments, dance and sing to try to convince Our Lady of the Rosary to come ashore. Their efforts only become successful when the most traditional group goes to the shore and begins to play their music. Even this most traditional group has no success, however, until all the other groups return and join them to sing together. Only then does Our Lady of the Rosary come to the shore and sit on the largest drum, showing her acceptance of the devotion of the blacks. Even when the whites take her to their own chapel and lock the door, she escapes and returns to the sea, waiting for the blacks to call her out again and put her in their own chapel.
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Aloj, Eugenia, and Anna Zollo. "El culto mariano del Rosario de Pompeya." ROTUR. Revista de Ocio y Turismo 3, no. 1 (November 10, 2010): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/rotur.2010.3.1.1248.
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El trabajo enfrenta diferentes aspectos del nacimiento y evolución del turismo religioso en Pompeya. Son tomados en consideración los diferentes aspectos de la tipología de culto mariano de Pompeya, las varias expresiones de fe y la característica dominante de la devoción respecto a la Virgen del Rosario, definida por sus aspectos devocionales justamente “sacro popular”.
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Thériault, Barbara. "Porter le chapelet. Formes religieuses dans une prison pour femmes." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 43, no. 1 (January 21, 2014): 172–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429813515416.
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While I was doing fieldwork in a Montreal women’s jail an unexpected detail emerged that intrigued me as a sociologist: the striking presence of the rosary. This detail is at the core of the present article. Conspicuous and discreet, exotic and trivial, the white plastic rosary given by volunteers to incarcerated women was everywhere. Without assuming an inherently religious character, and resisting the temptation to make of it something profound or curious, I ask in this article two simple questions: What is the rosary as an artefact? And how much about chaplaincy at the women’s jail and Catholicism in contemporary Quebec is condensed in this detail? The answers to these questions instruct us on the context of the jail, the study of religion today, and the importance of artefacts.
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Stanisław Hajkowski SChr. "Father Justyn and The Rosary Hour." U.S. Catholic Historian 27, no. 3 (2009): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cht.0.0016.
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Alvarado Reyes, Nidian Giovanna, Jairo Alvarado Reyes, and Nohora Elisabeth Alfonso Bernal. "La Virgen del Rosario de Chiquinquirá. Un referente simbólico patrimonial en la consolidación del Estado nación en Colombia." Revista de Antropología y Sociología: Virajes 21, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17151/rasv.2019.21.2.4.
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Este artículo analiza la patrimonialización de la Virgen del Rosario de Chiquinquirá en la formación del Estado nación en Colombia, para comprender cómo la activación de los referentes simbólicos de una cultura se ve mediada por la consecución de intereses políticos. Para su elaboración se realizó un análisis bibliográfico, así como una revisión de fuentes primarias y secundarias y de registros de trabajo de campo. Los resultados sostienen, a partir del hecho histórico de la Coronación de la Virgen del Rosario de Chiquinquirá, la necesidad que tienen los estados o los gobiernos, con sus políticas nacionales, de crear, inventar, seleccionar y en últimas activar referentes simbólicos de una cultura para imponer una versión de identidad nacional. Se concluye que la selección y activación de referentes simbólicos patrimoniales se convierten en un instrumento que legitima el comportamiento del Estado y justifica las acciones de puesta en valor de ahí en adelante
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García León, Gerardo, and José Luis Romero Torres. "Una nueva Virgen Dolorosa de Pedro Roldán." Laboratorio de Arte 32 (November 27, 2020): 135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/10.12795/la.2020.i32.08.
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Un reciente hallazgo documental ha permitido incrementar la rica producción escultórica del artista Pedro Roldán. La imagen de Nuestra Señora de la Fe, que se conserva en la iglesia de Santa Bárbara de Écija, fue tallada por este artista en torno al año 1670. En este artículo se dan a conocer las circunstancias históricas que rodearon la ejecución de esta obra artística, realizada para la cofradía ecijana de Nuestra Señora del Rosario, y se lleva a cabo un estudio estilístico de la escultura en relación con otras piezas coetáneas realizadas por Pedro Roldán.
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Sammut, Adam. "With a little help from his friends." Netherlands Yearbook for History of Art / Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek Online 70, no. 1 (November 16, 2020): 118–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22145966-07001007.
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Around 1617, Caravaggio’s Rosary Madonna (Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna) was gifted to the Dominican church in Antwerp by a quadrumvirate of art-lovers – Rubens, Jan Brueghel I, Hendrick van Balen and the merchant Jan Cooymans – who were joined together by the love that is friendship (amor amicitiæ). By enacting the virtues of friendship within Antwerp’s elite circles, the art-lovers could persuade wealthy burghers to sponsor the Rosary Madonna as a civic investment. This process is examined through Rubens’ relationship with Brueghel, the election of Cooymans as ‘prince of the Violieren’ chamber of rhetoric, the artists’ deanships of the Romanists’ guild and their personal acquaintance with Hendrick Goltzius. In the Dominican church, the Rosary Madonna became part of the early modern political economy like few other artworks. As the author demonstrates, the altarpiece indexed the cultural capital of the quadrumvirate, but also their amor amicitiæ, to which it stood as an enduring testament.
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Choi, Sung-Woo, Jae Chul Lee, Dong-Il Chun, Jin Hyeung Kim, and Byung-Joon Shin. "A Long, Solitary, Rosary-Shaped Spinal Neurofibroma." Journal of Korean Society of Spine Surgery 24, no. 2 (2017): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.4184/jkss.2017.24.2.109.
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Familari, Tony. "Aboriginal Studies Units: Holy Rosary School – Derby." Aboriginal Child at School 23, no. 1 (March 1995): 44–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0310582200005058.
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This is a P-7 school with 200 students. Aboriginal students: 85%. There are 2 qualified Aboriginal teachers in the school while some Aboriginal Teaching Assistants (ATAs) are in their second and third year of teacher training. Ngarinyin, Worrorra, Wunambal, Nyikina, Bardi and Kriol are all spoken in Derby.
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Maxwell, Catherine. "Eliot’s Four Quartets and Swinburne’s a Rosary." Explicator 52, no. 2 (January 1994): 101–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00144940.1994.11484110.
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Lewkowicz, Amy K. "When Tin Pan Alley Sang “The Rosary”." U.S. Catholic Historian 30, no. 4 (2012): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cht.2012.0024.
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Saotome, H., and K. Sakaguchi. "Fundamental study for rosary-shaped magnetic actuators." Journal of Applied Physics 83, no. 11 (June 1998): 7109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.367534.
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Dos Santos, Vitorino Modesto, Micheline Silva Abreu De Azevedo, Katia Rejane Marques Brito, Larissa Almondes Da Luz, and Kayursula Dantas Ribeiro. "Lymphadenitis “As Rosary beads” - a diagnostic challenge." ARS MEDICA Revista de Ciencias Médicas 44, no. 3 (September 27, 2019): 20–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.11565/arsmed.v44i3.1564.
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Introduction: nodular lymphangitis (NL) may be a manifestation of various infectious and non-infectious conditions, characterised by subcutaneous inflammatory nodules that extend from the site of the primary focus to the regional lymph nodes. NL usually constitutes a challenge in primary health care, and histopathological and microbiological evaluations are necessary to establish the definitive diagnosis. Methods: We report a classic case of NL that developed in the upper limb of a middle-aged man after trauma on the right thumb. The objective: was to emphasise some aspects of the differential diagnosis in a patient with NL and to reduce the rate of misdiagnosis in the scenery of initial medical attention. Results: the clinical manifestations were non-specific, but the microbiological study revealed typical characteristics of sporotrichosis. The treatment with itraconazole (200 mg daily) for six months was successful. Conclusion: NL constitutes a challenging condition and the early diagnosis depends on a high index of suspicion. Case reports may reduce late diagnoses with unfavourable results.
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Castrique, Emma, Marta Fernandez-Fuente, Paul Le Tissier, Andy Herman, and Andy Levy. "Use of a prolactin-Cre/ROSA-YFP transgenic mouse provides no evidence for lactotroph transdifferentiation after weaning, or increase in lactotroph/somatotroph proportion in lactation." Journal of Endocrinology 205, no. 1 (February 5, 2010): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1677/joe-09-0414.
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In rats, a shift from somatotroph dominance to lactotroph dominance during pregnancy and lactation is well reported. Somatotroph to lactotroph transdifferentiation and increased lactotroph mitotic activity are believed to account for this and associated pituitary hypertrophy. A combination of cell death and transdifferentiation away from the lactotroph phenotype has been reported to restore non-pregnant pituitary proportions after weaning. To attempt to confirm that a similar process occurs in mice, we generated and used a transgenic reporter mouse model (prolactin (PRL)-Cre/ROSA26-expression of yellow fluorescent protein (EYFP)) in which PRL promoter activity at any time resulted in permanent, stable, and highly specific EYFP. Triple immunochemistry for GH, PRL, and EYFP was used to quantify EYFP+ve, PRL−ve, and GH+ve cell populations during pregnancy and lactation, and for up to 3 weeks after weaning, and concurrent changes in cell size were estimated. At all stages, the EYFP reporter was expressed in 80% of the lactotrophs, but in fewer than 1% of other pituitary cell types, indicating that transdifferentiation from those lactotrophs where reporter expression was activated is extremely rare. Contrary to expectations, no increase in the lactotroph/somatotroph ratio was seen during pregnancy and lactation, whether assessed by immunochemistry for the reporter or PRL: findings confirmed by PRL immunochemistry in non-transgenic mice. Mammosomatotrophs were rarely encountered at the age group studied. Individual EYFP+ve cell volumes increased significantly by mid-lactation compared with virgin animals. This, in combination with a modest and non-cell type-specific estrogen-induced increase in mitotic activity, could account for pregnancy-induced changes in overall pituitary size.
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Benson, G. P. "Virgin Birth, Virgin Conception." Expository Times 98, no. 5 (February 1987): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468709800504.
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Stankiewicz, Aleksander. "„Bitwa pod Lepanto” Tomasza Dolabelli z Kaplicy Różańcowej przy kościele podominikańskim w Poznaniu." Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe 2020(41), no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21852/sem.2020.3.10.
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The Article deals with the circumstances of ordering in 1632 the painting “The Battle of Lepanto” with the painter Tomasso Dolabella. This work has so far received numerous references in the literature, but the proposals for its interpretation have aroused discussion among researchers. The painting was originally exposed in the rosary chapel next to the former Dominican church in Poznań, where it was part of an ideological program, referring to the cult of Our Lady of the Snows and Saint Jack. The Foundation of the Rosary Brotherhood was part of the tradition of commemorating the Battle of Lepanto, which was considered a victory thanks to the intercession of the Mother of God.