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Journal articles on the topic 'Vlach'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 8 September 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Ivkov-Džigurski, Anđelija, Vedrana Babić, Aleksandra Dragin, Kristina Košić, and Ivana Blešić. "The Mystery of Vlach Magic in the Rural Areas of 21st century Serbia." Eastern European Countryside 18, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 61–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10130-012-0004-9.

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Abstract This article offers an ethnographic exploration of the Vlachs in the Branicevo region of Serbia. The Vlachs rarely exist anywhere as a distinct ethnic group due to their permanent assimilation with other ethnic groups. The thing that has always been linked to the folklore of the Vlachs and still attracts a large number of people to come and visit some remote parts of Eastern Serbia is definitely a certain mystery which represents the essential part of the culture of this nation. Instances of Vlach magic can be seen in the Timok area, all over Eastern Serbia and across its borders. Vlach magic is a miracle or is miraculous, when looking at how long it has been present, its unique rituals, beliefs, shamans and spells. Vlach culture intertwined with pagan customs and interesting rituals, makes the municipalities in Eastern Serbia mysterious places in modern 21st century Europe, because the Vlachs are a mostly closed (endogamous) population which do not blend with people of other nationalities.

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2

Kahl, Thede. "The Islamisation of the Meglen Vlachs (Megleno-Romanians): The Village of Nânti (Nótia) and the “Nântinets” in Present-Day Turkey." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 1 (March 2006): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500504871.

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The main objective of the research project “Self-Identification of Meglen Vlachs” was to compare the contemporary state of Meglen Vlach culture and identity in their different settlement areas. Fieldwork sponsored by the German Research Foundation (DFG) in Meglen Vlach communities in Romania, Greece, Turkey and the Republic of Macedonia was able to identify the settlement areas of the Meglen Vlachs in Turkey. The paper represents a summary of the most important findings in Turkey.

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3

Radulović, Lidija. "Црна и бела магија као културно наслеђе: представе младих у Бору о влашкој магији." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 12, no. 4 (December 23, 2017): 1153. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v12i4.8.

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Serbian ethnology and anthropology is missing papers on folk belief and magic practices on black and white magic. This paper problematizes research on Vlach magic as an authentic and archaic culture of the ethnic Vlachs in North-Eastern Serbia. The first part of the paper deals with theoretical concepts of magic, while the second presents the results of research on the relationship between young people in Bor towards Vlach magic, as part of traditional folk religion and archaic cultural heritage which is still relevant today.

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4

LEMAJIĆ, NENAD. "THE BAKIĆES AS AN EXAMPLE OF THE SOCIAL RISE OF VLACH FAMILIES IN THE EARLY OTTOMAN PERIOD." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 31 (November 12, 2020): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2020.31.93-111.

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During the period of Ottoman penetration and stabilization in the Balkans, one community within what was then Serbian society gained importance. They were pastoralists who were referred to in documents of the time as Vlachs. Vlach communities that specialized in extensive pastoralism are recorded in the oldest documents related to medieval Serbia from the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth centuries. Over time, these groups took on a Serbian ethnicity. The collapse of classical feudalism and the specific Ottoman system, especially in the hinterlands and sparsely populated areas, gave the Vlach communities opportunities for meaningful social progress. The paper analyzes the rise of the Vlach Bakić family, who rose to power during the second half of the fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth centuries, first within the Ottoman Empire and then later within Habsburg Hungary.

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5

Minov, Nikola Kosto. "The Vlachs in Macedonia in the 19th and 20th centuries." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 28, no. 1 (September 7, 2021): 211–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2021.28.10.

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The article summarizes the known data about the localization and numerical distribution of various Vlach groups in Macedonia in the 19th and 20th centuries. Each Vlach group’s (Moscopolitan; Grammoustian; Farsherot and Moglenite Vlachs) migrations are analyzed separately, following them from their starting points from which they ventured forth and dispersed all over Ottoman Macedonia at the end of the 18th century, all the way to their dwellings in late 20th century in North Macedonia. In the second part of the article we review the thorough, yet unofficial statistics of Gustav Weigand and Vasil Kanchov about the number of Vlachs in Ottoman Macedonia, as well as the number and territorial distribution of the Vlachs in Macedonia, as shown in the 1921 census in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the Yugoslav census from 1931, the six censuses conducted in socialist Yugoslavia in 1948, 1953, 1961, 1971, 1981 and 1991, and the two censuses in the Republic of Macedonia from 1994 and 2002.

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6

Pijović, Marko. "Late medieval Vlachs in the western Balkans: orality, society and the limits of collective identities." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 28, no. 1 (September 7, 2021): 65–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2021.28.4.

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This paper explores the social structures of late medieval Vlachs – particularly the ones inhabiting the Western Balkans (the Dinaric Alps) – in order to determine how collective identities were shaped and reproduced in medieval oral cultures. Southeast European historiographies have often portrayed the Balkan Vlachs as a unitary group and the label „Vlach” as representing a single, homogenous social entity during most of the Middle Ages. Still, social groups cannot exist and function without regular communication – oral or written – between their members. Oral cultures are based on verbal communication and are therefore bound by its specific nature, given that it requires continuous personal contact and oral transfer of information for communication and society to function properly. Literate cultures on the other hand tend to rely on written communication to a considerable extent and given that it allows for information to be conveyed impersonally (by text) its range is (at least in theory) almost limitless – as it is the level of (il)literacy that represents the main communicative and social limit in literate societies. Having in mind the abovementioned communicative and social limits of orality and the fact that it was the predominant if not exclusive form of communication among transhumant pastoralists such as the medieval Balkan Vlachs this paper argues that the range/scope of their group identities and collective identifications was rather limited. Furthermore, this paper discusses the types of collective identities utilized by Vlachs, questioning whether they ever shared a common „Vlach identity” given the fact that the social identity of the medieval people known as „the Vlachs” was primarily shaped and defined from the „outside” and „above” – by state intervention and a legal frame that was forced upon them. The Vlachs in the Medieval Balkans, and particularly in its western part, generally did not possess political authority and power, nor did they have the material resources and literary traditions allowing them to form more complex and enduring communication networks that would in turn have resulted in group identity formation on a larger scale. During the Early Middle Ages the Vlachs were „Vlachs” primarily because they were labelled as such and considered to be a distinct category of population by their Slavic (and later Byzantine) neighbours and overlords, and not necessarily because they originally defined themselves as such. This is not to say that gradually, during the course of the Middle Ages, the bearers of the „Vlach” name could not have started to identify themselves as „Vlachs” by accepting this foreign name (xenonym) as their preferred group name (autonym). Still, when this finally did happen it did not imply a „universal” Vlach identity in the medieval Balkans. Given the communicative limits of oral cultures as well as the Vlachs’ position as legal and political „objects” rather than „subjects” it seems most likely that the medieval Balkans witnessed a simultaneous existence of a multitude of „Vlachnesses” which were usually unrelated and unaware of each other.

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7

Radivojevic, Maja. "Vlach vocal traditional music in the region of Homolje from the legacy of Olivera Mladenovic." Muzikologija, no. 28 (2020): 235–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz2028235r.

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Olivera Mladenovic researched Vlach culture in the 1980s. Recordings preserved in the archive of the Institute of Ethnography SASA also contain examples of vocal practice of the Vlachs from Homolje region (Northeast Serbia). The material was recorded on six audio cassettes, which were later digitized. As ethnomusicological studies of this area are very scarce, the recorded material certainly represents a valuable testimony to the musical culture of the Vlach ethnic community. The aim of this article is to determine the particularities of the recorded examples, based on ethnomusicological analysis and transcription, as well as to isolate the vocal genres found on these audio cassettes. Vocal examples from the recordings of Olivera Mladenovic will be paired with existing examples from the literature, as well as examples of current practice recorded by the author of this article. In this way, at least a partial picture of the Vlachs? musical life in Homol?? from the 1980s to the present day will be established, and the comparison will allow us to observe continuity and change.

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8

Curta, Florin. "Constantinople and the Echo Chamber: The Vlachs in the French Crusade Chronicles." Medieval Encounters 22, no. 4 (October 13, 2016): 427–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342232.

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The chroniclers of the Fourth Crusade (Geoffroi de Villehardouin, Henri de Valenciennes, and Robert de Clari) have much to say about the Vlachs. Much of that information results from direct contact with the Vlachs, particularly in the case of Villehardouin and Henri de Valenciennes. However, several issues characterizing the Vlachs, especially in Robert de Clari’s chronicle, are remarkably similar to stories that may be found in Niketas Choniates. The paper analyzes the role attributed to the Vlachs in the French chronicles, and attempts to explain the similarity to the coverage of things Vlach in Niketas Choniates. As such, the paper offers an examination of all Byzantine sources mentioning the Vlachs before Choniates and of non-Byzantine sources such as Benjamin of Tudela. The conclusion is that the image of the Vlachs in the French chronicles derives from stories about them circulating in twelfth-century Constantinople.

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9

Bubalo, Djordje. "Bishop Vlaho or Vlahoepiskop." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 39 (2001): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0239197b.

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In three different sources written in Serbian - the inventory of the estates of the monastery of the Holy Virgin in Htetovo as well as in the second and third charter issued by king Dusan to the monastery of Treskavac - there is mention of a church prelate identified as vlahoepiskop. One group of historians interpreted this title as referring to a bishop by the name of Vlaho. On the other hand, historians analysing the clauses of all the charters issued to the monastery of Treskavac noticed that in the first charter issued to that monastery the term Vlach bishop stands in place of the term vlahoepiskop found in the second and third charter. Therefore, although with some vacillation, they interpreted the term vlahoepiskop as a synonym for the bishop of the Vlachs, one of the subordinates of the archbishop of Ohrid. This entirely correct conclusion can further be sustained with new arguments in its favor. Judging by the sources available, the name Vlaho is a hypocorystych of the name Vlasi(je), a transcription of its Greek form, B????o?. However, although B????o? is a calendar and thus also a monastic name, its Slavonic diminutive (Vlaho) was never used in the Serbian or any other Slavonic Orthodox church. The name Vlaho is a specific feature of Dubrovnik onomastica (as is the fact that the name of Vlasi(je) is derived from the Greek and not the Latin form of the name, Blasius). In that form it was used solely by the subjects of the Dubrovnik Republic, in the medieval period exclusively as a personal name, while its basic form, Vlasi(je), referred to the saint. In Cyrillic literacy and the anthroponymia of medieval Serbia, only the form Vlasije, never Vlaho, appears as an equivalent of the Greek B????o?;. Thus, Vlaho could by no means have been used as a monastic name of a high ranking prelate of the Serbian church. As it has already rightfully been pointed out by the Hungarian Byzantologist, Mathias Gyoni, the term vlahoepiskop is a calque (or, I may add, a transcription) of the assumed Greek word ????o?????o?o?, denoting a prelate of the bishopric of the Vlachs. This diocese is probably the administrative unit of the church of Ohrid least well documented by the sources. In Greek sources it appears in XI and XII century notitiae and an inscription from the same period. In Serbian sources it appears in the documents mentioned above. Judging by the available information on the organization of the archbishopric of Ohrid, the bishopric of the Vlachs was not responsible for pastoral care of the Vlachs on the entire territory of the archbishopric, it was rather a typical unit of church administration based on the territorial principle. The epithet Vlach in its name indicates the prevalence of this ethnic and social category within its boundaries. In Greek sources this bishopric is referred to as simply the bishopric of the Vlach (B????v) or, variably, as Bp??v??o?/Bp??v???? ??o? B????v. The word B????o? (i.e. Bp??v??o? in most of the older editions and, based on that, in practically the entire bibliography on the subject) was rightfully taken as a determining geographic term, that is as the name of the see of the bishopric. So far, there are several possible ubications of this episcopal see: in Vranje or the villages of Gornji and Donji Vranovci, north of Prilep and, regardless of the name Bp??v??o? (Bp??v??o??), in Prilep or Hlerin. I am more inclined to believe that the twofold name was used to designate the territory under the jurisdiction of a bishop and the ethnic, i.e. social category the density of whose population was the most salient feature of the region. Judging by the name Bp??v??o?, the territory under the jurisdiction of the bishop of the Vlachs can be identified with the region of the mountain range consisting of the Baba massive, in present day Macedonia, and the ??????? and ????? mountains in Greece. This is a compact mountainous region, with a high concentration of Vlach population confirmed by the sources. Since, according to the data found in the charters of the monastery of Treskavac, some of the church estates of the bishop of the Vlachs was located in Hlerin, the episcopal see was most probably situated in that city. Before his elevation to the episcopal throne, the Vlach bishop mentioned in the Htetovo inventory held the position of archimandrites of the monastery of the Holy Virgin in Htetovo. As the head of a Serbian monastery, he could rise to the throne of the Vlach bishopric only after the territory and the center of that bishopric became a part of the Serbian state. Based on our present knowledge of the chronology and extent of Dusan's conquests of Byzantine territories, the earliest possible date is spring of the year 1342 or autumn of the same year. It is certain, however, that in the autumn of 1342 the former archimandrites of Htetovo had already risen to the throne of the Vlach bishopric. That, at the same time, is the last document of its existence.

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10

Lockwood, William G. ": Vlach Gypsies . John Blake." American Anthropologist 92, no. 2 (June 1990): 554–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1990.92.2.02a00710.

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11

Sorescu-Marinkovic, Annemarie. "The Vlach funeral laments: Tradition revisited." Balcanica, no. 35 (2004): 199–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0535199s.

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In the present study I have analyzed three Vlach funeral laments audio-recorded in 2004, during the fieldtrip to Valakonje, near Boljevac Serbia. I have taken into discussion the dynamics of the Vlach community and its present state, with the coexistence of conservatism and transformation. The paper focuses on the performer and shows how, in spite of the fact that she is a guest worker, she is a perfect bearer of tradition.

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12

Prentza, Alexandra, and Maria Kaltsa. "Linguistic Profiling of Heritage Speakers of an Endangered Language: The Case of Vlach Aromanian–Greek Bilinguals." Open Linguistics 6, no. 1 (November 28, 2020): 626–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opli-2020-0034.

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AbstractThis is the first attempt to profile the heritage speakers of an endangered spoken-only variety of Vlach Aromanian in Greece. Neither the variety nor its speakers has been investigated before; hence, the study also aims at evaluating the exact state of endangerment of the Sirrako variety, as this is revealed by the language practices and skills of its bilingual speakers. To this aim, a background questionnaire was developed and administered to 60 bilingual speakers of Vlach Aromanian and Greek including questions on the age of onset of exposure to both languages, early home language practices, current language practices (orality and literacy) and attitudes toward the heritage and majority language. Significant variation in language practices, literacy skills, oral input and current competence across three generations of speakers was identified with a substantial decline in heritage language competence in younger bilinguals, verifying our claim of the endangered state of Vlach Aromanian.

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13

Alvarado, Laureano, Sebastián Saa, Italo F. Cuneo, Romina Pedreschi, Javiera Morales, Alejandra Larach, Wilson Barros, Jeannette Guajardo, and Ximena Besoain. "A Comparison of Immediate and Short-Term Defensive Responses to Phytophthora Species Infection in Both Susceptible and Resistant Walnut Rootstocks." Plant Disease 104, no. 3 (March 2020): 921–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-03-19-0455-re.

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Clonal rootstocks are one alternative used by the walnut industry to control damage caused by Phytophthora species, traditionally using plants grafted on susceptible Juglans regia rootstock. Vlach, VX211, and RX1 are clonal rootstocks with a degree of resistance to Phytophthora species. The resistance to pathogens in these rootstocks depends on the resistance mechanisms activated by the presence of the pathogen and subsequent development of responses in the host. In this work, we analyzed how plants of J. regia, Vlach, VX211, and RX1 responded to inoculation with Phytophthora cinnamomi or Phytophthora citrophthora isolates obtained from diseased English walnut plants from Chilean orchards. After inoculation, plants of Vlach, VX211, and RX1 showed canopy and root damage indexes that did not differ from noninoculated control plants. In contrast, plants of J. regia, which is susceptible to P. cinnamomi and P. citrophthora, died after inoculation. Vlach, VX211, and RX1 plants inoculated with P. cinnamomi or P. citrophthora showed greater root weight and volume and greater root growth rates than their respective controls. These results suggest that short-term carbohydrate dynamics may be related to the defense mechanisms of plants; they are immediately activated after inoculation through the production of phenolic compounds, which support the further growth and development of roots in walnut clonal rootstocks. To our knowledge, this is the first study that comprehensively characterizes vegetative and radicular growth and the dynamics of sugars and phenols in response to infection with P. cinnamomi or P. citrophthora in walnut rootstocks.

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14

Panopoulou, Kalliopi. "ThePanegyriand Formation of Vlach Cultural Identity." Dance Chronicle 31, no. 3 (October 20, 2008): 436–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01472520802402739.

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15

Correia, Fabrice. "Modality, Quantification, and Many Vlach-Operators." Journal of Philosophical Logic 36, no. 4 (March 17, 2007): 473–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10992-006-9045-8.

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16

Lee, Ronald. "The Rom-Vlach Gypsies and the Kris-Romani." American Journal of Comparative Law 45, no. 2 (1997): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/840854.

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17

Pekić, Radmilo. "Knez Pokrajac Oliverovic: A Contribution to his identification." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 51, no. 1 (2021): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp51-28691.

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One of the well known medieval epitaphs of Bosnia and Herzegovina is located on the medieval tombstone - a stećak located in countryside Vrpolje in Ljubomir near Trebinje. The epitaph signifies grave site of prince Pokrajac Oliverovic, subject of Duke Sandal Hranic, about whom is known nothing except that. Based off of Dubrovnik resources it has been established that in the Ljubomir were inhabited Vlachs Burmaz from which stood out katun Dermanovic, named after theirs elder katunar Derman. His heir was Oliver Dermanovic. In following period in Dubrovnik resources is mentioned Pokrajac Oliverovic Vlach Dermanovic, nobleman from Ljubomir, most likely son and heir of already mentioned Oliver Dermanovic. Time and place of his life testify to be about Princeps Pokrajac Oliverovic, subject of Duke Sandal Hranic, who was buried in Vrpolje in Ljubomir, whose medieval monumenta stećak with imposing epitaph has been preserved to this day. Pokrajac Oliverovic died between 1429 and 1435. In following time in Ljubomir is mentioned nobleman who bore a patrimonial surname Pokrajchic after his father.

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18

Vjeran, KURSAR. "Being an Ottoman Vlach: On Vlach identity (Ies), role and status in western parts of the Ottoman Balkans (15th-18th centuries)." OTAM(Ankara, no. 34 (2013): 115–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/otam_0000000627.

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19

Szuhay, Péter, and Edit Kőszegi. "Eternal home: A Vlach Roma funeral in Kétegyháza, Hungary." Romani Studies 15, no. 2 (December 2005): 91–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/rs.2005.5.

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20

Sutherland, Anne. "A Cross the Tracks: The Vlach Gypsies of Hungary." Anthropology Today 5, no. 1 (February 1989): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3032858.

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21

Jovanovski, Dalibor, and Nikola Minov. "Ioannis Kolettis. The Vlach from the ruling elite of Greece." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 24 (March 2, 2018): 221–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2017.24.13.

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The purpose of this article is to show how Ioannis Kolettis, the first Vlach to become Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Greece, governed Greece, and why he is remembered, even today, as one of the Prime Ministers who left a lasting impression on Greek internal politics, and, especially, on Greek foreign affairs.

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22

Hajská, Markéta. "Forced settlement of Vlach Roma in Žatec and Louny in the late 1950s." Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology 68, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 340–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/se-2020-0020.

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Abstract The author of the study presents a micro-historical study of a family of Vlach Roma (Lovára) of western Slovakian origin, who were one of the few Romani groups still on the move in the mid-1950s and who in the late 1950s were forced to settle in the towns of Louny and Žatec in north-western Bohemia. Against this background the author focuses on some aspects of the Czechoslovak assimilation policy of the 1950s regarding ‘itinerant Gypsies’, designed to limit their mobility, which is represented mainly by the implementation of the Law on the Permanent Settlement of Itinerant Persons (No. 74/1958 Coll.). Using a combination of oral history methods involving Vlach Romani narrators and of archival research, the author clarifies some aspects of the local process of the implementation of the above-mentioned law and of selected impacts of the registration of travelling and semi-travelling people in February 1959. The forced sedentarization which occurred in the two localities under study is presented in the context of the regime of state socialism and the policies of central as well as local authorities towards so-called ‘travelling Gypsies’ in the late 1950s.

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23

Lane, Linda Rochell. "John Michael Vlach, The Afro-American Tradition in Decorative Arts." Journal of Negro History 78, no. 4 (October 1993): 245–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2717418.

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CAFTANZOGLOU, ROXANE. "Shepherds, innkeepers, and census-takers: the 1905 census in two villages in Epirus." Continuity and Change 12, no. 3 (December 1997): 403–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026841609700297x.

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The origins of joint family households in the Balkans remain an issue of interest to many scholars of family history. This article focuses on the joint family household pattern recorded in the 1905 Ottoman census in two communities in Epirus. Related issues will also be discussed, such as the variations in household-formation behaviour within a community regarded as ‘ethnically’ homogeneous, the extent to which joint family households should be viewed as an intrinsic trait of the culture and economy of the Vlachs, and the problems that arise from relying exclusively on quantitative data for understanding household and family life.The 1905 census, the last one undertaken by the Ottoman authorities, was intended to provide information on the Empire's ethnic composition, in a context of increasing unrest and tension caused by rising nationalist movements. The 1905 population listings of the two villages discussed in this article, the Vlach village of Syrrako and the Greek one of Aristi (or Artsista, the older version of the village's name, used before the trend to ‘Hellenicize’ Slav-sounding place names), are among the few such documents relating to Epirus to have been preserved. A relatively large body of literature on Epirus communities, produced by travellers, local historians, and geographers, furnishes additional information.

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25

Loma, Aleksandar. "Two Serbian place names ending in -is of Romanian origin - Mris and Desiska." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738057l.

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The suffix -i? is among the most productive in Romanian toponymy, and is mostly used for deriving drymonyms (names of forests) with the name of a tree as their usual derivational stem. (Micro)toponyms of the kind are frequent in the parts of Serbia with a Romanian-speaking (Vlach) population, but they also occur where there have been no Vlachs for centuries. To the already recorded examples (Peris in Svrljig, documented since 1455, from Rom. peri? 'pear grove'; Val(u)nis near Babusnica from Rom. aluni?, 'hazel grove') further two are added here: Mris, a hill in Zaglavak, probably from Rom. meri?, 'apple grove', with a reduction and syncope of the pretonic vowel in Serbian or already in Romanian pronunciation;and Desiska, or Desis in the fifteenth century, a village in Toplica, from Rom. desi?, 'thicket', 'bush'). In an additional overview of the origin of the Rom. suffix -i? the assumption is made that it goes back to the South Slavic -is (< CSl *-ys') in such a way that the Serbian word gustis was used as a model for forming the appellative desi? (Rom. des < Lat. densus, 'thick', 'dense'), whence it was abstracted in Romanian and used further on in this function, competing with the inherited -et < Lat. -?tum.

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Pijović, Marko. "Nekoliko misli o mogućem podrijetlu naziva VlahSome Ideas on the Possible Origin of the Term Vlach." Studia mythologica Slavica 13 (October 18, 2010): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.3986/sms.v13i0.1648.

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27

Kostov, K. "BORETZKY, N.: Die Vlach-Dialekte des Romani. Strukturen, Sprachgeschichte, Verwandtschaftsverhältnisse, Dialektkarten." Kratylos 50, no. 1 (2005): 197–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.29091/kratylos/2005/1/39.

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28

Tatham, David. "Plain Painters: Making Sense of American Folk Art. John Michael Vlach." Winterthur Portfolio 24, no. 4 (December 1989): 287–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/496448.

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Clement, Richard W. "Catalogue collectif des impressions Québéçoises, 1764-1820. Milanda Vlach, Yolanda Buono." Library Quarterly 56, no. 1 (January 1986): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/601714.

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Guta, Armand. "From Ius Valachicum to the vlach folkloric influences within central Europe." Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia 22, no. 1 (November 19, 2015): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2015.22.6.

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Free, David. "In the News." College & Research Libraries News 79, no. 8 (September 5, 2018): 405. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.79.8.405.

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Welcome to the September 2018 issue of C&RL News. Along with the start of a new academic year, it is the start of conference season here in the ACRL office. This month we begin our series of articles leading up to the ACRL 2019 conference, coming up April 10-13, 2019, in Cleveland. Mandi Goodsett, Evan Meszaros, Michelle S. Millet, and Jennine Vlach of the conference Local Arrangements Committee kick off the series with an introduction to our host city in “Welcome to Cleveland.”

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Oczko, Anna. "Traces of Vlach Migrations in the Toponymy of the Polish Podtatrze Region." Res Historica 41 (November 3, 2016): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2016.0.151.

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Oczko, Anna. "Traces of Vlach Migrations in the Toponymy of the Polish Podtatrze Region." Res Historica, no. 41 (September 29, 2016): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2016.41.151.

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<p style="text-indent: 1.25cm; margin-bottom: 0cm; line-height: 150%;" align="JUSTIFY"><span lang="pl-PL">W gwarach podhalańskich obecne są elementy leksykalne, których pochodzenie wiąże się z migracją pasterzy wołoskich na terenach polskiego Podtatrza. Występują również w toponomastyce. Utworzone zostały najczęściej na podstawie rumuńskich gwarowych apelatywów, np. oronimy </span><span lang="pl-PL"><em>Grapa</em></span><span lang="pl-PL">,</span><span lang="pl-PL"><em> Magura</em></span><span lang="pl-PL">, a także nazwy wsi lokowanych na prawie wołoskim lub zamieszkanych przez osadników wołoskich, np. </span><span lang="pl-PL"><em>Łapsze</em></span><span lang="pl-PL">,</span><span lang="pl-PL"><em> Poronin. </em></span><span lang="pl-PL">Na polskim Podtatrzu, które obejmuje Spisz, Podhale i Orawę, wśród 93 miejscowości jedynie w sześciu przypadkach, w stanie obecnych badań, można wskazać etymologię rumuńską (wołoską). Nie jest to jednak ostateczny stan badań i wymagają one kontynuacji.</span></p>

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Kocój, Ewa Maria. ",,Na sałasie ni ma pani lekko“. Życie codzienne pasterzy wołoskich na szałasach na pograniczu polsko-słowackim w XXI wieku jako dziedzictwo kulturowe regionu Karpat (wybór zagadnień)." Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia 25 (February 15, 2019): 269–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2018.25.15.

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The purpose of this article is to present the preliminary results of the research on the shepherds' everyday life that I have been conducting since 2015 in the field of history, migration, and cultural heritage of the Vlach minority inhabiting the areas from Albania to the northern Carpathians. One of the research stages entails the studies of the daily life and rituals of the highlanders living in the huts on the Polish side of the Carpathians. The article describes the issues concerning the organization and the time-space symbolism of a modern hut, including their daily life and schedule of activities. The research was conducted in the selected huts of Spiš, Orava, Podhale, Żywiec region, and Silesian Beskids in Poland in 2015-2018. In all cases, I applied qualitative research, mostly structured and unstructured interviews with senior and young shepherds working in the huts, as well as covert and overt participant observations conducted during selected pastoral holidays and meetings in various spaces—in temples, during highlander's and Vlach conventions, in theme meetings, and in the huts. I supplement these techniques with the analysis of the visual sources that I made during the field research, received from the enthusiasts of this topic, or found on the Internet. The research has shown that modern pastoralism oscillates between two poles: the traditional, which has made it possible to retain many elements from the past (cultural heritage), and the modern, thanks to which shepherds introduce global solutions to their huts and traditions.

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Stewart, Michael. "'True Speech': Song and the Moral Order of a Hungarian Vlach Gypsy Community." Man 24, no. 1 (March 1989): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2802548.

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Kertész‐Wilkinson, Irén. "Genuine and adopted songs in the Vlach Gypsy repertoire: A controversy re‐examined." British Journal of Ethnomusicology 1, no. 1 (January 1992): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09681229208567203.

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Šumpich, Jan. "Vilém Vlach: autor prvního česky psaného „prodromu” fauny drobných motýlů Čech, který nikdy nevyšel." Journal of the National Museum (Prague), Natural History Series 188, no. 1 (2019): 187–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmpnhs-2019-0013.

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Caftanzoglou, Roxanne. "The Household Formation Pattern of a Vlach Mountain Community of Greece: Syrrako 1898-1929." Journal of Family History 19, no. 1 (March 1994): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/036319909401900104.

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This article explores the forms of family organization in a mountain community of Greece during the end of the nineteenth and the early twentieth century. Special attention is paid to the concept of a system of household formation. It is argued that the dominant models fail to provide adequate understanding of the ways in which the desired domestic structures come into being and that one has to search beyond the “classical” demographic criteria to achieve a comprehensive account and understanding of household formation behavior.

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Sorescu-Marinkovic, Annemarie, Mirjana Miric, and Svetlana Cirkovic. "Assessing linguistic vulnerability and endangerment in Serbia a critical survey of methodologies and outcomes." Balcanica, no. 51 (2020): 65–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2051065s.

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The paper offers a critical survey of vulnerable and endangered languages and linguistic varieties in Serbia presented in three international inventories: UNESCO?s Atlas of the World?s Languages in Danger, Ethnologue and The Catalogue of Endangered Languages. As the inventories differ widely in terms of assessing the exact level of language endangerment and vulnerability, and lack to provide empirical support for their assessment, the paper provides thorough information from official local sources, relevant studies and the authors? own field research, when available, on the language categorized as endangered (Aromanian, Banat Bulgarian, Judezmo, Vojvodina Rusyn, Romani), but also presents additional linguistic varieties which have not been registered yet by any of the mentioned inventories (Megleno-Romanian, Bayash Romanian and Vlach Romanian).

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Golant, Natalia G. "Terminology of Female Clothes of the Vlach-Tsarans in East Serbia and North-West Bulgaria." Kunstkamera, no. 1 (2018): 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/2618-8619-2018-1-122-133.

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Továrek, Michal. "Veronika Stehlíková – Martin Vlach – Luboš Veverka, Tenkrát v listopadu: vzpomínky na Matfyz v čase zlomu." AUC HISTORIA UNIVERSITATIS CAROLINAE PRAGENSIS 60, no. 2 (May 28, 2021): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23365730.2021.15.

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Myrsiades, Linda Suny. "Historical Source Material for the Karagkiozis Performance." Theatre Research International 10, no. 3 (1985): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300010890.

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Karagkiozis, or Greek shadow puppet theatre, is a theatrical form that reflects nineteenth-century Greek oral culture. It utilizes a variety of national and regional costumes, dialects, and manners. Having developed in Greece during the period of that nation's modern history, it expresses the continuity of Greek culture and carries its themes, scenes of daily life, and characters. It retains, moreover, vestiges, or perhaps more accurately resurgences, of the pagan as well as the Christian past. Folk characters and types from folk plays and tales – the quack doctor, old man, old woman, devil Jew, Vlach, Moor, Gypsy, swaggering soldier, old rustic, jesting servant, trickster, parasite, stuttering child, ogre, dragon, bald-chin, and the great beauty – are its types as well. Popular folk dances, regional songs, and heroic poetry and ballads appear throughout Karagkiozis performances.

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Bartulin, Nevenko. "The Anti-Yugoslavist Narrative on Croatian Ethnolinguistic and Racial Identity, 1900-1941." East Central Europe 39, no. 2-3 (2012): 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-03903001.

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This article examines the work of leading anti-Yugoslavist Croat intellectuals in the first half of the twentieth century in relation to the question of race. These scholars used the discipline of racial anthropology in order to attempt to disprove the tenets of the racial supranational ideology of Yugoslavism by highlighting the ethnolinguistic-racial differences between Croats and Serbs. According to these intellectuals, the Croats were, racially speaking, purer Indo-Europeans and Slavs than the Serbs, who were in turn defined as possessing a strong Balkan Vlach racial component. Interestingly, these anti-Yugoslavist thinkers adopted the anthropological theory of Aryan-Slavic origins, as previously espoused by pan-Slavist Croat ideologists in the nineteenth century, in order to debunk the very idea of South Slav ‘national unity’ between Croats and Serbs.

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Škutová, Martina. "The Changes of the Position of Byzantine Rite Christians in Hungarian Kingdom During the Vlach Colonisation." Konštantínove listy/Constantine's Letters 10, no. 1 (June 2017): 211–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17846/cl.2017.10.1.211-221.

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Brzeziński, Dariusz W. "Review of numerical methods for NumILPT with computational accuracy assessment for fractional calculus." Applied Mathematics and Nonlinear Sciences 3, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 487–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/amns.2018.2.00038.

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AbstractIn the paper we present results of accuracy evaluation of numerous numerical algorithms for the numerical approximation of the Inverse Laplace Transform. The selected algorithms represent diverse lines of approach to this problem and include methods by Stehfest, Abate and Whitt, Vlach and Singhai, De Hoog, Talbot, Zakian and a one in which the FFT is applied for the Fourier series convergence acceleration. We use C++ and Python languages with arbitrary precision mathematical libraries to address some crucial issues of numerical implementation. The test set includes Laplace transforms considered as difficult to compute as well as some others commonly applied in fractional calculus. Evaluation results enable to conclude that the Talbot method which involves deformed Bromwich contour integration, the De Hoog and the Abate and Whitt methods using Fourier series expansion with accelerated convergence can be assumed as general purpose high-accuracy algorithms. They can be applied to a wide variety of inversion problems.

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MATRAS, YARON. "Norbert Boretzky, Die Vlach-Dialekte des Romani. Strukturen – Sprachgeschichte – Verwandtschaftsverhältnisse – Dialektkarten. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2003. Pp. xvi+256." Journal of Linguistics 40, no. 2 (July 2004): 390–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226704232741.

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Chohaney, Michael L. "Hidden in plain sight: mixed methods and the marble orchards of the Vlach Rom (Gypsies) in Toledo, Ohio." Journal of Cultural Geography 31, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08873631.2013.873297.

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Martinez, Katharine. "PLAIN PAINTERS: MAKING SENSE OF AMERICAN FOLK ART. (New Directions in American Art, no. 5). John Michael Vlach." Art Documentation: Journal of the Art Libraries Society of North America 8, no. 2 (July 1989): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/adx.8.2.27948063.

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Knipfer, T., C. Reyes, M. Momayyezi, P. J. Brown, D. Kluepfel, and A. J. McElrone. "A comparative study on physiological responses to drought in walnut genotypes (RX1, Vlach, VX211) commercially available as rootstocks." Trees 34, no. 3 (January 9, 2020): 665–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00468-019-01947-x.

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Selimovic, Salih. "Some characteristics of the origin, migration and demographic processes at Sjenica-Pester plateau." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 163 (2017): 429–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1763429s.

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According to this paper it can be concluded that until the War of Candia, and in particular the Battle of Vienna or the Great Turkish War, the Sjenica-Pester plateau population was mainly Serbian Orthodox with special separate groups such as Vlach shepherds. After the aforementioned wars, the religious denomination and somewhat ethnic structure changed. The existing Serbian population experienced a real exodus during the well-known migrations in 1690 and 1737. The Malisors from Montenegro and highlanders settled in the deserted Pester and Sjenica valley. That was the beginning of the process of Islamization which was completed in the middle of the 19th century. Intense emigration of Orthodox and Muslim population took place during the 19th and 20th centuries. There were multiple causes of dynamic migrations even after the Great Migrations. The natural tendency of Dinaric highlanders to settle in flatter and tamer areas, agrarian overpopulation, wars, rebellions, uprisings, epidemics and religious and political reason were not negligible. Until the breakup of Yugoslavia, internal migrations were the largest and most dinamic, which along with a very low population growth led to depopulation and migration from villages in which only the elderly population remained.

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