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Journal articles on the topic '"völkisch"'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Koehne, Samuel. "Were the National Socialists a Völkisch Party? Paganism, Christianity, and the Nazi Christmas." Central European History 47, no. 4 (2014): 760–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938914001897.

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A trend in studies about National Socialism and religion in recent years argues for a deliberate distinction between the Nazi Party (NSDAP) and the antisemitic völkisch movement of nineteenth-century Germany. This article challenges that contention. Several researchers have published comprehensive studies on the heterogeneous nature of Christian responses to the Nazis, but a comparable approach looking at how the Nazis viewed religion has not yet been undertaken. A study of the latter type is certainly necessary, given that one of the consistent features of the völkisch movement was its diversity. As Roger Griffin has argued, a “striking feature of the sub-culture . . . was just how prolific and variegated it was . . . [T]he only denominator common to all was the myth of national rebirth.” In short, the völkisch movement contained a colorful, varied, and often bewildering range of religious beliefs.

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2

Breuer, Stefan. "Der Streit um den ,,nordischen Gedanken“ in der völkischen Bewegung." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 62, no. 1 (2010): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007310790192837.

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AbstractThis essay analyzes the tensions that the rise of “Nordic racism” associated with Hans F. K. Günther triggered within the völkisch movement in the 1920s. Using the examples of the “Deutschbund,” the völkisch wing of the German youth movement “Bündische Jugend” and the German Aristocrats' Association “Deutsche Adelsgenossenschaft,” this essay shows that the reception of the Nordic idea was partially based on misunderstandings and distortions but was also met with open disagreement.

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3

Doering-Manteuffel, Anselm. "X. Gesetzesbruch als Prinzip. Entwicklungslinien des weltanschaulichen Radikalismus in der Führerdiktatur." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 132, no. 1 (2015): 420–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga-2015-0113.

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Breaking the Law as a Norm: Contours of Ideological Radicalism within the Nazi Dictatorship. This article analyzes the relationship between Nazi legal experts’ efforts to create a canon of constitutional law for the Third Reich and the ideological radicalism characteristic of Hitler and the SS-state. The attempts of legal professionals to establish “völkisch” constitutional law emerged out of the staunch anti-liberalism that had spread throughout Germany since the end of World War I. However, this “völkisch” constitutional law bore no resemblance to rational European legal thought. It not only proved to be ineffective for this reason, but also because the ideological radicalism that reigned supreme in the Third Reich sought to break the law and let lawlessness rule.

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4

Häusler, Alexander. "Kumulative Radikalisierung: Der völkisch-autoritäre Populismus der AfD." Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen 32, no. 1 (2019): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fjsb-2019-0010.

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5

Klikauer, Thomas. "The AfD and völkisch authoritarian populism in Germany." Patterns of Prejudice 54, no. 3 (2019): 303–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2019.1621453.

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6

Werr, Sebastian. "Zwischen völkischer Bewegung und Nationalsozialismus." Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 77, no. 1 (2020): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/afmw-2020-0003.

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7

Kott, Matthew. "Latvia’s Pērkonkrusts: Anti-German National Socialism in a Fascistogenic Milieu." Fascism 4, no. 2 (2015): 169–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00402007.

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Aside from equating it with Hitlerism, there have been few scholarly attempts to define national socialism and specify its relation to the broader category of fascism. This article posits that national socialisms are a sub-genus of fascism, where the distinguishing feature is an ultaranationalism based on a palingenetic völkisch racism, of which anti-Semitism is an essential element. Thus, national socialism is not just mimetic Hitlerism, as Hitler is not even necessary. National socialist movements may even conceivably be opposed to the goals and actions of Hitlerism. To test this definition, the case of Latvia’s Pērkonkrusts [Thunder Cross] movement is analysed. Based on an analysis of its ideology, Pērkonkrusts is a national socialist movement with a völkisch racialist worldview, while also being essentially anti-German. The case study even addresses the apparent paradox that Pērkonkrusts both collaborated in the Holocaust, and engaged in resistance against the German occupation regime.

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8

Mölich, Georg. "Kurt Düwell Karl Otto CONRADY: Völkisch-nationale Germanistik in Köln." Geschichte in Köln 27, no. 1 (1990): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/gik.1990.27.1.111.

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9

Stennes, Rahel. "Strategien jüdischer Selbstermächtigung im völkisch-antisemitischen Diskurs der 1920er Jahre." Yearbook for European Jewish Literature Studies 8, no. 1 (2021): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/yejls-2021-0007.

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10

Horváth, Franz Sz. "Ethnic Policies, Social Compensation, and Economic Reparations: The Holocaust in Northern Transylvania." East Central Europe 39, no. 1 (2012): 101–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633012x640180.

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The article examines the Holocaust in Northern Transylvania. It concentrates on the anti-Semitic traditions of the Hungarian community and the exclusion of Jews from their minority society. Moreover, the article seeks to highlight the connection between the Holocaust in Hungary and ethnic resettlement plans. The völkisch background of such plans reveals similarities with the German movements of populations that had been carried out shortly before.

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11

Paulsen, Reinhard. "History of the 'Hanse Cog'." Hansische Geschichtsblätter 133 (May 30, 2020): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/hgbll.2015.81.

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Contents1. Municipl cogs: “Germany at Sea”2. From a state-like to a völkisch-Nordic Hanse3. The invention of a “Hanse cog” in NS-times4. The “Economic Miracle Hanse”5. “Hanse cog” : setting the post-war course6. The discovery of the Bremen ship in 19627. A Frisian-cog- and a Hanse-cog-legend8. Gradual retreat of the Hanse and shipping research9. The state of medieval shipping research10. Outlook

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12

Spencer, Heath. "The Thuringian Volkskirchenbund, the Nazi Revolution, and Völkisch Conceptions of Christianity." Church History 87, no. 4 (2018): 1091–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640718002408.

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In the German church elections of July 1933, prominent liberal Protestants in the state of Thuringia gave their support to the Deutsche Christen (German Christians), a pro-Nazi faction that sought to establish a uniquely “German” form of Christianity based on “blood” and “race.” At first glance, this development might suggest an affinity between liberal Protestant theology and völkisch (racist-populist) conceptions of Christianity. However, a closer examination of events leading up to this decision reveals that pragmatic and strategic considerations were at least as important as ideology. Although liberal Protestant leaders ultimately determined that cooperation with the Deutsche Christen was necessary, they did so reluctantly, and only after they were convinced that other options had been exhausted. This article examines church-political alignments in Thuringia during the Weimar and early Nazi eras, with an emphasis on the aims and priorities of the Volkskirchenbund (People's Church League), a liberal Protestant faction in the Thuringian regional synod. It traces the decision-making processes behind the events of 1933, the motives and perceptions of key players, and diverse responses of leaders as well as rank and file members. Their story illustrates one of the more complicated paths toward Christian complicity in the Third Reich.

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13

Ziemann, Benjamin. "Martin Niemöller als völkisch-nationaler Studentenpolitiker in Münster 1919 bis 1923." Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 67, no. 2 (2019): 209–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/vfzg-2019-0012.

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Vorspann Martin Niemöller ist bekannt als ein Anführer der Bekennenden Kirche, der für seine Haltung mit jahrelanger KZ-Haft belegt wurde, und als Nachkriegsmahner für ein kirchliches Bekenntnis zur Mitschuld am Nationalsozialismus. Auch eigenes Schweigen angesichts politisch-moralischer Herausforderungen hat er selbstkritisch thematisiert. Benjamin Ziemann indes zeigt im vorliegenden Beitrag auf, dass sich die Problematik von Niemöllers Verhalten vor seiner Konfrontation mit dem NS-Staat nicht in Passivität erschöpft. Während seiner Studienzeit in Münster leistete er vielmehr als völkisch-deutschnationaler Studentenfunktionär Demokratiefeindschaft und Antisemitismus aktiv Vorschub.

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14

Ensel, Remco. "Dutch Face-ism. Portrait Photography and Völkisch Nationalism in the Netherlands." Fascism 2, no. 1 (2013): 18–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00201009.

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This article takes its cue from an essay by Gerhard Richter on Walter Benjamin and the fascist aestheticization of politics. It examines the portrait photography of Dutch photographer W.F. Van Heemskerck Düker, who was a true believer in the ideology of a Greater Germany. He published a number of illustrated books on the Dutch Heimat and worked together with German photographers Erna Lendvai-Dircksen and Erich Retzlaff. When considering what type of photography was best suited to capture the photographic aesthetics of the fascist nation, the article argues that within the paradigm of the Greater German Heimat we find not so much a form of anthropometric photography, as exemplified by the work of Hans F.K. Günther, as a genre of Heimat portraits that was better equipped to satisfy the need to unify two crucial structural oppositions in fascist ideology, namely mass versus individuality, and physical appearance versus inner soul.

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15

Koehne, Samuel. "Religion in the Early Nazi Milieu: Towards a Greater Understanding of ‘Racist Culture’." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 4 (2016): 667–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416669420.

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In recent years there has been a renaissance of studies into the diverse relationships between National Socialism and esoteric or occult religious trends, which appears to form a remarkable return to the work of George L Mosse. Yet within these debates there has been surprisingly little space devoted to the question of what specifically ‘counted’ as religion in the early Nazi milieu. This article seeks to address this problem through a detailed study of the views on religion in one of the major antisemitic groups in the 1920s, the German Socialist Party, which had a number of significant connections to the NSDAP. The German Socialist debates on religion have remained largely unexamined, and this article analyses the group’s response to the Nazis’ 25 Point Programme, the German Socialists’ own debates about religion, and their views on the most important völkisch authors who were seeking a ‘religious revival’. It demonstrates that views on religion in the early Nazi milieu were extremely diverse, but commonly adhered to notions of race and a racial spirituality that amounted to a kind of ‘ethnotheism’. It argues that concepts of religion in völkisch groups at the time, including the NSDAP, have to be principally understood as part of a particular and extreme ‘racist culture’.

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16

Wils, Lode. "Van de scholierenbeweging, via de landdagbeweging, naar een volksbeweging? Pol De Mont (1857-1931)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 78, no. 1 (2019): 36–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v78i1.15720.

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De veelzijdige literator Pol De Mont (1857 -1931) droeg gedurende decennia aanzienlijk bij tot de ontwikkeling van de Vlaamse taalbeweging in de richting van een nationale volksbeweging. Hij was een van de initiatiefnemers in de organisatie van een katholieke Vlaamse scholierenbeweging in de jaren 1870. Na zijn overgang naar het vrijzinnig liberalisme werd hij een voorvechter van de samenwerking van confessionele en vrijzinnige flaminganten, en van de democratische verruiming van hun beweging. Hij beleed heel sterk de völkische verbondenheid van Vlaanderen met Duitsland, sympathiseerde in de Eerste Wereldoorlog met het activisme, en werd een anti-Belgisch nationalist.__________ From the student movement via the ‘Landdag’ [Diet] movement towards a popular movement? Pol De Mont (1857-1931) The protean belletrist Pol De Mont (1857-1931) was for many decades instrumental in the Flemish movement’s transition from a predominantly linguistic movement towards a mass national movement. De Mont played a leading role in the organisation of a Catholic Flemish student movement in the 1870s, and, following his conversion to secular liberalism, became an ardent proponent of an augmented collaboration between confessional and non-denominational flamingants, and of a democratic enlargement of the movement. Moreover, De Mont would profess the völkisch [folkish] union between Flanders and Germany, sympathise with the activist movement during the First Word War, and ultimately proclaim himself an anti-Belgian nationalist.

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17

Wils, Lode. "Van de scholierenbeweging, via de landdagbeweging, naar een volksbeweging? Pol De Mont (1857-1931)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 78, no. 1 (2019): 36–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v78i1.15720.

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De veelzijdige literator Pol De Mont (1857 -1931) droeg gedurende decennia aanzienlijk bij tot de ontwikkeling van de Vlaamse taalbeweging in de richting van een nationale volksbeweging. Hij was een van de initiatiefnemers in de organisatie van een katholieke Vlaamse scholierenbeweging in de jaren 1870. Na zijn overgang naar het vrijzinnig liberalisme werd hij een voorvechter van de samenwerking van confessionele en vrijzinnige flaminganten, en van de democratische verruiming van hun beweging. Hij beleed heel sterk de völkische verbondenheid van Vlaanderen met Duitsland, sympathiseerde in de Eerste Wereldoorlog met het activisme, en werd een anti-Belgisch nationalist.__________ From the student movement via the ‘Landdag’ [Diet] movement towards a popular movement? Pol De Mont (1857-1931) The protean belletrist Pol De Mont (1857-1931) was for many decades instrumental in the Flemish movement’s transition from a predominantly linguistic movement towards a mass national movement. De Mont played a leading role in the organisation of a Catholic Flemish student movement in the 1870s, and, following his conversion to secular liberalism, became an ardent proponent of an augmented collaboration between confessional and non-denominational flamingants, and of a democratic enlargement of the movement. Moreover, De Mont would profess the völkisch [folkish] union between Flanders and Germany, sympathise with the activist movement during the First Word War, and ultimately proclaim himself an anti-Belgian nationalist.

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18

Virchow, Fabian. "Entgrenzung und Ordnung. Entstehung und Artikulation einer völkisch-nationalistischen Massenbewegung in Deutschland." Neue Kriminalpolitik 29, no. 1 (2017): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0934-9200-2017-1-36.

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19

Hare, J. Laurence, and Fabian Link. "The Idea of Volk and the Origins of Völkisch Research, 1800–1930s." Journal of the History of Ideas 80, no. 4 (2019): 575–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhi.2019.0032.

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20

Puschner, Uwe. "The völkisch-religiöse Bewegung in the long fin de siècle and National Socialism." Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte 30, no. 1 (2017): 162–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/kize.2017.30.1.162.

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21

Ehrig, Stephan. "From ‘Völkisch’ Culture to Dialectical Marxist Aesthetics: Staging Kleist’s Hermannsschlacht in the GDR." Publications of the English Goethe Society 87, no. 2 (2018): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09593683.2018.1485348.

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22

Blaich, Roland. "Health Reform and Race Hygiene: Adventists and the Biomedical Vision of the Third Reich." Church History 65, no. 3 (1996): 425–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169939.

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German Seventh-day Adventists entered the Nazi era with apprehension. As a foreign sect which resembled Judaism in many respects, Adventists were particularly threatened by a society based on the principle of völkisch racism. Yet the new state also had much to offer them, for it held the prospect of new opportunities for the church. The Nazi state banished the scourge of liberalism and godless Bolshevism, it restored conservative standards in the domestic sphere, and it took effective steps to return German society to a life in harmony with nature—a life Adventists had long championed.

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23

Schultz, Hans Dietrich. "Albrecht Penck: Vorbereiter und Wegbereiter der NS-Lebensraumpolitik?" E&G Quaternary Science Journal 66, no. 2 (2018): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/egqsj-66-115-2018.

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Abstract. Albrecht Penck was one of the eminent representatives of Quaternary research in the first half of the twentieth century. But apart from this, there was a political-geographical side to Penck, which, since 1945, has long been ignored or downplayed by geographers. Today, given his concept of Volks- und Kulturboden, he is considered as having ushered in German geography the völkisch (ethno-nationalistic) turn. Thus, critics say, he paved the way for Nazi Lebensraum policies and became an accomplice in the resulting crimes. The present contribution examines Penck's political-geographical worldview and reaches an ambivalent conclusion regarding the accusations.

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24

Eversberg, Dennis. "Gefährliches Werben." Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen 31, no. 4 (2018): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fjsb-2018-0082.

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Abstract Eine immer wieder geäußerte Kritik an Postwachstums- und Degrowth-Ansätzen unterstellt diesen unreflektierte Offenheiten und Anknüpfungspunkte für eine Unterwanderung oder Instrumentalisierung durch autoritär-nationalistische und völkisch-rassistische Akteure, oder gar stillschweigende Sympathie für deren Positionen. Der Beitrag geht dieser Kritik nach, indem er aufzeigt, in welcher Weise sich verschiedene rechte Gruppierungen und Autoren auf Wachstumskritik beziehen, wie sie sie zu vereinnahmen versuchen, und welche Argumente aus der wachstumskritischen Diskussion sich ihnen dafür besonders anbieten. Anschließend wird der Umgang der verschiedenen Strömungen von wachstumskritischer Debatte und Aktivismus in Deutschland mit solchen Avancen diskutiert, und es werden Anforderungen an eine ‚vereinnahmungsfeste‘ wachstumskritische Position herausgearbeitet.

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25

Ian Hall, David. "Wagner, Hitler, and Germany’s Rebirth after the First World War." War in History 24, no. 2 (2017): 154–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344515608664.

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This article examines German national renewal following defeat in the First World War. It emphasizes the importance of a ‘unique’ German culture, particularly the music dramas of Richard Wagner, in the politics of pan-German nationalists, Hitler, and the National Socialist Party. Hitler believed national revival depended on the rebirth of German culture, a concept that predated the war and was popular in völkisch circles and the radical right. Hitler owed his rise from obscurity as much to his appeal to cultural longings, which enabled him to attract the attention of Bavaria’s elite, as he did to his political ideas and abilities.

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26

PAIGE, KIRSTEN. "On the Politics of Performing Wagner Outdoors: Open-Air Opera, Gesamtkunstwerk and the Third Reich’s ‘Forest Opera’, 1933–45." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 146, no. 1 (2021): 147–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rma.2020.26.

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AbstractThis article explores the politics of performing Wagner outdoors, focusing on the Waldoper in Sopot, Poland, and its operations under the Third Reich. Festival literature suggests that the Reich combined climatic deterministic logic with established open-air theatrical practice to implicate experiencing Wagnerian sounds outdoors as inculcating völkisch character in Poles, positioning the festival within the Reich’s imperial mission. However, this vision from ‘on high’ was undermined by bureaucratic disorganization and inefficiency, much like other Nazi artistic projects. The article concludes with a discussion of the post-war afterlives of the Waldoper and its attendant mythologies.

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27

Robinson, David, and Ryan Tafilowski. "Conflict and concession: nationality in the pastorate for Althaus and Bonhoeffer." Scottish Journal of Theology 70, no. 2 (2017): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930617000035.

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AbstractIn their 1920s expatriate theologies, Paul Althaus and Dietrich Bonhoeffer claim to be bound by a conflictual international ‘law’, which mandates violent competition while authorising the strong to displace weaker peoples. We argue that acknowledging such correspondence helps to reveal a surprising turn in their diverging ecclesiological judgements over the 1933 Aryan Paragraph. Ironically, although Althaus holds to the productivity of conflict between peoples, he supports the exclusion of Jewish pastors in Germany as a concession to fragile völkisch identity. In contrast, Bonhoeffer's new pacifist leanings coincide with his incitement to conflict on behalf of Jewish colleagues, overriding the use of Pauline admonition to defer to the ‘weak’ conscience.

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28

Hall, Mirko M. "Death in June and the Apoliteic Specter of Neofolk in Germany." German Politics and Society 35, no. 2 (2017): 60–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2017.350205.

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The musical aesthetics of neofolk has held a significant place within Germany’s dark alternative scene since the early 1980s. With its keen interest in paganism, dark romanticism, and völkisch mysticism, this genre is often associated with right-wing ideologies. Neofolk has been accused by some of creating acceptable social spaces for fascist cultural ideals, and by others for harnessing contradictory right-wing messages as new modes of aesthetic creativity and provocation. This article explores the continued popularity of the English band, Death in June, in Germany and seeks to problematize critics’ attempts to unequivocally characterize the band and genre as nostalgia- laden hipster fascism.

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Hund, Wulf D., and Stefanie Affeldt. "‘Racism’ Down Under: The Prehistory of a Concept in Australia." Zeitschrift für Australienstudien / Australian Studies Journal 33/34 (2020): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35515/zfa/asj.3334/201920.02.

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‘Racism’ Down Under. The Prehistory of a Concept in Australia The conceptual history of ‘racism’ is hitherto underdeveloped. One of its assertions is that the term ‘racism’ originated from a German-centric critique of völkisch and fascist ideology. A closer look at the early international usage of the categories ‘racialism’ and ‘racism’ shows that the circumstances were much more complex. Australia lends itself for validation of this complexity. It once shared a colonial border with Germany, had a substantial number of German immigrants, and, during both world wars, was amongst the opponents of Germany. Even so, the reference to Germany is only one of many elements of the early concept of ‘racism’.

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30

Wiedemann, Felix. "Der doppelte Orient Zur völkischen Orientromantik des Ludwig Ferdinand Clauß." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 61, no. 1 (2009): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007309787376000.

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AbstractOne of the main topics of the völkisch racial scientist Ludwig Ferdinand Clauß was the racial cartography of the Orient. Based on older discussions in anti-Semitic literature, Clauß constructed a racially divided – double – Orient and made a sharp distinction between Arabs and Jews. His depiction largely follows patterns of ascription from Orientalist as well as anti-Semitic discourses. By doing so he draws attention to structural overlaps and differences between Orientalism and anti-Semitism: a romanticized Arabic Orient served as an antipole to a “Nordic” Europe, and as such was finally able to advance to a positive alternative. The Jewish Orient, on the other hand, embodied for Clauß a threatening ambivalence and contrariety, which from the very beginning precluded romanticization and identification.

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31

Polenz, Ruprecht. "Die langen Wurzeln ‒ Zur Geschichte des Rechtsradikalismus in Deutschland (Ost und West)." GWP – Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft, Politik 68, no. 3-2019 (2019): 445–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/gwp.v68i3.14.

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Ein „Alarmsignal“ hat Innenminister Horst Seehofer den Mord an dem CDU-Politiker Walter Lübcke genannt, ganz so, als hätte er wie ein Blitz aus heiterem Himmel eingeschlagen. Dabei hätten die Alarmglocken seit langem läuten müssen. Rostock-Lichtenhagen, Hoyerswerda, Mölln, Solingen, die NSU-Morde. Aber Zusammenhänge und Kontinuitäten wurden übersehen oder ausgeblendet, wenn über die einzelnen Straftaten und Vorfälle berichtet wurde. Auch in den inzwischen zahlreichen Büchern, die sich mit dem Rechtsradikalismus im allgemeinen und der völkisch-nationalistischen AfD im besonderen auseinandersetzen, werden lange Linien eher selten gezogen. Das Buch „Zur Rechten Zeit - Wider die Rückkehr des Nationalismus“ nimmt diese Perspektive ein. Die Historiker Norbert Frei, Frauke Maubach, Christina Morina und Maik Tändler wollen die „wiederkehrenden rechten Logiken aufzeigen und durchschaubar machen“ und nehmen dafür die jüngere deutsche Geschichte seit 1945 bis heute in den Blick.

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Roel Reyes, Stefan. "Antebellum Palingenetic Ultranationalism: The Case for including the United States in Comparative Fascist Studies." Fascism 8, no. 2 (2019): 307–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00802005.

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Abstract This article examines how the Southern proslavery defense produced a distinctly proto-fascist ideology. Rather than comparing the Antebellum South to twentieth century racist regimes, this study compares Southern fascist thought to Germany’s nineteenth century Völkisch movement. The author uses Roger Griffin’s Palingenetic Ultranationalism to explore how the Antebellum South promoted an illiberal vision of modernity. The author argues that proto-fascists rejected liberalism, had a profound sense of social decay, and advanced a vision of a new man, new political structure, and a new temporality. The striking similarities between nineteenth and twentieth century fascist movements mandates that the Antebellum American South should be included in comparative fascist studies. The results of this study contextualize the comparisons made between American racism and fascism along with deepening our understanding of fascism’s protean qualities.

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33

Pautz, Hartwig. "The German New Right and Its Think Tanks." German Politics and Society 38, no. 4 (2020): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380403.

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This article presents an analysis of how think tanks of the German New Right have sought to expand the reach of the New Right into far-right electoral politics, specifically those embodied by the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party. Informed by social network analysis and document analysis, the research focuses on the years between 2013 and 2017, the period that saw the foundation of the AfD, its shift to the right toward embracing nationalist-völkisch positions, and its entry into the Bundestag. The data show that only a few New Right think tanks have strongly engaged with the AfD for the purpose of changing ideology, personnel, or policy. Most of these think tanks are well-networked with other actors, such as magazines and campaign groups from the wider far right.

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Poewe, Karla, and Lrving Hexham. "The Völkisch Modernist Beginnings of National Socialism: Its Intrusion into the Church and Its Antisemitic Consequence." Religion Compass 3, no. 4 (2009): 676–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8171.2009.00156.x.

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Holtmann, Everhard. "„Das Volk“ als Fluchtburg in Krisenzeiten." GWP – Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft, Politik 68, no. 1-2019 (2019): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/gwp.v68i1.08.

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Die Wahlerfolge der AfD rühren daher, dass die Partei erfolgreich ein psychologisches Krisen-Reaktionsmuster bedient, das in Deutschland gegenwärtig verbreitet und auch historisch nachweisbar ist. Die verbindende ideologische Klammer der rechtspopulistischen Botschaft ist die Projektion von völkischer Identität, welche die Abgrenzung „des Eigenen“ gegen „das Fremde“ einschließt. Die geistigen Ursprünge des völkischen Ideologems und der damit verknüpften völkischen Feindbilder lassen sich bis in die Anfänge des 19. Jahrhunderts zurückverfolgen.

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Weidinger, Bernhard. "“... in order to Keep German Soil German”: Austrian Burschenschaften, Nationalist Ethnopolitics and the South Tirol Conflict after 1945." Austrian History Yearbook 45 (April 2014): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000684.

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Burschenschaften, as a particular type of German-nationalist (völkisch) student fraternity, have partaken in shaping Austrian politics in numerous ways since the nineteenth century. Acting as the standard-bearers of German nationalism in Austria after 1945 and being strongly represented in the ranks of the Freedomite Party of Austria (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs/FPÖ), they have been able to maintain a degree of political relevance up until the present day—their intimate ideological, personal, and institutional entanglement with the National Socialist regime notwithstanding. Nonetheless, their history has so far almost exclusively been written by fraternity members themselves, and mostly in an affirmative, if not apologetic fashion; critical assessments for the post-1945 era in particular are limited to a small number of articles that, for the most part, are based on secondary literature rather than on primary sources.

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Lange, Felix. "The dream of a völkisch colonial empire: international law and colonial law during the National Socialist era." London Review of International Law 5, no. 3 (2017): 343–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lril/lry004.

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Engstrom, Eric J., Wolfgang Burgmair, and Matthias M. Weber. "Psychiatric governance, völkisch corporatism, and the German Research Institute of Psychiatry in Munich (1912–26). Part 1." History of Psychiatry 27, no. 1 (2016): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x15623692.

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Engstrom, Eric J., Wolfgang Burgmair, and Matthias M. Weber. "Psychiatric governance, völkisch corporatism, and the German Research Institute of Psychiatry in Munich (1912–26). Part 2." History of Psychiatry 27, no. 2 (2016): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x16629579.

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Álvarez Chillida, Gonzalo. "El mito antisemita en la crisis española del siglo XX." Hispania 56, no. 194 (2019): 1037. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/hispania.1996.v56.i194.723.

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El presente artículo pretende aproximarse al tema del antisemitismo español en el crítico periodo de la República, la Guerra Civil y la 2.ª Guerra Mundial. En él se presenta una tipología del antisemitismo contemporáneo, y se sitúa al español dentro de la corriente cristiana, diferenciada de la del racismo völkisch alemán. Se aporta una visión de conjunto de las manifestaciones antisemitas de los diversos grupos de la derecha antiliberal española del periodo citado y de sus antecedentes. Se relaciona el antisemitismo español con la filosofía de la historia dominante en el sector ideológico estudiado. Se resumen las consecuencias que tuvo este antisemitismo en el trato que el régimen franquista dio a los judíos españoles y a los que intentaban huir de la Europa nazi durante la 2.ª Guerra Mundial. Y, finalmente, se aporta una interpretación sobre las funciones ideológicas e históricas del fenómeno estudiado.

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Unger-Alvi, Simon. "Public Criticism and Private Consent: Protestant Journalism between Theology and Nazism, 1920–1960." Central European History 53, no. 1 (2020): 94–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891900092x.

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AbstractBy retracing the history of the Protestant journal Eckart, this article examines a theological forum in which supporters and opponents of the Nazi movement came into direct contact. Specifically, the article evaluates political ambiguities among religious authors, who had openly rejected Nazism from the 1920s onward but would feel compelled by theological considerations to remain loyal to the regime after 1933. Analyzing contemporary discussions of the Protestant Two Kingdoms Doctrine, for example, puts historiographical distinctions between “resistance” and “collaboration” into question. This study shows that Protestant intellectuals were able to voice a limited degree of public criticism until World War II. Their criticism, however, was often so imbued with nationalism and ideals of loyalty that it effectively helped stabilize the Nazi regime. In Eckart, even critics engaged deeply with völkisch and anti-Semitic ideology. Finally, this article also shows how these authors perpetuated nationalist ideas in West Germany after 1945.

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Crim, Brian E. "“Our Most Serious Enemy”: The Specter of Judeo-Bolshevism in the German Military Community, 1914–1923." Central European History 44, no. 4 (2011): 624–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000665.

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That the Wehrmacht participated fully in a racial war of extermination on behalf of the National Socialist regime is indisputable. Officers and enlisted men alike accepted the logic that the elimination of the Soviet Union was necessary for Germany's survival. The Wehrmacht's atrocities on the Eastern Front are a testament to the success of National Socialist propaganda and ideological training, but the construct of “Judeo-bolshevism” originated during World War I and its immediate aftermath. Between 1918 and 1923, central Europe witnessed a surge in right-wing paramilitary violence and anti-Semitic activity resulting from fears of bolshevism and a widely held belief that Jews were largely responsible for spreading revolution. Jews suffered the consequences of revolution and resurgent nationalism in the borderlands between Germany and Russia after World War I, but it was inside Germany that the construct of Judeo-bolshevism evolved into a powerful rhetorical tool for the growing völkisch movement and eventually a justification for genocide.

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Neumann, Thomas. "“Das ist kein deutscher, der für goethe etwas anderes als liebe hat”.1—Ein beitrag zur völkisch‐nationalen goetherezeption." Studia Neophilologica 68, no. 1 (1996): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00393279608588177.

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Windsor, Tara Talwar. "Empire, Authorship and Völkisch Fairy Tales: Hans Friedrich Blunck and the Re-invention of Tradition after World War I." Oxford German Studies 49, no. 4 (2020): 363–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00787191.2020.1840814.

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Cooper, David E. "Reactionary Modernism." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 44 (March 1999): 291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100006779.

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‘Reactionary modernism’ is a term happily coined by the historian and sociologist Jeffrey Herf to refer to a current of German thought during the interwar years. It indicates the attempt to ‘reconcil[e] the antimodernist, romantic and irrationalist ideas present in German nationalism’ with that ‘most obvious manifestation of means–ends rationality … modern technology’. Herf's paradigm examples of this current of thought are two best-selling writers of the period: Oswald Spengler, author of the massive domesday scenario The Decline of the West in 1917 and, fifteen years later, of Man and Technics, and Ernst Jünger, the now centenarian chronicler of the war in which he was a much-decorated hero, whose main theoretical work was Der Arbeiter in 1932. The label is also applied by Herf to such intellectual luminaries as the legal theorist and apologist for the Third Reich, Carl Schmitt, and more contentiously Martin Heidegger. At a less elevated level, reactionary modernism also permeated the writings of countless, now forgotten engineers, who were inspired at once by the new technology, Nietzschean images of Promethean Übermenschen, and an ethos of völkisch nationalism

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Hake, Sabine. "August Winnig: From Proletariat to Workerdom, in the Name of the People." New German Critique 48, no. 1 (2021): 125–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-8732173.

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Abstract In the social imaginaries that sustained Nazi ideology from the 1920s through the 1930s, Arbeitertum, translated here as “workerdom,” played a key role in integrating socialist positions into the discourse of the Volksgemeinschaft. Workerdom proved essential for translating the class-based identifications associated with the proletariat into the race-based categories that redefined the people, and hence the workers, in line with antisemitic thought. The writings of the prolific but largely forgotten August Winnig (1878–1956) can be used to reconstruct how workerdom came to provide an emotional blueprint, an identificatory model, and a compensatory fantasy in the reimagining of class, folk, and nation. The influential Vom Proletariat zum Arbeitertum (1930), as well as select autobiographical and fictional works by Winnig, are used to uncover these continuities through the political emotions, dispositions, and identifications that can properly be called populist. In the larger context of worker’s literature, conservative revolution, and völkisch thought, the Nazi discourse of workerdom not only confirms the close connection between political emotion and populist (un)reason but also opens up new ways to understand the continued attractions of populism as a particular kind of politics of emotion based on the dream of the people.

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Eickhoff, M. "B. Dietz, H. Gabel, U. Tiedau, Griff nach dem Westen. Die "Westforschung" der völkisch-nationalen Wissenschaften zum nordwesteuropäischen Raum (1919-1960)." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 120, no. 2 (2005): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.6240.

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Köck, Julian. "Eine Renaissance völkischen Denkens?" Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialtheorie und Philosophie 5, no. 1 (2018): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zksp-2018-0002.

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ZusammenfassungIn diesem Essay wird auf die starke strukturelle Ähnlichkeit von Gedanken der äußersten Rechten (in Gestalt der Völkischen Bewegung) im späten 19. und 20. Jahrhundert und solchen hingewiesen, die heute überwiegend im linken politischen Spektrum zu finden sind. Sowohl der völkische Nationalismus als auch die „Identitätspolitik“ zielen auf die Konstruktion von Gruppen ab, denen normativer Charakter im Bezug auf ihre Mitglieder eingeräumt wird. Entsprechend werden Identitätsgruppen als die wesentlichen Träger von Gesellschaft und Staat angesehen – und nicht autarke Individuen. Der Essay formuliert abschließend die These, dass sich Rassisten und Antirassisten immer schwerer unterscheiden lassen, was letztlich nichts Gutes für Individualisten, die Vernunft und das Ideal einer aufgeklärten Gesellschaft mündiger Bürger bedeuten kann.

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Wielema, Michiel. "Spinoza in het Derde Rijk." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, no. 1 (2014): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.1.wiel.

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This article examines a number of racist and antisemitic interpretations of the philosophy of Spinoza put forward by German authors in the period 1880-1940. Particular attention is given to the views of völkisch authors such as Eugen Dühring and Houston Chamberlain, and national-socialist philosophy professors such as Hans Grunsky and Max Wundt, who worked within the newly founded discipline of nazi Judenforschung. Their aim was to isolate Spinoza’s thought from its wider ‘Germanic’ context and to present it as typically ‘Jewish’ ‐ with all the negative connotations that word suggested (derivative, intellectualist, materialistic). According to Grunsky, Spinoza’s hidden agenda in developing his political philosophy had been to subject the ‘Aryan’ peoples to the dictates of a ‘new Torah’. At the same time, however, Spinoza’s own interpretation of Mosaic law as a purely political legislation had helped Immanuel Kant develop a pernicious notion of Judaism as a non-religion. Through Kant’s influence Spinoza’s thought was open to exploitation for antisemitic purposes, just as the German-Jewish philosopher Hermann Cohen had feared. The claim that Judaism is not a religion also appears in Hitler’s Mein Kampf. The suggestion that Hitler derived some ideas from Spinoza and the Enlightenment generally is still to be examined seriously.

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Wagner, Josefine. "“Weakness of the Soul:” The Special Education Tradition at the Intersection of Eugenic Discourses, Race Hygiene and Education Policies." Conatus 4, no. 2 (2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/cjp.21073.

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According to Vera Moser, the first professorship of healing pedagogy, Heilpädagogik at the University of Zürich in 1931, established pedagogy of the disabled as an academic discipline. Through the definition of the smallest common denominator for all disabilities, which Heinrich Hanselmann called “weakness of the soul,” a connecting element of “imbecility, deaf-mutism, blindness, neglect and idiocy” was established. Under Nazi rule, school pedagogy advanced to völkisch, nationalist special pedagogy, shifting from the category of “innate imbecility” to a broader concept of disability. As an outcome of these programs and policies, 300,000 people with disabilities were killed as a part of the “T4 Aktion.” Within just a few decades after World War II, special pedagogy expanded its sphere of influence through professionalization and institutionalization in West and East Germany and across Europe. This paper explores how special pedagogy aligned itself with the Nazi regime’s discourse and policy on eugenics and race hygiene, leading to the murder and mass sterilization of “disabled” children and adults. It probes questions regarding the extent to which the professionalization of special pedagogy has drawn from the Nazi-era terminology of the deficient and foreign to legitimate the contemporary migrant bias in German and Austrian special pedagogical care.

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